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dc.contributor.authorLundberg, Grant H.
dc.date.accessioned2006-01-07T16:15:09Z
dc.date.available2006-01-07T16:15:09Z
dc.date.issued2001-01-01
dc.identifier.citationSlovenski jezik / Slovene Linguistic Studies 3 http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/SLS.1808.808
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1808/808
dc.description.abstractSLOVENE: Prispevek predstavlja teoretični pregled instrumentalne analize tonskega poteka v naglašenih zlogih v haloških govorih. Na osnovi podatkov instrumentalne analize se obravnavajo sodobne razmere v haloških govorih v okviru tipologije izgube tonemskosti, pogojene z jezikovnim stikom.

V nasprotju z nekaterimi izjavami v literaturi spektrografska analiza, predstavljena v razpravi, dokazuje za haloške govore odsotnost razločevalne tonemskosti tako v dolgih kot v kratkih naglašenih zlogih. V naglašenih zlogih obstaja le ena vrsta tonskega poteka, in sicer rastoča. V naglašenih zlogih se ton začne nizko in doseže vrhunec po 75 do 80% trajanja zlogovnega jedra, nato rahlo pade, vendar se konča više od začetne točke. Povprečni dolgi zlog se dvigne za 41 Hz do vrhunca pri 274 Hz, nato pa proti koncu zloga pade za 25 Hz. Povprečni kratki zlog se dvigne za 34 Hz do vrhunca 273 Hz, nato pa pade za 16 Hz proti koncu zloga. Razlika je v tem, da je v kratkem zlogu trajanje sicer enakega poteka kot v dolgem za polovico krajše, tj. potek je v kratkem zlogu znatno bolj navpičen.

Pomembno je, da se je po izgubi tonemskega nasprotja v haloških govorih posplošil rastoči in ne padajoči tonski potek. Ta pa ni ne rastoči potek drugih slovenskih narečij ne ‘visoki’ ton cirkumfleksa v slovenskem ali srbohrvaškem knjižnem jeziku, temveč rastoči potek, ki se najde v kajkavskih narečjih. To ni nepričakovano glede na močne zgodovinske zveze med vzhodnimi Haložani in njihovimi kajkavsko govorečimi sosedi.

Ena od možnih razlag za nenavadno tonemskost v haloških narečjih izhaja iz tipološke razčlembe podatkov. Haloški govori morda predstavljajo drugo razvojno fazo v izgubi tonemskih nasprotij kot drugi štajerski oz. panonski govori. V prispevku so haloški podatki predstavljeni v okviru tipologije izgube tonemskosti na kontinuumu od jezikov s popolno tonemskostjo na eni strani do jezikov, ki imajo le naglas oz. ustaljeno mesto naglasa na drugi. Ta tipološki kontinuum je mogoče definirati v smislu visokega tona. Jeziki s popolno tonemskostjo imajo skoraj v vsakem zlogu tonski potek, kar pomeni, da ima beseda lahko več kot dva visoka tona. Jeziki s tonemsko naglašenostjo imajo le po en visoki ton v besedi in mesto tega visokega tona v odnosu do drugih prozodičnih prvin, npr. količine, pogojuje tonski potek. Jeziki z dinamičnim naglasom sploh ne opredeljujejo visokega tona na ravni besede, temveč na ravni stavka. Tipologija se torej premika od jezikov, v katerih so tonemska nasprotja nakopičena v besedah, preko jezikov, v katerih so visoki toni razporejeni tako, da se nahajajo le med leksikalnimi enotami, do jezikov s preprostim naglasom, v katerih je ton opredeljen le na stavčni ravni.

Za opis, kako v okviru te tipologije poteka jezikovni razvoj, se v razpravi uporablja nelinearna formalizacija, ki predstavlja ton in naglas ločeno na tonski in naglasni ravni, ki delujeta vzajemno. Jezik se lahko premakne od tonemsko naglašenega do naglasnega sistema tako, da postopoma zmanjšuje število nasprotij na tonski ravni. Navajajo se primeri iz drugih slovanskih in svetovnih jezikov, ki ponazarjajo občutljivost tonske ravni v pogojih jezikovnega stika.

Po tej tipologiji se haloški govori približujejo koncu kontinuuma. Lahko bi rekli, da se je kontinuum začel z indoevropščino, ki je morda, kot domnevajo nekateri znanstveniki, prešla obdobje s tonemskimi nasprotji. V nekaterih hčerinskih jezikih, med njimi tudi balto-slovanščini, so se razvili tonemsko-naglasni sistemi. Slovenska in srbohrvaška narečja s tonemskim naglaševanjem predstavljajo različice te razvojne stopnje. Vzhodni in osrednji haloški govori predstavljajo vmesno razvojno stopnjo med tonemskim in dinamičnim naglaševanjem. Zahodni haloški in štajerski govori, ki jih obkrožajo, pa so sistemi brez prozodičnih nasprotij, z izjemo mesto naglasa.

Ta tipologija izgube tonemskosti je koristna za razumevanje sicer zelo nenavadnih tonskih razmer v haloških govorih. Dodatne spektografske analize zahodnih južnoslovanskih narečij na meji med tonemskimi in netonemskimi sistemi bi lahko veliko prispevale k našemu dosedanjemu vedenju o izgubi tonemov. ENGLISH: The article presents a theoretical reexamination of an instrumental study of the pitch contour on accented syllables in the dialects of Haloze, a geographical region on the eastern border of Slovenia’s historical province of Styria. Based on the data from this instrumental study, the contemporary situation in Haloze is discussed in terms of a typology of tone loss that is motivated by language contact phenomena.

In contrast to some statements in the literature, the spectrographic analysis presented here indicates that there is no distinctive tone in either long or short syllables Haloze. Rather, there is only one pattern—a rising pitch contour—on accented syllables. On stressed syllables the pitch level starts low and peaks 75 to 80% through the duration of the syllable nucleus, then it falls off slightly but finishes higher than it started. The average long syllable rises 41Hz to a peak at 274Hz and then falls 25Hz to the end of the syllable. The average short syllable rises 34Hz to a peak of 273Hz and then falls 16Hz to the end of the syllable. The difference is that the short syllable makes this contour fit within half the duration of the long syllable. The contour is, therefore, much sharper.

It is significant that when pitch distinctions were lost in Haloze, the rising rather than the falling contour was generalized. This is not the rising contour of other Slovene dialects nor the ‘‘high’’ tone found on the circumflex of Slovene and Serbo-Croatian. It appears to be the rising contour found in Kajkavian dialects. This is not unexpected in light of the strong historical and geographic connections of eastern Haloze to its Kajkavian-speaking neighboring population.

One possible explanation for the unusual tonemic situation in Haloze may be found in a typological approach to the data. Haloze may represent a stage of tone loss that is different from other Styrian or Pannonian dialects. In this paper Haloze is placed within a typology of tone loss that is set up as a continuum from a pure tonal language on one extreme to a language with only dynamic or fixed stress on the other. This typological continuum can be defined in terms of high tone. A tonal language is one that specifies tone levels on virtually every syllable. This means that there can be more than one high tone per word. Pitch-accent languages are those that allow only one high tone per word, and the placement of this high tone in relation to other prosodic features, such as quantity, determines the contour of that tone. Languages with simple stress do not specify tone at the word level at all. They indicate intonation on the phrasal level only. This typology, then, moves from tonal languages, where pitch distinctions are bunched together in each word, to pitch-accent languages, where tonal distinctions are spread out, so that they occur only between lexical items, and, finally, to simple stress systems, which specify tone only on the phrasal level.

As a mechanism for describing how linguistic development might occur within this typology, this study follows a non-linear formalism, which represents pitch and accent using a tonal tier and a stress tier that function together. A language might move from a pitch-accent system to a system of dynamic stress simply by reducing distinctions made on the tonal tier. Examples are given from Slavic and other world languages that show the vulnerability of the tonal tier in language contact situations.

According to this typology of tone loss, Haloze appears to be near the end of the typological continuum. This continuum might be said to have begun with Indo-European, which, some scholars believe, may have gone through a tonal stage. Several of the Indo-European daughter languages, Balto-Slavic being one of them, developed pitch-accent systems. The tonemic dialects of the Serbo-Croatian and Slovene speech territories represent variations of this stage. Eastern and central Haloze represent the middle ground between pitch accent and stress accent. Western Haloze and the Styrian dialects that surround it are systems with no prosodic distinctions other than stress.

This typology of tone loss is a useful tool for understanding the otherwise unusual tonemic situation in Haloze. Additional spectrographic analyses of Western South Slavic dialects on the border between tonemic and non-tonemic systems would contribute significantly to what we know about tone loss.
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoen_US
dc.publisherZRC SAZU / Hall Center for the Humanities
dc.subjectDialectology
dc.subjectSlovene language
dc.subjectSlovenian language
dc.subjectHaloze
dc.subjectPhonetics
dc.subjectautosegmental phonology
dc.subjectWord prosody
dc.subjectAccentology
dc.titleTypology of Tone Loss in Haloze, Slovenia: An Acoustic and Autosegmental Analysis
dc.typeArticle
dc.identifier.doi10.17161/SLS.1808.808
dc.rights.accessrightsopenAccess


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