| dc.description.abstract | SLOVENE: Slovenščina je eden od najmanjših slovanskih jezikov. Govori jo malo več kot dva milijona ljudi, vendar je njen narečni zemljevid eden najbolj zapletenih in razčlenjenih v Evropi. Kljub težavam pri dokumentiranju in razčlenjevanju takega raznovrstnega narečnega sistema, je večina delov, ki sestavljajo to zapleteno celoto, že zbranih (Ramovš 1935, Rigler 1963). Vseeno pa so v slovenski narečni podobi še nekatere vrzeli, za katere je vzrok bodisi v pomanjkanju podatkov ali v nezanesljivih opisih. Ena od teh vrzeli so govori Haloz, majhnega, gričevnatega področja ob slovenski vzhodni meji. Pričujoča razprava prinaša osnovni fonološki opis dveh značilnih haloških govorov, enega iz vzhodnega (Gorenjski Vrh) in enega iz osrednjega dela (Belavšek). Te podatke je avtor uporabil v kratki obravnavi zgodovinskega izvora teh narečnih sistemov. Izvor samoglasniških fonemov govora vasi Belavšek se najde v Riglerjevem splošnem panonskem sistemu (1963: 43), temelječem na sovpadih, ki jih ta sistem predpostavlja (ei < *ĕ; e < *e, *ę, *<polglasnik>). Najzanimivejši sovpadi so sovpadi sprednjih samoglasnikov. Tu so sovpadli refleksi dolgih *e, *ę in *<polglasnik>. To je razvidno iz današnjih osrednjehaloških govorov. Dolgi *e, *ę in *<polglasnik> so vsi dali e.:. V Riglerjevem panonskem sistemu je dolgi jat dvoglasnik s padajočo zvočnostjo; v današnjem govoru Belavška je refleks cirkumlektiranega jata ä:i. Tudi zadnji samoglasniki odražajo tipične panonske procese. Refleksa dolgega *o in *<nazalni-o> sta sovpadla v o:u in *l˚ je nadomestil *u, ki se je pomaknil naprej. V samoglasniškem sistemu Gorenjskega Vrha je nekaj pomembnih razlik. Dejansko sta refleksa psl. dolgega *ĕ in dolgega *<polglasnik> v celotnem vzhodnem delu Haloz sovpadla. Združila sta se v samoglasnik, ki se razlikuje od drugih e-jevskih samoglasnikov. V govoru Gorenjskega Vrha sta dolga *ĕ in *<polglasnik> dala e.:, medtem ko sta dolga *ę in *e sovpadla v e:. To je pomembno. Če namreč domnevamo isti izvor za samoglasniška sistema osrednjih in vzhodnih Haloz, tj. panonski izvor, potem moramo predpostavljati, da so v vzhodnih Halozah refleksi psl. *e, *ę in *<polglasnik> zgodaj sovpadli, da so vsi imeli refleks, ki se je razlikoval od *ĕ, vendar se je *<polglasnik> kasneje oddaljil od tega razvoja in sovpadel z *ĕ. To se zdi zelo malo verjetno. S tega stališča je veliko manj problematično izvajati samoglasniški sistem vzhodnih Haloz iz skupne kajkavske osnove, ki jo je predlagal Vermeer v svoji razpravi iz l. 1983 o razvoju kajkavskega samoglasniškega sistema (456). <186> 4,39=35. <186> 4,39=92.Pomemben podatek, ki izhaja iz te raziskave dveh haloških govorov, je, da haloško narečje notranje ni tako enotno, kot se je mislilo doslej. Trem notranjim izoglosam Zorkove (1. enoglasniški/dvoglasniški samoglasniški sistem, 2. kolikostna nasprotja in 3. možna tonemska nasprotja) je treba dodati še 4. pomik cirkumfleksa / delni pomik, 5. sovpad refleksov jata in polglasnika; in 6. razvoj novih dvoglasnikov, podobnih tistim, ki se najdejo v zahodnohaloških govorih. Možno je, da zemljepisno pokrajina Haloze ne predstavlja enotnega narečnega področja, ampak prostor, kjer se stikajo štajerski (zahodne Haloze), panonski (osrednje Haloze) in kajkavski (vzhodne Haloze) govori. ENGLISH: The Slovene language is one of the smallest of the Slavic family. It is spoken by somewhat more than two million people, and yet it has one of the most complex and variegated dialect maps in Europe. Notwithstanding the difficulties involved in documenting and analyzing such a diverse dialect system, most of the major pieces to this puzzle are in place (Ramovš 1935, Rigler 1963). Still, there are some holes in the Slovene dialect picture which are the result of either a lack of information or unreliable descriptions. One such gap is the dialect area of Haloze, a small, hilly region on Slovenia's eastern border. This paper provides a basic phonemic description of two representative Haloze village dialects, one from the east, Gorenjski Vrh, and one from the center, Belavšek. This data is then used in a brief discussion of the historical provenience of these dialect systems. The origin of the vocalic phonemes of Belavšek can be found in Rigler's common Pannonian system (1963: 43), based on the mergers which that system presupposes, (ei < *ĕ; e < *e, *ę, *<schwa>). The mergers that are the most interesting here are those in the front of the vowel system. Here there was a merger of the reflexes of long *e, *ę and *<schwa>. This can be seen in the contemporary dialects of central Haloze. Long *e, *ę and *<schwa> all give e.:. In Rigler's Pannonian system the long *ĕ is a diphthong with falling sonority, and in Belavšek today the reflex of the circumflected jat is ä:i. The back of the vocalic system also reflects processes common to Pannonian dialects. The reflexes of long *o and *<nasal-o> merged in o:u, and *l˚ replaced *u, which had fronted. The vocalic system of Gorenjski Vrh is different in several important ways. In fact all over the east of Haloze the reflexes of PSl. long *ĕ and long *<schwa> have merged. They have combined into a vowel distinct from the other e-like vowels. In Gorenjski Vrh long *ĕ and *<schwa> give e.:, and long *ę and *e have merged in e:. This is significant because, if we were to assume the same provenience for the vocalic systems of eastern and central Haloze, in other words a Pannonian provenience, we would need to assume that at an early stage in eastern Haloze the reflexes of the PSl. *e, *ę and *<schwa> merged, all of which had a reflex distinct from *ĕ, but later *<schwa> diverged from these and merged with *ĕ. This is impossible. Keeping that in mind, it is much less problematic to derive the vocalic system of eastern Haloze from a Common Kajkavian base like the one proposed by Vermeer in his 1983 discussion of the development of the Kajkavian vocalic system (456). One important bit of information that arises from this examination of two Haloze village dialects is that Haloze is not as internally uniform as was thought. To Zorko's three internal isoglosses, (1) diphthongal/monophthongal vocalic system, (2) quantity oppositions and (3) possible tonemic oppositions, we must add (4) circumflex advancement/partial advancement, (5) merger of the reflexes of the jat and the jers and (6) development of new diphthongs such as those found in western Haloze. It may be that the geographic region of Haloze does not represent one uniform dialect area, but rather the place where Styrian (western Haloze), Pannonian (central Haloze) and Kajkavian (eastern Haloze) meet. | |
