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East German Protestantism Under 
Communist Rule, 1945 - 1961
by Kurt Gust 
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of Scholarly Communication & Copyright.
Submitted to the Department of History and 
to the Faculty of the Graduate School  of the 
University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the 
requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 
1966
EAST GERMAN PROTESTANTISM UNDER COMMONEST RULE, 
B.A.t Bethany College, 1955 
M.A., The University of Kansas, 195^ 
B«D«, Augustana Theological Seminary, 1959 
Submitted to the Department of 
History and to the Faculty of the 
Graduate School of the University 
of Kansas in partial fulfillment 
of the requirement for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. 
19^5-1961 
Kurt Gust 
Dissertation Comndttee 
Chairman 
RD005T Dk.746 
PREFACE 
Since 1 9 E a s t Germany has been a field of bitter conflicts between 
the Christian religion and the Marxist ideology* Even though a final 
chapter about the present conflicts cannot be written at this time, an 
account of this confrontation is presented here with the hope that it 
will offer a meaningful understanding of the factors and events that have 
determined the course of church histoiy in East Germany since 19^5 and 
that, at the same time, it will lend new insights into the cataclysmic 
nature of the world-wide struggle between the Christian church and the 
Communist state. 
The thesis is advanced ±a this paper that Consnunism as an ideological-
political power is determined to obliterate every vestige of religious 
faith on the face of this earth* The very nature of Marxism as a pseudo-
religion demands the complete annihilation of old creeds and faiths, and 
makes peaceful coexistence between the Christian church and the Communist 
state impossible. The persistent goal of Comnaxnist leaders has been to 
bring about the ultimate death of religion, even though for reasons of 
political expedience the church was at times treated with open tolerance 
or even, benevolence. An attempt will be made to prove the validity of 
this thesis through a study of the relations between the Protestant church 
and the Communist state in East Germany between 19^5 and 1961. 
iii 
% way of anticipation, it should bo noted that the following are 
the principal points of the thesis: 
(1) Aside from being viewed as an obvious socio-political world, 
power, Marxism is also seen as a new religion which brooks no opposition 
by old religious faiths* Equipped with its own cults and creeds, Marxism 
vies with the traditional religions for the complete devotion and unswerv-
ing loyalty of man* Its veiy nature propels Marxism into a collision-
course with the Christian church. 
(2) In 19^5 Communism encountered Protestantism as a principal power 
in the East German society. Hie Soviet Russians pursued a moderate church 
policy which, however, was abruptly changed in 19^9 with the creation of 
a new East German state, the German Democratic Republic. The new govern-
ment initiated a Kirohenkampf, a fierce battle against the church, to 
stamp out all organized religion through the use of brute force. The 
Kirchenkampf came to a sudden end in 1953 and a new course was adopted; 
it proved to be an ideological crusade against religion. 
(3) In an endeavor to break the church's influence in society, the 
government established a monopoly over public education and obstructed the 
church's program of religious instruction. Then the state proceeded to 
attack the church's youth organisations in order to destroy their effec-
tiveness and attraction. When this attack proved to be futile, the state 
established pseudo-religious rites as a means to win the allegiance of 
the East German youth. 
The East German government sought to use religion for political 
purposes, but was repeatedly rebuffed by the church in this matter. 
iv 
Reprisal measures against the church were then initiated. 
(3) In an obvious attempt to drive the church Into a private ghetto, 
the state halted some of the church's welfare work* seised several of her 
colonies of mercy, and impaired the collection of funds necessary for the 
operation of her institutions. 
(6) A militant propagation of atheism was inaugurated by the state 
in order to administer the coup de grace to the church. 
(7) The structure of the traditional Volkskirohe in Bast Germany, 
a people's church to which everybody automatically belonged, has been 
shattered under the impact of the attack by the Communist state. People 
have left the church by the thousands, severing their nominal and tradi-
tion-bound ties with established religion. 
For two reasons it seemed proper to end this study with 1961. 
First, the term of Bishop Otto Dibelius as council president of the Evan-
gelical church in Germany expired in February, 19&U Since his election 
to that position in 19^9 Dibelius had been the titular head of German 
Protestantism, being involved in almost all affairs and transactions 
between church and state in both East and West Germany. At times he 
directly determined the course of the church; his personality would now 
no longer dominate the affairs of the church to the same extent. Sec-
ondly, the Bast German government erected a wall in Berlin on August 13, 
1961, forcibly dividing the church into two parts* This action would 
enable the government to pursue even more ruthlessly its objective of 
destroying organized religion and, therefore, constituted the begin-
ning of a new period in the relations between church and state. It 
bwb the -OiuftUv** tern** a legtoftl ^ l a d of pe*w 
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state ftm. W 5 £959; his "book ka* ap^amil^ iwitten, with 
the lu&emttea of reacMn^ m mw& m ihle acid pmswmbl? for 
this aNMen Xaeks all tecimteal 3*Xk*Sf f&il$ to glims? m 
of Nunc** end Lenin* & ing&yfcMt socio^Iitlc&X lUKwatpfciotts about 
reli^sm* w&ttaii which th* reaj&aiM* for the tt&ttsloa between the Chris-
tl&n stoch aasd the Q m m m s t a t e cannot be fuBgr ttn&wstoed. 
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TABLE OF CONTENTS 
PAGE 
PREFACE * ii 
I* TIIS COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY AM) THE CHRISTIAN RELIGICH 1 
A. The Specter of a New Religion 
B. The Comraanist Estimate of the Christian Religion 
1. Sari I'&TX 
2. Vladijnir Lenin 
3. Joseph ?talin 
Nikita Khrushchev 
G. The Communist Encounter with the Christian Religion 
H . THE CGMMBNI3T CHURCH POLICY HI EA3T GERMANY . . . . . . . . hZ 
A. The Mature and Structure of German Protestantism 
B. The Period of Soviet Russian M*tinistration, 19^ 5-19*19 
C. The I&rohenkampf, 19**9~1953 
D» The Hew Course, 1953-1957 
E. Renewed Attacks, 1957-1961 
III. ELIMINATE THE CHURCH'S INFLUENCE IN PUBLIC LIFE: EDUCATION 84 
A. Public Education 
1. Kindergartens 
2. Primary and Secondary Schools 
3. Colleges and Universities 
Adult Education 
B. Helir^ Lous Instruction and Theoloj^ Lcal Education 
1. Religious Instruction 
2. Theological Education 
IV. ELIMINATE THE CHURCH'3 INFLUENCE BT PUBLIC LIFE; YOUTH . . 12? 
A. The Young Congregation and the Student Congregation 
B. The Youth Dedication Rite 
1. The Antecedents of Youth Dedication 
FAGS 
2. The Inception of Youth Dedication 
3. The Mature and Content of Youth Dedication 
The Church's Reaction 
V. SECURE CHURCH SUPPORT FOR THE COMMUNIST CAUSE: POLITICAL 
IMBROGLIO 177 
A* The national Front and Public Referenda 
B. The Loyalty Declaration 
C. The Military Chaplaincy Issue 
D. Religious Forces Supporting Communism 
1. The Christian Democratic Union 
2. The League of Evangelical Clergymen 
VI. CONFINE CHURCH LIFE WITHIN A GHETTO: SOCIAL CONCERNS AND 
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS 22? 
A. Tho Forced Cessation of Social Welfare Services 
B. Tho Seizure of Institutional Building Complexes 
C. The Erosion of the Church's Econoniic Foundation 
D. Impediments in Devotional Life 
£• The Communist Rival Cult 
VII, RENDER THE COUP DS GRACE TO THE CHURCH: IDEOLOGICAL 
WARFARE 27^ 
A. literature 
1. The Hature of Religion 
2. Soviet Science and Religion 
3« The Evangelical Church 
The Roman Catholic Church 
5- Anti-Religious Hovels 
B. The Media of Journalism and Broadcasting 
1. Sputnik Articles 
2. Articles on Church Membership 
3« Radio and Television Programs, Motion Pictures, and 
Stage Productions 
C. Anti-Religious "Art" 
D. The Church's Reaction 
VIII. SUMMARY REFLECTIONS 331 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 339 
I. THE COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY AND THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION 
The specter of a new religion has appeared in the world of the 
twentieth century* It has swept across continents and nations; time-
honored customs and traditions have been ruthlessly uprooted by its 
appearance and old religions and their creeds have crumbled before it in 
dust. Over one-third of the world's population—people of every color 
and race, continent and country—have embraced the new religion and in it 
have apparently found meaning and fulfillment. The new religion will 
brook no opposition by ancient faiths and beliefs—old gods and idols 
must give way to new gods and idols, Marx and Lenin. With terrifying 
persecutions and intermittent ingratiating gestures the high priests of 
the new religion relentlessly seek to extirpate the old and to initiate 
the new, to destroy every vestige of faith in an invisible god, and to 
instill in man new faith in visible gods, the Communist leaders. 
Those who are caught in the collision between the old religion and 
the new, between the Christian church and the Communist regime, undergo 
a painful search of conscience accompanied by excruciating anguish of 
spirit and intellect. If old beliefs and values are found wanting during 
that process of probing the inner recesses of soul and ndnd, man comes to 
accept the new tenets. If old faiths and traditions are found satisfying, 
man's old convictions become fortified through the fire of his mental 
anguish and he truly becomes a man who could be described as *a tree 
2 
planted by the streams of water.** This probing and searching in man has 
occurred wherever Christianity and Communism have encountered each other; 
the nominal Christian found it expedient to leave the church and to 
accept the precepts of the party, while the Christian believer with 
strengthened convictions now found even greater meaning in the fellowship 
of the church or because of fear practiced his faith secretly outside of 
the visible church. From the crucible of fire the church thus emerges in 
Communist countries with her numbers dreadfully reduced, but with her 
witness and mission remarkably refined. This in brief has been the story 
of the church in East Germany since 19^5, or rather, since 1933 when the 
Nazi regime seised the reigns of government. 
Open conflicts between church and state have never been confined 
to Communist countries only, nor have they been just a phenomenon peculiar 
to the twentieth century. Relations between the Christian religion and 
political powers have at times been marked by friction or even by outright 
mutual hostility. The Christian church, which aimed at a moral re genera-
tlon of man and attempted to infuse his mind with the spirit of Christ9 
penetrated into the area of public life, the sphere of the mundane power. 
Man is usually a whole being; psychological factors exerting an influence 
upon his intellect and emotions also influence his conduct, decisions, 
and actions in public life. If the Christian religion has any import on 
his intellect and emotions, it also has some influence upon his behavior 
in public life. On the other hand, the psychological pressures and propa-
ganda of the public sector may also extensively influence man's attitudes 
^Psalm It3. 
3 
and position in the religions sector* With the possible exception of the 
dedicated monk and nun on one hand and the full-fledged hedonist and 
materialist on the other, man in general stands with one foot in the 
religious sector and with the other in the public sector of life, and some 
tension between the two spheres of influence and action is almost Inevitable* 
It is only when church and state are in complete accord about the content 
of the nation's religious ideology and the course of the nation's political 
program that a conflict in man as public citizen and religious being will 
never occur* Such was the case in Greek and Roman antiquity when religion 
was the public cult of the cities and republic and the state supplied both 
the religious beliefs and political programs for its people, for then the 
two powers had merged into one and served primarily the interests of the 
state* It is precisely at tills point that modern Communism reverts to 
the practice of Greco-Roman antiquity and seeks to provide man with both 
a religious frame of 
reference and a political program of action* 
Communism thereby becomes a modern religion which by necessity must 
endeavor to destroy the old faith* Therefore, In Communist countries 
church and state have collided head-on* 
With the appearance of the Christian faith on the stage of history, 
the religious-political situation prevalent in the Greco-Roman world 
underwent a radical change* The ethical precepts of Christ were at times 
diametrically opposed to the religious tenets and political directives of 
the Roman state* A conflict ensued in man as Christian disciple and 
Roman citizen, and a clash between the Christian church and the Roman 
*Hsns Erich Peine, Staat und Kirche (Tueblngent Furche Verlag, 
19^), P. 5. 
state was virtually inevitable • The temporal rulers apparently regarded 
the church as just another "social11 institution which could easily be 
erased through the application of brute force* Fierce persecutions were 
initiated but they did not bring forth the desired results* On the con-
trary, Christians greatly multiplied during the two and a half centuries 
of harassment* In order to end this precarious relation between church 
and state, Constantino I (2887-337) decreed in 311 an edict of toleration 
for the Christian religion and two years later he established religious 
liberty for all subjects, 
Constantino's decree by no means removed all difficulties in the 
relations between church and state* Christ had admonished his disciples 
to "render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the 
things that are God's*"* Nevertheless, friction between the spiritual 
and temporal authorities continued to plague nations and empires, for 
precisely which of the two possessed the right to define what belongs to 
Caesar arid what to God? Each of the two powers insisted that it had the 
peculiar right to define the extent of not only its own sphere of 
influence, but that of the other as well. To this veiy day a completely 
satisfactory solution to this ancient problem has not been found, but as 
a rule some overt or covert agreement between church and state regulates 
their relations in many nations* To be sure, the exact nature of the 
agreement varies from country to country, but each of the two powers 
recognises the rightful existence of the other and respects its peculiar 
authority, securing thereby a maximum degree of mutual good will. 
* Matthew 22t21. 
5 
In contrast to the workable agreements reached in many neutral and 
Western countries, the relations between church and state in almost all 
Communist nations represent a regression to the conditions similar to 
those of the Greco-Roman world or the pre-Constantinian era.* The 
people of antiquity regarded their emperors as both military leaders and 
incarnate gods, and worshiped them as the embodiment of the "highest 
good*M In like manner the Communists of the twentieth century receive 
their religious and political, social and economic directives and 
inspiration from their leaders who compose the "infallibleH dictatorship 
of the proletariat. Marxist leaders do not only issue political and 
economic directives to the members of the party, but they also demand 
an unwavering devotion to the mission of the proletariat. The Communist 
regime seeks tc exerciss complete control over all facets of life, public 
and private. It is partly through this end savor that Communism becomes a 
religion which cannot permit the existence of sny rival cult or faith. 
The church which may be in position to vie with Communism over the 
2 
intellect and volition of man must be crushed, through any available means. 
It is the specter of this new religion which has haunted the world of the 
twentieth century* 
A. The S-oecter of a ffew Religion 
A number of Christian theologians and Western intellectuals state 
in theii' wlLings that they have noted the existence of a remarkable 
4 
"Aus der evangelische Kirche in der Ostsone Dsutschlands,n Kirchen-
blatt fuer die reformlerte Schweis. CXIII, Sr. 3 (February 7, 1957), PP* 36-
2 
"Die Christen hinter dem eisernen Vorhang,* Fuer Arbeit tmd 
Sesinnung, XT, Nr. 20 (October 15, 1952), p* 232* 
6 
similarity between Christian theology and Comnumist ideology* Some 
even believe that Ooimmism is nothing but a perverted form of Ciiristian-
ity and all agree that much of the appeal which Cowaunisa has in some 
regions of the world today may be due in part to its pseudo-religious 
character* They asseverate that Comittunist beliefs Inspire the hope in 
many people, particularly in und»i>ileveloped countries, that they will be 
c redeemed from the shakles of social injustice and from the bonds of A 
economic want through proletarian efforts* 
Gustav Wetter, a prominent Jesuit scholar, contends that Christian-
ity and Communism resemble each other in a number of tanets and beliefs.* 
Christians and Cozaaanists alike believe that evil in this world was intro-
duced through a "fall* of man. To be sure, to a Christian, the fall 
constitutes the volitional disobedience of man to God as symbolised through 
the story of the "Garden of Eden*" To a Communist, evil appeared in the 
world through the introduction of private property and through selfish 
greed and surplus production in the bourgeois society. According to 
Christian teaching, redemption from the daemonic evil in the world comes 
through the efficacious suffering of Christ, but according to Communist 
teaching redemption is accomplished through the efficacious suffering of 
the proletariat. Furthermore, in Communist understanding the proletariat 
will not only succeed in liberating itself from social injustice, but 
will liberate all of mankind as well. The Bible constitutes for the 
Christian the infallible authority for his life, his morals, and conduct. 
* Gustav Wetter, Dialectical Materialism* expanded and trans, by 
Peter Heath (New lorkl Frederick A. Praeger, 1958). 
7 
The Marxist classics serve the same purpose for the adherent of Commun-
ism. In spite of these similarities, Wetter believes that there exists 
one basic difference between the Christian religion and the Communist 
ideology and it pertains to the concept of the absolute* The Christian 
concept of the ultimate and absolute centers in God, a supernatural 
power; the Communist idea of it is fixed in matter, a natural phenomenon* 
Rudolf Karlsch, a Roman Catholic intellectual, makes an interest-
ing comparison between the teachings of Communist ideology and Christian 
theology!* (1) Absolute matter is eternal, uncaused and omnipotent vs. 
the absolute God is eternal, uncaused and omnipotent; (2) Original sin 
is private property vs. original sin is pride and disobedience; (3) Actual 
sin is the self-estrangement of man from his social responsibility vs. 
actual sin is the personal moral deficiency of man; The incarnation 
of matter vs. the incarnation of the second person of the divinity; 
(5) Redemption through the proletariat vs. redemption through Jesus 
Christ; (6) The atoning suffering of the proletariat vs. the atoning 
suffering of Christ; (7) The elected proletariat vs. the elected people 
of Israel; (8) The revelation of the natural way of salvation by his-
torical materialism through Karl Marx vs. the revelation of the super-
natural way of salvation by the Gospel through Jesus Christ; (9) The 
teachings of Marx as absolute truth vs. the teachings of Christ as 
absolute truth; (10) Class struggle vs. sin struggle; (11) The 
injunction "realise yourself" vs. the invitation "follow after me"; 
1 Rudolf Karisch, Der Christ und der dialektlsche Materlallsmus. 
2nd ed. (Berlin! Morus Verlag, 195^77 pp. 156-157. 
8 
(12) The commandment to become one with tlw* world vs. tho oomaftndiaftiit 
to "subdue th© world"; (13) fa© exhortation to work and work a till 
more vs. the exhortation to work and pray; (14) Han elated hljm&XX 
through work and production vs. God created mm in Ids own i^age; 
(15) The elevation of the canonical works by i^ arx and i^ igelfc, Lenin url 
Stalin vs» the elevation of the canonical books of the Old &ad Raw i'^ &t-
aments; (16) A religion of militant hatred vs. a religion of abundant 
love; (1?) The Comaunist party is the guardian of truth vs. the Christian 
church is the guardian of truth; (IB) The axiom of the materialistic dia-
lectic vs. the axioms of religious dogma; (19) The }Marxist slogans, 
contingent upon the economic base, are the inspiration for moral action 
vs. the Ten Commandments given fay Uod are the unequivocal basis for 
moral actions; (20) The Infallible authority of the Communist party as 
anchored in the central committee vs. the infallible authority of the 
Roman Catholic church as manifested by the pope and ecumenical councils; 
(21.) Unrestricted censorship of non-Communist literature for all 
citizens of the Communist state vs. restricted censorship of forbidden 
books for members of the Roman Catholic church; (22) The Communist 
youth dedication rite with preparatory instruction vs. Christian con-
firmation of youth with preparatory instruction; (23) Self-criticism 
as an instrument for the destruction of individual personality vs. con-
fession as a means for the renewal of individual personality; (2*0 The 
chanting of slogans and singing of Communist hymns by masses In liturgical 
form vs. praying and singing of Christian hymns by congregations in 
liturgical form; (25) Through world revolution to world power vs. through 
world mission to a universal church; and (26) Social progress means 
9 
"forward to victory with tho Communist movement" vs. social progress 
means "closer to God." 
Keins-Dietrich Wendland, a Protestant professor In Germany, In one 
of his books also undertakes a comparative study of Communist and Christian 
beliefs. Since many of his points are similar to those in Karlsoh9s 
analysis, It would be superfluous to list them all. It will suffice merely 
to mention two or three significant observations made by him about the 
1 
esohatologloal beliefs of Communism and Christianity. 
It is Wendland9s conviction that Communism and Christianity each 
has a definite eschatology. Communists believe In an imminent realisa-
tion of a classless soolal order which Is to follow the dictatorship of 
the proletariat. This belief fills the minds of millions of people with 
tenacious hope and ardent seal and is somewhat identical to the Christian 
anticipation of a climactic end of this world and the simultaneous 
Inauguration of a visible kingdom of God. Nikolai Berdiajev, a Russian 
philosopher, thinks that the esohatologloal hope of Comamism—the advent 
of a classless society—cannot be proved at all scientifically; the Idea 
of a Utopian Communist society may be at best regarded as a religious 
vision and not as a scientific fact, because Karl Mane was unable to prove 2 
it on the basis of scientific historical data. 
Wendland observes that a second eschatologlcal note in Communist 
Ideology is based on Marx9s teaching that the bourgeoisie represents the 
1 * Heins-Dietrlch Wendland, Chrlstliche und kommunistiche Hoffnung 
(Tueblngent J.C.B. Mohr, 195*0» PP» 217-219. 71 
2 
Nikolai Berdlajev, tfahrhelt und Luege des Komrounismus. trans. by 
J. Schor (Darmstadt and General Holle Verlag, 1953), P* 22. 
10 
evil fore* on earth while the proletariat represents the righteous force* 
The latter mat wage a ceaseless battle against the evil bourgeoisie until 
the decisive victory is won. A -*orld revolution is necessary to stamp 
out the evil and daemonic force* This corresponds to the Christian con-
cept of the struggle between good and evil, between God and the Devil, 
and to the final judgment of the world when the wicked will be condemned 
to eternal punisluaent* Wendland agress fully with Karlsch that Communism 
as a dynamic religion has inherent potentials to win the world for its 
cause* He states that "it is the great, successful missionary religion 
of our time.*** The social concepts of dialectic materialism are elevated 
to a position of church doctrine. For instance, such concepts as "class 
struggle," ^dictatorship of the proletariat," "revolution," and "exploi-
tation* are not merely charged with socio-economic implications but 
with pseudo-theological sentiments as well. 
Acoording to Arthur Rich, the main difference between a Communist 
party member and a Christian disciple lies in their understanding of 
2 
the nature of the redemptive agent. The Cornwailst exacts the prole-
tariat, a natural phenomenon, to shape the course of history and to 
bring about the eschatologicf.1 event of the classless society. The Christ-
ian believes that Christ, a supernatural phenomenon, is the Lord over 
history and that in due time the kingdom of God will be ushered in by Him. 
The Communist is convinced that a redemption of mankind must be achieved 
* Wendland, p. 217. 
2 
Arthur Rich, Marxjstische und ohrlstliohe Zukunftshoffnung 
(Zuerioht Zwlngli Verlag, 1955), P* 12. 
11 
through human initiative, while the Christian believes that a redemption 
of humanity can be brought about only through divine Intervention* In 
other words, in Communist ideology the imminent event becomes a transcen-
dental hope, the historical processes are transformed into superhistorical 
Ideals* In Christian theology the transcendental God becomes an 
Imminent man, the superhistorical realm breaks into the historical 
world*1 
One of the Marxist goals is the transformation of man from a 
bourgeois "slave1* to a self-reliant and confident Cowuunist person* This 
change takes place when man awakens to a conscious perception of the 
dialectic processes in history and becomes aware of the significance 
which these processes have for him* He comes to the realisation that 
the class struggle between the capitalist and proletarian classes is not 
an artificial creation of Communism, but that it is determined by precise 
scientific-dialectic laws of history* The utter destruction of the bour-
geois class according to these laws is Inevitable, since it occupies a 
position in history which the proletarian class by necessity must negate* 
During the act of his "regeneration", man comes to perceive the pragmatic 
truth and validity of the dialectic principle and volitionally decides 
actively to participate in the processes of history. "Marxism means 
nothing else but a free participation in a dialect of necessity, in a 
movement, which is necessary and free—not free because man could oreate 
in**., p. 12. 
2Jean Laoroix and Henri de Lubac, Der Mensch in marxjstischer und 
christlicher Schau. trans, by n.n. (Offenburgl Dokumente Verlag, 19^577 
p. 17. 
12 
or stop it, but because when it is recognized he is able to shape it 
extensively, or when it is not recognized, he must bear it."* 
The road which leads to tho classless society as it faces the newly 
^regenerated41 Communist is hard and difficult. In order to reach the 
goal he must struggle against the bourgeoisie with all his strength. 
To be sure, th© capitalist system is doomed in any case by the scientific 
laws of unfolding history, but an active participation in historical 
events may hasten the destruction of capitalism and accelerate the 
inauguration of th© Utopian classless society. Even world wars waged 
against capitalist soci©ty or among bourgeois nations themselves are 
desirable because they speed up the pace of bourgeois disintegration. 
With this in mind the Communist entertains a new concept of morality: 
everything that serves to expedite historical processes is intrinsically 
good and, conversely, everything that tends to impede these processes is 
inherently evil. In other words, all actions which enhance the revolu-
tion of the proletariat are considered moral and those which retard the 
2 
revolution ar© considered immoral. Imbued with such a sense of 
morality, th© Coriimunist experiences no qualms of conscience when in his 
battle against the capitalist world he must resort to practices which by 
Christian standards would be immoral. A statement by a Soviet Russian 3 scholar, P. F. Kolonizki, clearly illustrates this concept of morality; 
^Ibid., p. 12. 
^Ibid.. p. 21. 
^P. F. Kolonizki, Kommunistische und relirdoese itoral, trans, by 
Gottfried J. itfojtek (Berlin: Verlag Junge Welt, 1953), p. 19. 
13 
In contrast to religious morals, Communist morals ara based 
on responsibility to people. Whatever serves the oause of the 
people, the interests in the liberation of laboring people, and the 
creation of the classless society—that is unconditionally moral. 
In contrast, whatever harms the cause of the people, whatever 
serves to suppress the laboring people, and whatever impedes the 
battle of Communism—is unconditionally immoral. This criterion is 
completely clear and infallible . . . Here exists no mythical re-
sponsibility but a real one—the cause and well-being of people are 
regarded as the highest good. The best example of Communist morals 
is the life and struggle of the great leaders of the laboring people, 
the builders of Conaaunism, Lenin and Stalin. 
The unique attraction which Communism has for many people lies in 
Its attempt to redeem mankind from the shaokles of social Injustice.* 
Thus the socially underprivileged people, particularly in underdeveloped 
areas, easily fall tinder Its spell. Just as Christianity wishes to redeem 
mankind from disobedience to God as the source of all sin, so Marxism 
intends to redeem man from private property as the root of all social 
injustice. Christ is the Redeemer in the former case, while the proletar-
iat is the redeeming agent in the latter case. The World Council of 
Churches succinctly perceived this aspect of the new religion at the Amster-
dam assembly in 19^3 when It declared that Communism held forth to man-
kind *a promise of an almost complete redemption of humanity within his-
tory."2 The Council further stated that Christians throughout the world 
should recognise that the inception of Communism and Its present strength 
is due largely to the prevailing socio-economic injustices in many countries. 
The church is partially responsible for these conditions, and thus for 
the rise of Comaamism, because she had usually sided with the foroos 
^Wlllem Banning, Der Kommunismus als politisotwsoslalo Weltreligjon. 
trans, by Paul Bam (Berlin! Lettner Verlag, 1953), p. 263. 
2Ibid.. p. 279-
21 
which defended the status quo. Therefore, Marxism with its glowing 
promises has a much greater appeal to the starving and suffering masses of 
the world than the Christian church and her message.* 
In addition to appealing to people in underdeveloped countries, 
Communism also casts a spell over soms people in the West, largely because 
they admire the advances in technology and the physical sciences in the 
2 
Soviet Union. Superhumen powers are ascribed to technology in our day 
and age, and it is expected that through its use the face of the earth 
will be altered. During the Christmas season of 1918 a Socialist news-
paper in Germany featured an article entitled HA Machine is our Savior."^ 
This heading precisely expressed the promise of technology to mankindt 
the machine is your savior that will free you from your material want 
and needs. Man is called upon to make himself the ruler and lord of 
this planet through the use of the machine and any relianoe upon super-
natural powers is discarded as patent superstition. This faith in 
technology is taught in all Communist countries as part of classical 
Marxist doctrine while in Western countries it is proclaimed by certain 
private organizations alone. Nevertheless, this belief constitutes a 
bond of unity between East and West; the Soviet Union and its Communist 
ideology are idolised as a technological leader in the twentieth century k by some people in the West. 
iIbld»» p* 279* 
2 
Jakob Homraes, Kommunistlsohe.Ideologje und christliche Fhilosophle. 
4th ed. (Bonn! Bundes sent rale fuer Heimatdienst, 195$), PP* 37-38. 
3 
Wendland, p. 221. 
^Hommes, pp. 37-38. 
15 
Intellectuals constitute a third group which is easily susceptible 
to the spell of Communist ideology. Czeslaw Milosz, a Polish diplomat 
who broke with the Communist regime, made an interesting study of the 
intellectual fs attitude toward Marxism. He did this primarily with 
reference to the intellectual's position In the Soviet satellites, but 
his conclusions may well be applicable to intellectuals anywhere. 
Milosa thinks that theology was the unifying bond that held nations and 
civilization together in the medieval age. The peasant behind the plow 
as well as the scholar behind books were occupied with questions of theo-
logy. Today the church has long since ceased to influence and guide the 
masses of people in that fashion. Scholars and artists have completely 
put aside theology and occupy themselves with questions of philosophy, 
and peasants hold to old religious doctrines only through the force of 
tradition. The unifying principle has disappeared in society; there is 
a schism between intellectuals and "common" people so that the latter are 
no longer able to understand the thoughts of Intellectuals and to com-
prehend the art of modem painters and sculptors. let the intellectual 
wishes to be a part of the mass of people in society. Coimunism steps 
into this vacuum and supplies society and its people with a unifying 
system of thought; the kitchen boy in a restaurant, the peasant in his 
field, and the manager of a business concern read the same Marxist litera-
ture and once again the intellectual becomes a part of the people.1 Of 
course, some intellectuals join the ranks of Communism for entirely 
different reasons and not necessarily for the one given by Mi loss; keen 
*Cseslaw Milosz, Yerfuehrtes Denken. trans, by Alfred Loepfe 
(Koeln-Berlins Verlag Kiepenheuer and Witsch, 195*0, p. 15. 
16 
disappointment with Western democracy or personal convictions about the 
validity of Marxist claims could certainly be plausible reasons for an 
acceptance of Communism by intellectuals, 
By way of recapitulation 9 it should be emphasised that Communism is 
not merely a socio-political phenomenon but rather that it is a modern 
religion with its own unique creeds, values, sense of morality, conversion 
experience, eschatological hope, and redemptive agent. This explains 
better than Communism's direct rejection of Christianity the reason for 
an inevitable head-on collision between the Christian church and the 
Communist regime whenever a country of hitherto Judeo-Christlan orien-
tation falls under the control of Soviet Russia. Comnunlsm is not just a 
socio-political movement but it is also a modern religion, which cannot 
tolerate the existence of an old rival religion. As a matter of faot, 
the founders of Communism repeatedly made it plain that with the victory 
of the proletariat all religions and churches would have to vanish from 
the face of this earth. The Communist manifesto's call for the ruthless 
extirpation of religion and the church will be better understood after 
a brief analysis of pronouncements on that subject by the four major 
figures of Communism, Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, and 
Nikita Khrushchev. 
B. The Communist Estimate of the Christian Religion 
Statements made by well-known Communist theoreticians and leaders 
Indicate that a peaceful coexistence between Christianity and Communism 
is impossible. Marx firmly believed that with the demise of the bour-
geoisie the Christian religion would die a natural death and when this 
17 
did not com© about in Soviet Russia after 191?, open warfare against 
religion was initiated by Lenin and continued by Stalin and Khrushchev. 
A brief analysis of the estimate of the Christian religion held by these 
four leading Communists will clearly show that the unwavering goal of 
Communism is the unequivocal obliteration of religion through every 
available means. 
1. Karl Marx 
The law of economic determinism is undoubtedly one of the most inte-
gral parts of Karl Marx's (1813-1883 )* ••science* of dialectical mate-
rialism. According to this law, processes of history and structures of 
society, physical labor and intellectual pursuit are solely determined 
by economic motive. In other words, men in their daily activities are 
incapable of responding to any other than economic incentives. Material 
want and needs shape life in its manifold patterns of expression; all 
feeling and emotion, institutions and industries, and wars and revolu-
tions are determined by a material base. This does not mean that the 
economic base cannot change; on the contrary, depending on the avail-
ability of the material necessities of life such as food, clothing, and 
shelter, the intensity of material motivation may decrease or increase 
among people. By the force of this logic Marx concluded that the economic 
base Is the sole factor which determines the behavior pattern of man 
Karl Marx was educated at the Universities of Berlin and Bonn; 
he expressed his Socialist views as editor of the Rheinische Zeitung: in 
exile he helped to organise the German Workingman's Association and the 
Communist League; with Engels he jointly Issued the Communist Manifesto; 
while in exile he wrote his best known work, Das Kapjtal; he took en active 
part in the organisation of the International Workingman's Association 
in 1864; Marx is regarded as the founder of Marxist Socialism. 
18 
as an individual and of society as a corporate body. 
Karx asserted that all institutions and organisations* including the 
church, constitute superstructures which overgird the economic base. 
Superstructures are not capable of motivating man in hi* actions but, 
rather, are reflections of real economic want or selfish economic desires. 
For example, entrepreneurs and capitalists may create a superstructure 
in terns of an industrial cartel in order to keep the price level of a 
certain product artificially high, or laborers may establish a super-
structure in the form of a union in order to bargain more effectively for 
better wages and a higher standard of living. The reason for the reli-
gious superstructure is also economic in nature, namely, it is nothing 
less than the economic misery of the masses and their protestation 
against that misery.* A further elucidation of this concept may be 
necessary in order to gain a clear understanding of Marx's definition of 
the religious superstructure. 
People who livo in economic misery and general drudgery wilJ. ultimately 
turn to some mechanism in order to escape the unpleasant and harsh real-
ities of life. Religion is unquestionably ona of the mo3t expedient 
devices for ©scape; it is relatively easy for man's imagination to turn 
to a dream world and to visionary glories of an after-life in heaven in 
order to find consolation and comfort in his present disagreeable sur-
roundings. Man forms a nebulous religious world of imagination so that 
he might b« better able to endure the cruel realities of his enviroment. 
1 Hermann Scheler, Die Stellung des Marxlsmus-LenlnlsMus zur 
Religion. 3rd ed. (Berlin! Diets Verlag, 1958), pp. 15. 
19 
Religion becomes *fehe opium of people* which causes mm to fall into a 
religious trans* of tranquility, without wliicn the odious realities of 
life could become intolerable. The fact that man must resort to mental es-
cape and oeok consolation in a life after death constitutes a negative 
protestation against the economic condition in which he finds himself. 
With this in mind, Marx asserted that ^religion is the groan of a 
1 
creature in pain, and the conscience of a heartless world.* 
The superstructure of religion is comparable to a mirror which 
objectively reflects the image of a given object. The very existence of 
religion in a given country is a strong indication of the presence of 
miserable economio conditions for the vast majority of people. If these 
oppressive conditions were removed, the need for religion would cease to 
exist; therefore, it may be taken for granted that whenever religion is 
found in a nation a large number of people suffer great economic hardship. 
The really heinous aspect of religion in Marx*s view lies in the 
fact that the bourgeoisie uses the church in an attempt to secure a firmer 
grip ever the proletariat and to manipulate it materially to the greatest 
degree possible. As long as poverty-stricken people are led to believe 
in a world of religious fantasy, they will not attempt to improve their 
economic lot through revolution. It is always in the interest of the 
wealthy to steep the destitute In their superstitious religious beliefs. 
The more firmly the proletariat is led to believe in religious promises, 
the quieter and less demanding It is apt to be. The more that ^ religious 
opium" is administered to people, the greater the material profit gained 
1Karl Marx and Friedrich Sngels, Ueber Religion (Berlin! Diets 
VerUg, 1958), p. 31. 
20 
by the selfish bourgeoisie. Most clergymen are in partnership with 
capitalists and reinforce the superstitious notions of religion among 
people in order to keep them in a perpetual state of suppression and 
poverty, ignorance and fear. 
Marx thought that the proletariat could be freed from the enslave-
ment of religion only through a drastic improvement of economic condi-
tions. Religion would die a natural death as soon as a positive change 
was effected at the economic base; when the economic misery of hapless 
people ended, the need for religious escape would automatically cease 
to exist.* The change at the economic base would come about only 
through the initiative and victory of the proletariat. It would be 
absurd to expect it to come through bourgeois efforts, since the material 
gain of the proletariat realized through its victory would be the material 
loss for the capitalist class. Only a victory of the proletariat over 
the bourgeoisie would put an end to religion. By the same token, Marx 
felt that neither an intellectual enlightenment of people nor an Ideo-
logical campaign against religion would free the masses from their 
"religious prejudice and superstition11 because the roots of their religious 
faith were not intellectual, but material in nature.2 Therefore, he 
thought it important not to initiate an ideological attack upon religion 
but rather to cut off the roots of religion itself, namely, the economic 
misery of people. When this occurs the superstructure of religion would 
collapse and religion would wither away in a most natural manner. 
1Ibid.. pp. ?k9 106-109. 
2Ibid.. p. 63. 
21 
Frledrlch £ngels (1820-1395)» a close friend and associate of tfarx, 
was in complete agreement with Marx's views on religion. In IB?6 he re-
iterated Marx's optima tic remarks that religion would fall into oblivion 
as soon as a positive change took place at the economic base** 
• . • when through seizure of the total means of production 
and through a planned management thereof, society has liberated 
itself and all its members from the slavery wherein it is pre-
sently kept * • « then will also disappear the last foreign power 
which presently is still reflected in religion, and thereby will 
also disappear the religious reflection itself, simply because 
there will no longer be anything left to be reflected. 
When a political struggle between Bismarck's government and German 
Catholicism took place in the 1870*s, Engels warned repeatedly against 
the use of measures by the government which were directed at the sup-
pression of religion. He feared that these measures would create 
religious martyrs, around whom Christian believers would rally. Harsh 
laws aimed at a quick death of religion may have an adverse effect since 
they may actually strengthen the religious beliefs of people. With this 
In mind Engels admonished Socialists in Germany not to do anything vio-
lent or hasty about religion, but to wait patiently until the elimination 
of economic misery would force religion to die a natural death. 
Walter Sens, a Protestant pastor in Germany, states that Marx was 
a competent scientific thinker and that his writings reveal an accurate 
portrayal of socio-economic conditions in nineteenth century England. 
However, even though these deplorable conditions no longer exist in 
present-day England, religion has not died a natural death In that 
country. The same observation could be made about a number of other 
1Jb&d*, p. 120 
22 
countries. In view of this fact, the validity of Marx's "scientific* data 
on the origin and roots of religion could be seriously questioned. Sens 
further notes that Marx was already a full-fledged atheist when he resided 
In the camp of the Prussian bourgeoisie and that he developed some facets 
of the Communist ideology at that time. Thus his negative findings about 
religion as revealed in dialectical materialism may not necessarily be the 
direct result of scientific research, but they may have been determined by 
his prior bourgeois antagonism towards religion. With every fiber of his 
being Marx devoted his life to a cause which he thought would redeem mankind 
from the shackles of sodal injustice and economic misery.* 
2. Vladimir Lenin 
2 
Vladimir Ilich Lenin (18?0-192*0 was in full agreement with Marx's 
dictum that religion is the opium of people and that its roots are found 
in economic misery, but he also injected the idea that the ultimate death 
knell of religion would be tolled by Ideological warfare, the latter 
concept, which evolved through pragmatic experience with religion from 
191? to 192^, differed greatly from Marx's belief that religion would 
die a natural death. 
^Walter Sens, Die Irrelis&oese Sntwicklung von Karl Marx (Hallet 
Sduard Kilns Buchdruck-Werkstaetten, 1935), P* 
Z 
Lenin was educated at the University of Kazan, from which he was 
expelled because of revolutionary activities; at a party congress at 
Brussels in 1903 he organised the Bolshevikl faction of the socialist 
movement, advocating a tightly-knit party nucleus; after the overthrow 
of the osarlst government in 1917, he returned to Russia from exile; 
In October, 191?, the Bolshevik! under his leadership seised the reigns 
of government; from 1917 until his death in 192*1-, Lenin remained the 
head of the Soviet government in Russia; his most important written 
works are 1 The Ifeyelopment of Capitalism in Russia (IB99), What is to 
be Done? (1902), and Imperialism, the Highest Stage c£ Capitalism (1916). 
23 
At tho turn of tho twentieth century Lenin still accepted Marx's 
•views on religion without much deviation. He stated in 1909 that 
"religion is the opium of the people—this dictum of Marx's is the corner-
stone of the whole ilarxist view on religion;" he also reaffirmed his men-
tor's contention that socio-economic misery is the main cause for all 
religious phenomena and that '''the deepest root of religion today is the 
2 
social oppression of the working masses • . • Lenin avowed that 
^Marxism has always regarded all modem religions and churches and all 
religious organizations as instruments of bourgeois reaction that serve 3 
to defend exploitation and to drug the working class." Therefore, it 
is the foremost task of the proletariat to unite and overthrow capitalist 
rule, thereby eliminating economic misery and obliterating every trace 
of religion. But already in 19091 when he reiterated these classical 
ilarxist statements, Lenin suggested that it would also be possible to 
undermine the fabric of religion through atheistic propaganda. To be 
sure, the destruction of the bourgeois yoke would continue to be the 
most urgent task for the party, for "no educational book can eradicate 
religion from the minds of the masses, who are crushed by the grinding 
toil of capitalism . . . ." Yet this does not mean that the possi-
bilities of anti-religious books and of sweeping atheistic propaganda 
i 
Vladimir I. Lenin, i%rx-En<^ els-l-!arxlsm, 3rd ed. revised and en-
larged (Moscow; Foreign Languages publishing House, 19^7), p. 2&Q. 
pp. 2^3-2^4. 
3lbid.,, pp. 240-241. 
k Ibid., p. 244. 
24 
eaiiipai&us should tut be thoroughly investigated, ewn though it should 
bo understood from tho tagliiniftg that if such campaigns are xmdartaken 
they will play only a very negligible role in the proletarian battle 
against tits bourgeoisie. Aside from this new idea on religion» Lenin 
did not deviate frcm the la^aey of Marx until the Bolshevik Revelation 
in 1917» 
riarx was a dogmatic thinker who looked at religion from a detached 
and scientific point of view and then wrote his conclusions. On the 
other hand, Lenin, as head of the Soviet gov&rmimt from 1917 to 1924, 
was compelled to deal with religion in a pragmatic encounter. When 
the Bolshevik! assumed control of the government in 1917 they were all 
apparently convinced that the natural demise of religion was at hands 
when this did not happen a fierce persecution was initiated by them In 
order to expedite the death of the church. It was mad© public in 1922 
that by that time 20 bishops and 1,414 priests of the Russian Orthodox 
church had already been executed by the Soviet government.* In spite of 
these brutal measures the desired result was not obtained, for organised 
religion was not completely wiped out. This may account for the new 
church policy set forth by Lenin in 1922, namely, that Communism should 
resort to Ideological warfare in order to bring about the annihilation 
of religion. 
Lenin wrote an article in 1922 entitled "On the Significance of 
Militant Materialism." In that article he urged all Soviet editors and 
publishers to use their journals and newspapers as organs of atheistic 
1 
Horst Schrey, Die Generation der Bntsdieidung (Muenchenf 
Christian Kaiser Verlag, 1955), p. 25 . 
25 
propaganda, Lenin opined that one of the worst errors which a Marxist 
could make would be to believe that the millions of peasants and laborers 
of Russiafs vast population, who for centuries had been steeped in 
"religious ignorance and superstition,11 could be persuaded to sever their 
relation with the church through a slight acquaintance with Marxist 
thought. On the contrary, it would take patient ideological work to 
break the magical spell which religion casts on people: "These millions 
should be supplied with the most varied, atheistic propaganda material, 
they should be made acquainted with facts from the most varied spheres 
of life, they should be approached in this way and in that way, so as to 
interest them, rouse them from their religious torpor, stir them from 
the most varied angles and by the most varied methods, and so forth. 
In his zeal for anti-religious propaganda, Lenin was even willing to 
use certain anti-Christian books written by bourgeois authors and to 
publish them for mass distribution. Arthur Drew*s book, The Christ 
f^orth. and R. I. Hipper*s pamphlet, The Qrifdn of Christianity, were 
thought to have particularly good potential in spreading atheism in 
Russia, if rewritten with a proper Marxist interpretation. Nadezhda 
Krupskaia, Lenin* s wife, stated that her husband felt all along that a 
deep penetration of atheistic ideas should take place among people before 
2 
the influence of religion could be broken. 
At the time of his death in 1924 Lenin had changed some of his 
views about the demise of religion—he had come to know through practical 
experience that religion does not disappear automatically with the 
- Lenin? p. 478. 
^ John Shelton Curtiss, The Russian Church and the Soviet State, 
1917-1950 (Boston; little & Co., 1953), p. 200. 
26 
overthrow of the bourgeoisie and he now advocated the use of ideo-
logical warfare to bring about the desired goal. 
3* Joseph Stalin 
The ideological warfare of militant atheism directed at the exter-
mination of religion in Soviet Russia found the full support of Joseph 
Vissarionovioh Stalin (1879-1953)» the successor of Lenin.1 He stated 
in 193^ that "religious notions" had not yet been fully overcome because 
the comprehension of the intellect and the development of consciousness 
2 
always lags behind the actual economic situation; this explains the 
persistence of religious faith among some people, but in due time even 
the few who still cling to the church would come to understand the false 
nature of their religious beliefs. In addition, the capitalist world 
attempts unceasingly to revitalise religious ideas and to steep the 
consciousness of Soviet people with them, impeding the transition from 
"religious ignorance" to atheistic enlightenmentIn order to intensify 
the ideological warfare the program of the Communist party in regard 
to religion was rewritten in 1934 under the direction of Stalin. The 
revised program stressed much more a systematic and consistent die* 
semination of anti-religious knowledge. 
* Stalin was educated at the Orthodox parochial school of Gori 
and theological seminary of Tiflis; as editor of an outlawed Marxist 
paper, he was arrested by osarist police and exiled to Siberia; in 
1917 he was elected a member of the Bolshevik party1 s first politburo 
and in 1922 first secretary of the Communist party in the Soviet Union; 
after Leninfs death in 1924, Stalin eventually became the head of the 
Soviet Russian government, a position which he retained until his death 
in 1953. 
2 
Joseph V. Stalin, Problems of Leninism (Moscow! Foreign 
Languages Publishing House, 195*0» P« 630. 
^Ibid.. p. 630. 
27 
Stalin thought that ©van though the Soviet state should remain neutral 
toward religion—a concept which was advocated by Lenin and was actually 
anchored in article 124 of the Soviet Russian constitution—the Communist 
party of the Soviet Union could not be indifferent to religion. In the 
constitution freedom for both the exercise of religion as well as for 
anti-religious propaganda was granted to all citisens. Stalin believed 
that the Communist party should make use of its right as laid down in 
article 124 to engage in vigorous propaganda against religion. This was 
absolutely necessajy because religion as a "superstitious force" impeded 
the scientific development of Soviet Russia, and also because religion 
was diametrically opposed to th© interests of the working people.* 
Therefore, Stalin felt that a new intensified ideological campaign leading 
to the extirpation of religion was in order. 
4. flikita Khrushchev 
In 1953 Nlklta Khrushchev (1894 - )2 succeeded the deceased Stalin 
as first secretary of the Communist party of the Soviet Union. Although 
in February, 195&» he condemned some of Stalin's policies, Khrushchev 
did not deviate from the precedent set by Lenin and Stalin in regard to 
religion. On July 24, 1954, Pravria called for a "Broader Development 
of Scientific-Atheistic Propaganda" against such remnants of bourgeois 
* Joseph V. Stalin, Works (Moscow! Foreign Languages Publishing 
House, 195*0, vol. H , p. 368. 
o 
Born as a son of a wealthy peasant, Khrushchev received his 
education at the Workers* Faculty of Kharkov University; in 1939 he 
was elected to the politburo of the All-Union Central Committee; during 
World War II he was a member of several military councils; upon Stalin*s 
death in 1953» he was elected first secretary of the Communist party of 
the Soviet Union and in 1958 chairman of the Council of iiinisters; he 
retained these posts until his involuntary "retirement" in 196":. 
28 
ideology as religion* Since ?ravd&» as the official organ of tho Commnist 
party of Soviet Union, never published ir%>$rfcant articles without 
approval by highest political authorities, this article really signified 
the renewal of an ideological crusade against the church initiated this 
time by Khrushchev. 
One of the most viable and harmful remnants >f capitalism in 
the consciousness of people is religion—the religious prejudice. 
This prejudice still poisons part of our nation aod prevents people 
from participating actively in the construction of Communism. 
The propaganda of the materialistic world view, the spread of 
natural-scientific knowledge, and the battle against any kind of 
prejudice and superstition constitute an important part of the 
gigantic work which our party renders in educating people towards 
Communism, and towards the overcoming of the remnants of bourgeois 
ideology.1 
The article pointed out that article 124 of the Soviet Russian con-
stitution guarantees all citizens of the country complete freedom in the 
practice of religion as well as in the exercise of anti-religious pro-
paganda. Organisations of the Communist party and labor unions should 
not remain passive toward religion, but should make use of their freedom 
and engage in an ideological battle against religion. The same applies 
to institutions of learning and the press, whose foremost duty is to 
liberate people, particularly peasants, from their religious prejudices 
through sdentlflo-atheistic propaganda. However, the campaign should 
be conducted in such a way that the religious feelings of believers 
should be offended neither by the method nor by the content of the pro-
paganda, for otherwise they might become steeped even more with their 
superstitious prejudices and hold on even more tenaciously to their 
religious tenets. The scientific-atheistic propaganda should be carried 
*?ravda. July 24, 1954. 
29 
on so as to influence people and to win them for Communism through 
"conviction and the spread of scientific knowledge." The depiction of 
Soviet successes in science and technology should constitute the most 
important part in this propaganda. 
The ideas presented in the above article were crystallised in a 
directive issued by the Central Committee of the Communist party of the 
Soviet Union.1 The directive was entitled, "Mistakes in the Conduct of 
Scientific-Atheistic Propaganda Among People," and it apparently met with 
the full approval of Khrushchev since it was signed by him. The directive 
stated that under the Impact of the success of Soviet science and the 
rise of the cultural level of the country, most people in the Soviet Union 
had severed their ties with religion and only a few still held on to 
religious beliefs. In order to win even this small minority for Com-
munism it would be imperative to wage in earnest a scientific-atheistic 
campaign against religion so that it would not offend the religious 
feelings of believers. 
The directive further stated that "thorough and patient scientifio-
atheistic propaganda conducted in a matter-of-fact manner" would ulti-
2 
mately liberate believers from their religious errors. To be sure, the 
Soviet state considers religion to be the private affair of the citlsen, 
yet the Communist party, which alone stands on the scientific basis of 
dialectical materialism, cannot remain neutral toward religion because 
the church promulgates ideas which are completely unscientific and 
1Fravda. November 11, 195**. 
2Pravda. November 11, 1954. 
30 
thereby obstruct the furtherance of the material welfare of mankind 
provided by science. Therefore, religion mast be stamped out entirely 
so a greater degree of material prosperity and a rise of the cultural 
level of people would be achieved. "While science stands upon scientific 
experimentation and upon facts rigidly tested and confirmed by life, 
religion stands upon Biblical or some other kind of tradition and some 
fantastic fabrication of the imagination." For this reason the party and 
its organizations must engage in an ideological battle to stamp out reli-
gion* However, the battle should not be political or administrative in 
nature, but purely ideological, the directive warned. To be sure, recent 
attacks on religious believers and their spiritual leaders, made by lectur-
ers and newspaper editors, had been insulting in character, but such a 
development was not in keeping with the intention of the party—insulting 
attacks and acbrdrdstrative measures directed against believers could actu-
ally strengthen them in their "religious prejudices *s' The directive con-
cluded that such abortive practices should be abandoned and be replaced 
by a systematic dissemination of scientific-atheistic knowledge. 
Iii 1961 Khrushchev repeated once more the arguments of the previous 
directive. 
Communist education presupposes the emancipation of the mind 
from the religious prejudices and superstitions that still prevent 
some Soviet people from displaying their creative ability to the 
full. A more effective system of scientific-atheistic propaganda 
is needed, one that will embrace all sections and groups of the 
population, and will prevent the dissemination of religious views, 
especially among children and adolescents.* 
%ikita Khrushchev, Khrushohev Reports to the 22nd Congress of 
the CPSU (New York: Crosscurrents Press, 1961), vol, I, p. 177. 
31 
In brief t th« Communist estimate of religion has always been that 
religious faith and Conustmist ideology are incompatible and that a clash 
between tho two powers is inevitably Marx believed that the Christian 
religion would die a natural, death with the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. 
Lenin cams* to th® tacit realisation that Marx's dictum would not come 
about and so he sought to achieve the destruction of religion throu^i a 
brutal persecution, later he initiated an ideological battle against 
religion which was continued by Stalin and Khrushchev. Even though 
different approaches toward religion were used by these four prominent 
Marxist leaders, their goal of obliterating religion has remained the same. 
C. The Communist Encounter with the Christian Religion 
It has been shown that Communism is determined to eradicate reli-
gion. This goal was clearly set forth by the founding fathers of Com-
munism and its most notable leaders repeatedly pledged that they would 
continue to work for its speedy realisation. In its first actual encoun-
ter with religion in Soviet Russia, the Communist regime made it patently 
clear that it was bent on obtaining that goal by every available means. 
The validity of its theoretical estimate of religion could now be tested 
in the crucible of a pragmatic encounter with the Russian Orthodox church. 
Since the practical experiences gained in this encounter were later used 
by Communist leaders in dealing with religion in other Soviet-dominated 
countries,1 a brief account of it may be helpful in gaining a better 
understanding of Communist aims and policies towards organized religion 
in East Germany. 
W MaoSoln, Th. CosMonlst Wjr on tollmen ( * . Tork. Th. 
Devin-Adair Co., 1951), p. 1. 
32 
Csarlst Russia had developed a closely-knit alliance between churoh 
and sUt®, Already Grand Duke Vladimir (956-1015)* the first Christian 
ruler of Russia, elevated the Russian Orthodox church to a position of 
great eminence and influence and made her the official state church• 
Originally, the Russian Orthodox church was a part of the Greek Orthodox 
church centered at Constantinople. Thrsugh this link the Russian Ortho-
dox church was imbued with the theological tradition that the church 
should be obedient and submissive to temporal powers,* This concept, 
although rejected by such sectarian groups as the Old Believers, made 
it relatively easy for the Romanov dynasty (1613-191?) to incorporate 
the Russian Orthodox church into a bureaucratic apparatus of the state. 
In the early part of the eighteenth century Peter the Great (1682-1725) 
made an ecclesiastical Innovation which considerably increased the power 
of the secular authorities over the church. He convoked the "holy 
synod" which replaced the patriarch as the authoritative head of the 
churchj the synod*s decisions and activities were then subject to 
approval by the csar. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 
the coar's personal lay representative in the synod was in charge of all 
ecclesiastical affairs in Russia. In the name of the csar he exercised 
complete control over the church. At his will, or rather at the cssar#s 
will, the imperial official appointed and removed bishops from office and 
approved or disapproved the synod's decrees. For all practical purposes, 
the csar was the unchallenged ruler of the church and religion became a 
tool for manipulation, designed to keep subjects submissive to temporal 
1Curtiss, p. 3. 
33 
power. To make matters worse, the larger part of the Russian Orthodox 
ohuroh identified itself frequently with the interests of the reactionary 
nobility and opposed those who advocated reform.* Marx's concept of 
religion being the opium of people described the close alliance between 
church and state in czarlst Russia far better than copious words. 
When the Bolsheviks assumed control of Russia, they issued on 
January 23, 1918, a "Law Concerning the Separation of Church and State." 
It was intended to regulate relations between church and state in the 
Soviet Union and contained legal sanction for Communist policies and 
objectives designed to seal the fate of the Russian Orthodox church • The 
law proclaimed the separation of church and state; it prohibited the 
promulgation of any statutes by local authorities which would either 
limit freedom of conscience or grant special privileges to religious 
groups. It further forbade the performance of religious ceremonies in 
connection with public and political acts. All public records such as 
the registration of births and marriages would henceforth be kept only 
by civil authorities. The use of religious oaths in judicial matters was 
abolished. The law declared that all religious groups would henceforth 
be subject to the rules which governed all private societies and that 
they would receive no special privileges or subsidies from the government. 
The property of religious groups was nationalized and education was 
2 secularised. 
The law of 1918 also provided the legal basis in Soviet church 
* Materials For the Study of the Soviet System, eds. James H. Melsel 
and Edward 3. Kozera, 2nd ed. (Michigan* The George tfahr Publishing Co., 
1953), p. 63. 
2Ibld.. p. 6*f. 
policy for th® immediate pursuit of four objectives which w n designed 
to facilitate the final deudse of religion I to eliminate the church's 
influence In public life, to secure church support for the Communist 
cause, to confine church life within a ghetto, and to render the coup de 
grace to the church through ideological warfare* 
The first great objective of the Communist party in its church policy 
was to eliminate the church's influence from public life in Russia* 'Che 
church was at once forced out of the fields of publication and education, 
which then constituted the most powerful media of propaganda. The 
spheres of publication and education became the exclusive monopoly of the 
Soviet government, which now used these media to instill in children and 
youth its ideology. Religious books and journals could not be published 
by the church without special permission from the government. Section 
nine of the law of 1913, which dealt with the matter of education, stated! 
"The school is separated from the church. The teaching of religious 
doctrine is forbidden in all school establishments of general culture 
operated by the state, be they public or private. Citizens may teach or 
1 
be taught religious subjects in a private manner.* These restrictions 
were broadened even more by article 122 of the Soviet Criminal Code of 
1921, which rnade religious instruction of children or minors in public 
and private schools a crime punishable with up to one year of hard labor.^ 
Even though they wore harsh in nature, these restrictions were not too 
painfully felt in the educational efforts of the Russian Orthodox church 
1Ibid.. p. 6k 
Kodeks RSFSR (Moscow, 1957), P* 65 > 
35 
because ska had nevar been overly active in the field of education in 
the first place, but instead had relied upon a performance of magnificent 
rituals and ceremonies for public influence.* Moreover, a new decree 
passed in 1928 permitted parents to give their children private religious 
instruction and in 19^ the government allowed priests to gather small 
groups of children in their homes to teach them religious subjects. It 
appears then that the injunction of the Criminal Code was never fully 
applied. Nevertheless, the influence which the Russian Orthodox church 
had once exercised upon the public was decidedly curbed through these 
measures. 
k second objective of the Soviet church policy was to secure the 
church's support for the Communist cause. This objective emerged 
strikingly before the outbreak of World War H when the .Soviet government 
reckoned with a possible conflict with Nasi Germany. The Soviet regime 
was at that time eager to win the favor of the Russian Orthodox church in 
order to strengthen the country internally. The violent religious per-
secutions of bygone years were abruptly stopped In 1939 and the anti-
religious propaganda campaigns suddenly ceased. In 19^3 the Russian 
Orthodox church was given permission to publish a few religious journals 
and to open theological seminaries. Stalin announced in the same year 
that he would no longer oppose the election of a Russian Orthodox patri-
arch, and Serglus was promptly set apart for that office. The government 
presented to Serglus one of Moscow's finest palaces, the former German 
*Curtiss, p. 229. 
2Ibld.. p. 294. 
36 
embassy building. Vfpon tho death of ©rgiua in 19^, Alexis was chosen 
as his successor, A government order of 19^5 allowed the ringing 
of church bells end perishes were permitted to possess monetary funds. 
In return for these favors the Russian Orthodox church was expected 
to closely collaborate --dth the Soviet government and to support its 
political moves, and apparently the ofaorofc was sometimes willing to do 
this. During the conflagration with Ha si Germany, Sergius offered prayers 
for the victory of the Red ar>ny, raised funds in parishes for military 
purposes, and sent a large sum of money to Stalin for the creation of a 
4 
tank division.* After World War II the church apparently continued to 
support in some measure the political program of the state. Alexis 
publicly praised the Soviet goTnerraient for its "peaceful" world polities. 
It is not known whether the church's collaboration with the government 
was due to an Internal infusion with Marxist ideology or whether it was 
based on principles of expediency. It may well be that by endorsing 
the program of the state, the Russian Orthodox church was given her only 
and last chance for survival. In sjpite of tho church's seeming support 
of the Soviet Russian regime, th© government returned after World War H 
to many of its previous anti-religious policies. For instance, anti-reli-2 
gious propaganda campaigns were undertaken with renewed vigor. 
A third objective of th© Soviet regime was to confine all expressions 
of religious life within a ghetto. Almost all church property was con-
fiscated. by the government by April, 1921; the nationalised property 
*Schrey, p. 50. 
^John tlewbold Ha sard, The Soviet System of Government (Chicago1 
The University ox Chicago Press, 1957), p» 129. 
consisted, of 63? monasteries, 827,000 acr&s of land, 4,000,COG,DUO gold 
rublesj factories, largo estates, 602 siw-.ll e&iates, 1,112 
rental buildings, apartment heusas operated by ison&steries, "J0k work 
houses, 27? hospitals and henen for the aged** It was hoped that the 
activities of the Russian Orthodox church would now become confined to the 
mere performance of rites within the four walls of church buildings, 
since th© socio-economic channels through which the church had partici-
pated in national affairs were all eliminated. On September 23, 1955$ 
Hlklta Khrushchev restated th© objective of Soviet church policy as one 
which seeks to reduce all activities of the church to a performance of 
religious rituals. He said that *the state fully recognizes freedom of 
conscience and everybody could practice the religion which h© likes best. 
Therefore, the state does not meddle in religious affairs, but neither 
does the state tolerate church interference in the political arid secular 
affairs of the government.This meant that if the church decided to 
take a stand, on a national or social issue that negated the government's 
interests, she could be accused of being a capitalist tool which unlaw-
fully intruded into the public sector of life. let ideally speaking, 
the very nature of the Christian faith would compel the church to take 
a stand against socio-ocono?sic injustices in whatever form they might 
appear. Such stand may at times by necessity be directed against the 
state and the interests of th© government. 
The Soviet church policy included a fourth objective, which was 
•^Sfralia Brien, Kommunlsmus und Religion in der Sow.ietunion. 
trans, by Ed sard Schatfper (Basel! Frledrloh Reinhard Verlag, 19^8), p. 195* 
^quoted by Walter Adolph, Athelsmus am Steuer (BerlinI Morus 
Verlag, 1956), p. 98. 
45 
designed to render the coup de grace to religion throu^i the use of 
ideological weapons. This differed drastically from Engel's plea that 
religion should be allowed to die a natural death. When contrary to 
Marx's prediction religion did not automatically wither away with a 
successful proletarian revolution, Lenin and later Stalin in their eon-
starnation sought to stamp out religion through ruthless terror. It 
has been estimated that during their rule of Soviet Russia, about 20 
bishops and 22,000 priests of the Russian Orthodox church were put to 
death.1 When this failed to effect the complete demise of religion, 
they resorted to ideological warfare. 
The Soviet citisen's right to engage in anti-religious propaganda 
was guaranteed In article 12U of the Soviet Russian constitution! "In 
order to ensure to citizens freedom of conscience, the church in the 
USSR is separated from the state, and the school from the church. 
Freedom of religious worship and freedom of anti-religious propaganda is 
recognised for all dtisens."2 The last sentence of this article is 
particularly noteworthy for through It the Soviet citizen was given the 
right to propagate anti-religious views, but he was not permitted to 
disseminate religious knowledge. Thus the freedom to engage in Ideo-
logical campaigns was exclusively reserved for those who wished to spread 
atheistic knowledge and anti-religious sentiments, but certainly not for 
Christian believers. The ohuroh was prevented from publicly defending 
her faith and from propagating her teachings. 
^MacEoin, p. 20. 
^Materials For the Study of the Soviet System, p. 263* 
39 
Making use of the constitutional provision, tho League of Militant 
Godless People was called Into life and had at the height of Its strength 
In 1930 a membership of 5,500,000 people.* The task of this organisation 
was the mass publication and distribution of atheistic propaganda litera-
ture. In January, 19^1, the League of Militant Godless People was out-
lawed by the Soviet government as a gesture of good will to the Russian 
Orthodox church. All anti-religious propaganda was permitted to lapse 
at that time, but at the close of World War H anti-religious campaigns 
were resumed again. While the League of Militant Godless People was 
not revived, a Society for the Dissemination of Scientific and Political 
Knowledge was created in 1949. Its task was to proclaim that religion 
and science were Incompatible and that progressive young people oould 
not with sane minds embrace the "superstitious beliefs" of religion. 
Ideologloal warfare in the Soviet Union has unabatedly continued to this 
very day, with prominent Soviet leaders intermittently calling for even 
more prodigious efforts in disseminating atheism among the people. 
This shows that the Communist government has by no means given up its 
goal of obliterating even the faintest expression of religious life in 
Soviet Russia. 
The goal of Communism is the complete extirpation of every 
form of religion. When it seised in Russia, for the first time, 
the reigns of political power, Communism used all available 
means of legal and administrative oppression and of brutal terror 
for the realisation of its goal. This occurred a generation ago. 
A certain change has taken place In the ohoioe of method . . . the 
fooal point consists no longer in the use of terror hut of propa-
ganda, that is, of political and ideological "enlightenment* 
and education. However, many incidents and events in 
1Schrey, p. 44. 
40 
Communist-dominated countries offer ample proof that Communist 
governments are even now willing to use without further ado all 
such brutal power as might be deemed necessary.1 
After World War II most Communist-dominated governments made use of 
the experience gained by the Soviet Russian regime in dealing with organ-
ized religion. The pattern of the East German government1 s church policy 
reveals a striking resemblance to that of the Soviet Union and the four 
objectives pursued by the Soviet government have been clearly discemable 
in the German Democratic Republic. 
By way of summary, it must be noted that Communism is not only a 
socio-political movement but also a modern religion which vies with old 
religions for the unequivocal devotion and allegiance of man; Communism 
has its own peculiar creeds, morals, aspirations, and promise of redemp-
tion. The Communist estimate of religion has always been that religious 
faith and Communist ideology are incompatible and that a collision between 
the two powers is unavoidable. The founding fathers of Marxism believed 
that religion would die a natural death but when confronted by the per-
sistent existence of religion in proletarian Russia, Lenin and Stalin 
resorted to violence in order to stamp out religion. In their attempt 
to erase religion, Communist leaders pursued four objectives t to elimi-
nate the church*s influence in public life, to secure church support for 
the Communist cause, te confine church life within a ghetto, and to render 
the coup de grace to the church through ideological warfare. The 
present standing of the church in the Soviet Union indicates that the 
ittDle Christen hinter dem eisernen Vorhang," Fuer Arbeit und 
Besinnung. XV, Nr. 20 (October 15, 1952), p. 232. 
41 
extirpation of religion is still the ultimate goal of Soviet church 
policy. 
II. THE COMMUNIST CHURCH POLICY IK EAST GERMANY 
In doping with the basic policy* sat forth by the founders and 
leaders of Marxism, the Communist government of Sast Germany has sought 
to facilitate the rapid demise of religion in its country. The approaches 
and methods used In the pursuit of its aim have been flexible and varied. 
During the period of Soviet Russian administration organised religion was 
treated with some degree of tolerance and leniency, but this policy was 
abruptly changed in 19^9 when the Soviet occupation was officially 
terminated and indigenous Communists created the German Democratic Re-
public, a Soviet satellite state. The new government attempted at once 
to hem the church in and to cripple religion through harsh and oppressive 
measures. This open attack on the church lasted until 1953* when a 
violent revolt broke out against the Communist regime in Sast Germany; 
at this time the government modified its approach to the church and 
supplanted the use of brute force with that of subtle pressure and ideo-
logical propaganda, but its goal of eliminating organised religion remained 
unchanged and overt attacks on the church were renewed again with great 
intensity starting in 1957* 
The vast majority of the people in Sast Germany, about 82 per cent of 
its total population, belonged to the Protestant church,* The major 
1Helns D. Brunotte, Die Sva^ge^che ftfrrqhe in Detftsohland 
(HannoverI Verlag des Amtsblattes der Evang®lischetf Kirch* in Deutsohland, 
1959), P. 17. 
43 
encounter between I4arxism and Protestant Christianity took place in Sast 
Germany. In order better to comprehend the conflict which ensued between 
these two forces in East Germany, one mast understand the nature and 
structure of German Protestantism, a brief description of which follows. 
A. The Nature and Structure of German Protestantism 
The nature of German Protestantism was largely determined by the 
Biblical orientation and theological thought of Martin Luther (1483-
1546). In his teaching Luther made a distinction between the spiritual 
and secular realms of human existence. He attached great significance 
to the former realm, because it represented to him the transcendental 
kingdom of God. The secular realm was thought to be of subordinate impor-
tance; it was an order perverted by sin which could not be redeemed by 
mere human effort but only by efficacious Christian love. Luther put 
greater emphasis on the salvation of individuals than on the Christ-
lanisation of the social order. 
Luther regarded the state as a divinely appointed institution—God 
had given it a sacred mandate to execute judgment and to maintain order 
in the secular realm. The church as the community of believers depending 
on God for life and faith was to exercise her authority in the spiritual 
realm, infusing men with the Spirit of God and thereby Indirectly molding 
the character of the secular reals. Christians were to obey temporal 
rulers in all things that pertained to the secular sphere of existence 
except when they were asked to do things which contradicted the will and 
commandments of God, lor then it became the duty of Christian believers 
4 passively to resist the demands of the state. 
The concept of the governmentfs divine mandate instilled in German 
Protestants a deep respect for temporal authority. Willingness to obey 
rulers and to accept their wishes and orders as an expression of the 
divine will made them splendid followers but poor leaders. Their deep-
seated respect for authority caused German Protestants to become socio-
political conservatives who supported the status quo and upheld the 
Biblical injunction "to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's." 
With the passing of time princes and kings exercised authority not only 
as temporal rulers of German states, but also as spiritual officials of 
the Protestant churches in their respectives states and territories. 
Consequently, a close alliance between church and state came into exis-
tence in many German principalities. 
The traditional Protestant esteem for secular authority received a 
serious blow when the Hohensollern monarchy was overthrown in 1918; 
Kaiser Wilhelm I abdicated both as the supreme political ruler of the 
nation and as the highest spiritual head of the Protestant church in 
Germany. The close ties between church and state were now broken because 
the church would henoeforth elect her spiritual leaders from her own 
ranks without supervision or interference by the government. It was 
under the Hitler regime that German Protestantism for the first time 
In history was called upon to obey God before the state. Hitler sought 
to impregnate Protestantism with his Nasi ideology and to make the church 
*irforks of Martin Luther, ed. Board of Publication of the United 
Lutheran Church In America (Philadelphia* Maehlenberg Press, 194-3), 
vol. II, pp* 64^ .78. 
45 
a subservient tool of his regime. This was adamantly opposed by many 
laymen and pastors who established an anti-Mazi Confessing church. 
Opposition by some clergymen and lay people to certain demands of the 
state, even to the point of martyrdom, represented a radical departure 
for German Protestantism from its time-honored tradition of docile obe-
dience. Subsequently in 19^5, when the Communist regime wished to 
impose its will upon Protestant Christianity in Sast Germany, the church 
was in no mood to accept that invitation to subservience. 
Since its inception during the Reformation in tho sixteenth century, 
Protestantism in Germany developed on a territorial or regional basis 
rather than on a national basis. Germany was at that time not a united 
nation, but was divided into a large number of sovereign principalities. 
Hlven as late as the turn of the nineteenth century there still existed 
about three hundred independent German states. The subjects of each 
principality were compelled under penalty of exoulsion to accept the faith 
of their ruler. This principle, which was firmly anchored in the Peace 
of Augsburg of 1555» was largely responsible for the development of 
Germany's religious structure along territorial and geographical lines. 
Like the host of political principalities, most Protestant terri-
torial churches maintained their complete autonomy and for nearly three 
hundred years spurned all efforts designed to unite them into one national 
church body. Attempts to unite territorial churches into such a central-
ized body were made as early as at the beginning of the nineteenth century. 
The Lutheran and Reformed churches in Prussian territory did finally 
merge in 1817 and became known as the Svan^lical church of the Prussian 
Union. Another endeavor to bring about a closer cooperation between 
46 
territorial churches was undertaken In 1852 with the creation of the 
German Svangelical Church Federation which, however, had no jurisdic-
tion or authority In the internal affairs of the territorial member 
churches. 
With the disappearance In 1918 of the traditional ecclesiastical 
government composed of secular rulers, territorial churches proceeded to 
draft constitutions for their constituencies and to establish new church 
governments and efforts were renewed to bring about a closer unity among 
German Protestants. A Federation of German Evangelical Churches, created 
in 1922 with a permanent office In Berlin, was authorised to represent 
the member churches in matters of world missions and ecumenical work. 
The peculiar confessional stance of the territorial ahurches such as 
Lutheran, Unionist, and Reformed, was not changed by their membership 
in the Federation. Yielding to widespread demands for an even closer 
union of Protestantism, the member churches of the German Evangelical 
Church Federation In April, 1933* formed a committee with authority to 
revise the Federation*s constitution, to create the office of a national 
bishop, and to establish a national synod and permanent national church 
council. The new constitution was ratified on July 11, 1933» by the 
Evangelical Church Congress at Eisenach. The government of the Federa-
tion was centralised by the constitution and was even given authority 
to alter the constitutions of the territorial member churches. 
Through a series of clever maneuvers the National Socialists gained 
control over the newly-created national synod and were able to dictate 
to its delegates the appointment of a tf a si-oriented national bishop. 
Under his leadership the centra] government of the German Evangelical 
47 
chorea eventually sided with ill tier' s regiiaa &ad associated itself with 
ftasi ideals • All '^undesirable* pastors and bishops wars dismiss ad from 
key positions in the church and their vacant posts were filled with 
"reliable" clergymen who were known to favor national JocialisBi. 
Opposition to the developments within the German Evangelical church 
crystallised at once with the establishment of the Confessing church by 
Pastor Martin iiieiaoeller of Berlin-Dahlea. In 1934 the Confessing church 
already had on the ministerial roll four thousand pastors who regularly 
used their pulpits to voice protests against the policies and aims of 
Hitler* The Confessing church prevented the Nasi regime from completing 
its seisure of Protestantism and from fashioning the work and life of the 
church to its liking* The authority of the Hasi-oriented ecclesiastical 
government of the German Evangelical church was effectively undermined 
by the Confessing ohurch. 
After the collapse of Germany In 1945 it became evident that the 
authority and structure of the German Evangelical church had completely 
disintegrated* Through Its association with the Nasi regime the church's 
constitution of 1933 was repudiated by territorial churches* In view of 
this situation, it became imperative to reorganise German Protestantism 
and to draft a new constitution. Bishop Theophil Wurm summoned the 
leading clergy of the Confessing church to a meeting at Treys a in 
August, 1945, with the avowed purpose of reorganising the structure of 
the church. After thorough discussions, preliminary agreements were 
reached concerning the new legal structure of the church s the constitu-
tion of 1933 would not be restored and the churches name would be 
48 
changed from "Genaan Evangelical churehw to Evangelical church in 
Germany. 
Endeavors to draft a constitution for the Evangelical church in 
Germany could not immediately be realised. Territorial churches first 
had to reshape their own legal structure, which had to some extent be-
core* invalidated with the collapse of the Uaasi government. From 1945 to 
19**8 territorial churches formed new presbyteries on a parish level, 
which in turn elected delegates to territorial synods. After these pre-
liminary steps the territorial churches proceeded to give a definite 
structure to the Evangelical church in Germany and to draft a constitu-
tion. On July 13, 1943, an all-German church assembly held at Eisenach 
ratified the new constitution. 
According to her constitution the Evangelical church in Germany be-
came a federation of Lutheran, Reformed, and Unionist churches, mani-
2 
festlng the existing fellowship of German Protestant Christianity. 
The church federation's members were not individual believers or parishes 
but rather twenty-eight autonomous territorial churches with distinct 
confessional identities. Church laws could be Issued only with the con* 
sent of the territorial member churches and such internal matters as 
doctrine and worship came under their sole Jurisdiction. The Evangelical 
church in Germany was Invested with authority to represent the member 
churches In public and legal questions before the state, to coordinate 
1HSL Eva^gelische Kirche in Deqtscfrlaqd. 
2 
"Ents chiles sungen der Kirohenvers ammlung der EKiD von Treysa aa 
6. Juni 1947,H Amtsblatt der SKIP. Nr. 14 (July 1, 1947), pp. 15-16. 
49 
all works of mercy and mission, to maintain contact with tha ecumenical 
movement, and to operate a public Information bureau* In 1949 Otto 
Dlbellus, Bishop of Berlin-Brandeburg, became President of the Evangelical 
church in Germany and Hans Lilje, Bishop of Hanover, was elected Vice-
President* 
In 1954 the relative numerical strength of the Lutheran, Reformed, 
and Unionist territorial churches was reflected In the following stat-
istical data 1 thirteen of the twenty-eight territorial member churches 
were Unionist churches with 21,334,000 people; thirteen were Lutheran 
churches with 20,474,000 people; and two were Reformed churches with 
443,000 people.* In the light of a national census held on August 13, 
1950, the potential significant role of the Evangelical church In Germany 
in shaping the country's destiny became quite obvious* According to this 
census, Germany in 1950 had a population of 69,136,209 people. As many 
as 41,093,643 people, or 59*4 per cent of the population, were Protestant; 
24*539,596 people, or 35*5 per cent, were Roman Catholic; and the remain-
ing 5*1 per cent were without religious affiliation or belonged to some 
2 
other religion* These statistics Indicated, in other words, that well 
over half of Germany* s total population belonged to Protestant territorial 
churches and thus to the Evangelical church in Germany* 
The Evangelical church in Germany remained the only institution which 
functioned both in East and West Germany, serving as a spiritual bond 
between the people in the divided country. Eight territorial churches 
*Brunotte, p* 9« 
2Ibld.« p. 17* 
•*3chrey, p* 230. 
50 
were located in East Germany: the Unionist church of Anhalt, Silesia, 
Pomerania, Berlin-Brandenburg, and the Province of Saxony, and the 
Lutheran church of Mecklenburg, Thurlngia, and Saxony. In 195° of the 
18 million people living in Bast Germany, Protestant Christians made up 
82 per cent of the population, Roman Catholics 11 per cent, and only the 
remaining 7 per cent had no religious affiliation.1 Protestantism was 
deeply embedded In the fabric of East German life and history—when the 
2 
Communist government started in earnest to attack the church in 19^9, 
it had to reckon with the strength and power of a formidable institution 
which had thrived on East German soil for well over four hundred years. 
Sx, 3te aastetQf S m t m jMaUteattflb & & & a 
The defeat of the Nasi regime in 19^5 and the simultaneous disinte-
gration of all political power left the church as the only authority which 
could guide and aid the bewildered and disheartened German people. The 
material and spiritual resources of the church at that time were greatly 
depleted as a result of stringent Nasi measures and actual war losses. 
Hundreds of church buildings were greatly damaged, others were completely 
destroyed, and there was everywhere a shortage of clergymen* Older 
church leaders who had opposed the Nasi regime were exhausted from the 
strain of the long struggle. Many clergymen had been killed in action 
while others were prisoners of war, and only a few young pastors were 
available to take their places because few had been able to pursue 
*Brunotte, p. 17* 
2 
Unless otherwise indicated, the Evangelical church in Germany 
will from now on simply be referred to as "the church. * 
51 
theological studies since the outbreak of World War II. Nevertheless, 
the church was the only effective Institution in some regions through 
which the occupation powers could hope to reorganize and revitalize 
local communities. 
With the exception of initial clashes between some troops of the 
Red aray and pastors in local parishes, relations between the church and 
officials of the Soviet Military Adroinistration were courteous through-
1 
out the occupation period. Due to the terrible devastation of the 
country during the last days of World War II, "oviet officers were con-
fronted by various pressing socio-economic problems, a situation com-
pounded by a great influx of refugees from Silesia and irussia. Sometimes 
the officers sought the advice and cooperation of clergymen when attempting 
to solve those problems. As a rule the clergy was quite willing to aid 
thein in the execution of their tasks. 
. . . Jjo far as the fate of the Church was concerned, one thinn; seems 
to be clear: it was not part of the Red Army's policy to liquidate 
the German clergy. The Protestant and Catholic clergy of the 
Russian-occupied area not only resumed their ordinary parish activi-
ties as nnich as possible, but began to work among evacuees, refugees, 
and released war-prisoners wherever possible. Sundays and other 
religious holidays were observed af;ain, as in the pre-Uazi years. 
Russian commanders in some instances summoned the leading ministers 
and either ordered or requested then to proceed as usual. The 
Communist Mayor of Dresden, where twenty-seven Protestant churches 
have disappeared, called astor I,au to him and after taking office 
said, "Now the Churches must resume their work, too." 
. . . It may be said that the main energy of the Church no longer 
had to bo expended—as under the Nazis—in defense against the 
deliberate assaults of a hostile rename. 
^George N. ;Jhuster, Religion Behind the Iron Curtain (New York: 
The Macmillan Co., 1954), p. 32. 
%tewart W. Herman, The Rebirth of the German Church (New York 
and London: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1946), p. 186. A 
3lbid.. p. 189. 
52 
In 1945 the Military Administration established in Berlin a central 
office for religious affairs, "which was to coordinate the i'oviet church 
policy in East Germany. The tolerant attitude manifested by Soviet offi-
cials was in harmony with tho guidelines for the occupation powers set 
forth by Harry Truman, Winston Churchill, and Joseph ytalin at the tri-
partite conference of Potsdam in the summer of 1945. They agreed at 
this conference that no administrative interference or discrimination 
against churches and religious associations should ever be tolerated 
•1 
by the occupation powers. Aside from the morally binding character of 
this agreement, several other considerations also weighed heavily in 
the Soviet Administration's decision to pursue a moderate church policy 
in East Germany. 
In the first place, their encounter with Protestantism was a new 
experience for Soviet officials and they may have thought that a re-
strained attitude towards the church was the best policy during the 
occupation period. The contact of the Soviet Russian state with relipion 
before 1945 was confined primarily to the Russian Orthodox church. With 
the occupation of Eastern Europe the Soviet Russians were confronted by 
the largest Christian body, the Roman Catholic church. It has been 
estimated that the following number of religious believers (excluding 
those in East Germany) fell under Soviet rule during World liar II: 
4 
•documents on Germany Under Occupation. 1945-1^54* ed. Beate 
tfuhm von Qppen T i S o s r Oxford University rress, 1955)* PP» 19* 43* 
53 
42,800,GOO Roman Catholics, 18,000,000 Greek Orthodox believers, 
4,800,000 Evangelical Christians, 1,900,000 Greek Uniate believers, 
1,700,000 sectarian Christians, 1,200,000 Mohammedans, and 750,000 
1 
Mosaic Jews. With the occupation of East Germany, Soviet Russia met 
the third large force of Christendom, the Protestant churches. 
East Germany is the birthplace of Protestantism; such historic places 
connected with the Reformation are located in this area as Eisleben, 
Wittenberg, Eisenach, and the Wartburg. One must note as well the city of 
Leipzig where Johann Sebastian Bach in deoades of labor created his ii&-
mortal music and Hermhut where Count Zinsendorf established an influential 
center of Evangelical piety. Protestant learning had become renowned in 
East Germany through the Universities of Jena, Leipzig, Greifswald, 
Rostock, and Berlin; their theological faculties had for centuries trained 
many German Protestant clergymen, in short, for rrotestantism in Germany 
and jLutheranism throughout the world, East Germany is a country of historic 
interests and cherished memories. The Evangelical Christian faith based 2 
on the Scriptures had been deeply ingrained in many East German people. 
Moreover, in contrast to the Russian Orthodox churah, the church in Germany 
through her institutions of mercy and social agencies had taken an active 
part in the socio-economic life of the nation. The church's consciousness 
of her responsibility in the political sphere had been heightened during 
the iiazi period, and through their experience with National Socialism 
church leaders had learned to deal with a totalitarian government. After 
- Qtto Aidolf idess, "'Die Koexistenz der Kirch® in den europaeischen 
Volksdemokratien,ft Schweizer Monatshefte. XXXV (1955-56), p. 491. 
%JacEoin, p. 216. 
54 
the collapse of Nazi Germany and the resulting disillusionment, many 
Germans turned to the church as the place where they might find spiritual 
comfort and some alleviation from their distressing material plight.* 
These various factors, coupled with the deep attachment of the people 
to the church, made German Protestantism a vital force In 1945* Their 
recognition of the significant role which Protestantism played in Sast 
German life may have persuaded Communist leaders to show—at least tenta-
2 
tively—leniency and tolerance In their church policy. Because of the 
church's great attraction for the vast majority of Germans Immediately 
after World War II, a Communist drive against religion at this point would 
have antagonised them and actually would have weakened, rather than 
strengthened, the Communist cause. 
A second reason for the propitious church policy of the Soviet 
Military Administration may have been derived from a genuine feeling 
of respect which the Communists had for some spiritual leaders at the 
time. In their common resistance against the Nasi regime hosts of Christ-
ians and Communists were put together in prisons and concentration 3 
camps and were frequently executed together, so In spite of their ob-
vious differences in conviction they had come to respect each other. 
At a conference in January, 1947, functionaries of the Socialist Unity 
1 Religious Affairs (Education and Religious Affairs Branch, Internal 
Affairs and Communications Division, Office of the Military Government), 
August, 1946, p. 20. 
2 
Guenter Jacob and Christian Berg, J&vangelisohe Klrche Jenseits 
der Zonengrense. 2nd ed., (Berlint Lettner Verlag, 1957;, P« 19• 
^Hans Rothfels, The German Opposition tc Hitler (HinsdaleI Henry 
Regnery Co., 1948), p. 45? 
55 
party* publicly expressed their esteem for certain church leaders, "The 
courageous conduct which a part of the clergy has displayed in the battle 
against Hitler's barbarism obliges also the Socialist working class to 
express its respect and recognition to them.1,2 Of course, the feeling 
of mutual respect based on common suffering, although quite strong for a 
while, was likely to wane with time. Ideological conflicts between 
church and state would cloud the feeling of comradeship within the span 
of a few years and would persuade Communists to follow their own inter-
ests by adopting a more stringent church poliqy. 
Uncertainty about the attitudes of West Germans towards Soviet 
Russia may have been a third factor that persuaded the Soviet Military 
Administration to adopt a moderate church policy. The Soviet state had 
3 
apparently hoped eventually to bring all of Germany under its control. 
A restrained policy might have been thought advisable in order to create 
a favorable climate of opinion towards the Soviet Union among West Germans. 
The Communists may have realised that their objective of achieving control 
over Western Germany—already difficult—would become hopeless if, through 
an anti-Christian campaign in East Germany-, they aroused the animosity of 
millions of West German Christians.24, In 19^9 with the creation of the 
*Die ^ogjalistische Sinheits-partel Poutschlands. referred to hence-
forth as 
2 
"Die ideologlsche Entwicklung in der DDR,H Kirche Ja §22L 
VHI, Heft 6 (June, 1958), p. 192. 
3 
Werner Erfurt, Moscow's Policy Jn Germany, trans, by Patrick 
lynch (Esslingeni Bechtle Verlag, n.d.), pp. 33 
4 
Beryl R. McClaskey, The History of U.S. Policy and Program 3n the 
Field of Religious Affairs Under the Office of the U.S. High Commander for 
Germany. Offioe of the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, 1951* P» 91» 
56 
Federal Republic in West Germany, the Communist aspirations were suddenly 
shattered. This meant that in their political and ideological programs 
for Sast Germany, Communist leaders were no longer obliged to take the 
public opinion of the West German population into serious consideration* 
They now could feel free to adopt a harder line against religion. 
A fourth motive for the Soviet Military Administration's tolerance 
to the church might possibly be attributed to the carefully planned 
socio-political development that each Soviet satellite country supposedly 
undergoes. According to this plan, the change from capitalism to Com*, 
monism comes about through a sequence of three distinct stages of develop-
ment, each having a different socio-political emphasis.* The first stage 
calls for an elimination of all remnants of the old "fascist-capitalist" 
society. The second stage calls for strenuous reform efforts in the 
socio-economic, political, and ideological realms to bring about the 
Socialisation of the entire country. Conflicts between the Christian 
church and the Communist party are nearly inevitable, since anti-religious 
campaigns are a part of this stage. The third period of development 
ushers in the Communist order. From 1945 to 1952 Sast Germany underwent 
2 
the anti-fascist stage of development. Slnoe Communist agitation against 
religion was not supposed to take place during that period, the Soviet 
Military Administration could be expected to display religious tolerance. 
During the immediate post-war period German Communists expressed the 
ddZ von A bis Z. 4th ed. oomps. Eugen >tamm and Guenter Fischbaoh 
(BonnI Deutscher~"Bundes-Verlag, 1953), pp. 21, 35. 
^Walter Ulbricht, Die Kntwjoklung des deutschen volksdemokratlschen 
Staates. 1945-1958 (Berlin: Diets Verlag, 1959), pp. 2 
alsoi Der deutsche Arbelter-und Bauernstaat. ed. Herbert Kroeger (Berlini 
VEB Deutsoher Zentralverlag, I960), p. 51. 
57 
same benevolent attitude towards religion as the "oviet Military Adminis-
tration. A statement issued in August, 1946 , by the central committee 
of the SED, sifted by two prominent '"erman Communists, I-aihelm iieck and 
Otto Grotewohl, stated that "the former rejection of the church by the 
Socialist workers1 movement was not aimed at the Christian faith but at 
the church as a power instrument of the ruling class. Socialism has always 
emphasized the principle that religious faith is a personal matter of the 
individual person. The .'ED will also hold to this principle.1'* 
Although the burden of the church under Soviet occupation was not too 
heavy, some difficulties arose as a result of the increasing tension 
between the Western powers and the Soviet Union. Apparently in order to 
lend added force to the Soviet propaganda campaigns against the West, 
representatives of the Military Administration at times approached pastors 
asking them to support Soviet political and economic programs. As a rule 
the clergymen refused to extend their cooperation in these matters. 
Finally, on May 11, 1948, the bishops of East Germany wrote a letter to 
Marshal Sokolovski, Supreme Military Commander in East Germany, explaining 
2 
their position. They stated that although the church is obliged to obey 
the state as Ion:; as its demands are not contrary to divine commandments, 
she cannot willingly consent to become an instrument of secular politics. 
If this happens the church would no longer be able truly to fulfill her 
mission. Therefore, the bishops requested that the Soviet Military Admin-
istration should in the future kindly refrain from patitions and 
lnDie ideologische Entwicklung in der DDR," irirche in der Zeit, 
VIII, Heft 6, p. 192. 
%at die Xirche rreschwiegen? ed. Guenter Heidtmann, 3rd ed., 
(Berlin: Lettner Verlag, 1958), p. 32. 
58 
solicitations of this kind. 
starting in 1 9 t h e Soviet Military Administration began to keep 
a closer watch over the activities of the church* It requested that 
the church confine her work within "legitimateH limits or otherwise a 
special permit issued by the state would be required for every meeting« 
In order to avoid unnecessary misunderstandings church leaders in Decem-
ber, 194-7, listed the following activities as rightful expressions of 
Christian life* worship services; Bible studies; activities of mission 
organisations; meetings of the Evangelical Union, the Evangelical 
Women*s organisation, and the youth organisations; religious instruction 
1 
of the youth; and services to destitute people* For these activities 
the church would not be required to secure a special permit from occupa-
tion officials* 
The moderate course of the Soviet Military Administration was not 
intended to become a permanent feature of the church policy in East 
Germany* That religious tolerance was a matter of expediency became 
quite clear when the Soviet Military Administration permitted the pub-
lication of a brochure which outlined the future of the church in East 
Germany* Fjodorov, the author of the pamphlet, stated that dialectical 
materialism as a scientific world view refutes the validity of religious 
explanations of social and natural phenomena, and that only through a 
patient and scientific enlightenment of the people would "religious 
prejudices" fade away* "The overcoming of religion is a complicated 
and long process which, in the opinion of the party, should be based 
*Schrey, p* 290* 
59 
•specially 011 a new political and economic social order and on the edu-
1 
cation of the people in the spirit of a scientific world view.** 
These observations based on practical experience with religion in 
the Soviet Union outlined the future of religion in East Germany* Since 
this disclosure was apparently made too early, the brochure could be 
obtained for only a short time in Berlin and was soon completely with* 
drawn by the Soviet Military Administration* Fjodorovfs statements 
were ominous portents that the Communist policy of restraint would not 
last forever. let the relations between the church and the Soviet 
Military Administration remained quite amiable throughout the remainder 
of the Soviet occupation* 
C* The Kfrrohonkampf, i W - J g g 
The differences in political aims between the East and the West 
became more pronounced with the passage of time and led to the formation 
of two separate German states in 19^9—.the German Federal Republic was 
established in West Germany in September and the German Democratic Re-
public was created In East Germany in October* Wilhelm Fleck became the 
president of the German Democratic Republic, Otto Grotewohl the prime 
minister, and Walter Ulbricht the first deputy prime minister* This 
marked the division of Germany into two hostile camps, alined respectively 
with the East and the West* The demands for a rapid unification of the 
country, which had repeatedly been voiced by Germans from all walks of 
10* Fjodorov, Die Religion in der OdSSR (Berlin! Verlag der 
Sow jetis chen Militaerverwaltung, l55?T#P* 26* 
6o 
life including many churchmen,* had proved to be in vain. 
The constitution of the German Democratic Republic was in some ways 
patterned on that of the Soviet Union and in other respects on that of 
the Weimar Republic. All articles dealing with religion seemed to be 
quite propitious. Article 41 guaranteed freedom of belief and conscience 
to all East German citizens, however, religious instruction and church 
institutions were not to be misused for political purposes. The church 
was invested with the right to form her own opinion concerning vital 
national issues and to make her stand known in public* Article 42 stated 
that neither the private nor the legal status of people would be impaired 
because of their religious affiliations. Citizens would no longer be 
required to use religious oaths in. courts and they would never be ooerced 
to partake in religious ceremonies. Article 43 declared that the govern-
ment would not establish a state church and that each religious association 
would have the right Independently to administer Its affairs. Those 
associations which in the past had possessed legal status in society would 
retain this privilege. Churches which enjoyed the status of corporations 
under public law were given the privilege to levy taxes from their members 
on the basis of tax lists provided by the state. Article 44 safeguarded 
the church's right to render religious instruction in public schools. 
This instruction was to be given by personnel appointed by the church, 
and no person was to be forced to give, or be prevented from giving, 
religious instruction* The right of parents and legal guardians to 
*Hat die Kirche geschwlegen. pp. 26, 29, 30, 39. 
2P?kumenfo £ir itaatsordnung der DDR, ed. Guenter ALbrecht 
(BerlinI VKB Deutscher Zentralverlag, 19597, vol. I, pp. 430-432. 
61 
decide on the participation of their children in religious instruction 
was recogniaed. Article 45 annulled all church claims for state sub-
sidies based on old existing titles and agreements; new laws and agree-
ments were to provide the basis for possible state subsidies to the 
churches in the German Democratic Republic. The right of churches to 
hold property was reinstated. Article 46 specified that If a demand 
existed for worship services In hospitals and prisons, churches would be 
permitted to hold religious services In those public institutions, but 
no person could ever be forced to participate against his will. Article 47 
prescribed that anyone who wished to relinquish his church membership 
would merely be required to make a declaration to that effect before a 
court of law or a notary public. Article 48 stated that the authority for 
any decision about church membership for a child under fourteen years of 
age rested with the parents or legal guardians. After the child had 
readied the age of fourteen he could decide for himself to what ideological 
or religious associations he wished to belong. 
The constitution of the German Democratic Republic, In contrast to 
that of the Joviet Union, allowed much freedom to the church. For example, 
the rights of the church to give religious Instruction to children, to 
collect church taxes from her members and subsidies from the state were 
given a legal basis In the constitution. Its most noteworthy feature 
was article 41 in which the government extended to the church the right 
to take a public stand on important national issues. This privilege may 
have been given to the church In view of the fact that German Protestantism 
62 
1 had for decades taken part in the shaping of national affairs. A 
clause such as was found in the Soviet Russian constitution, which 
stressed the right of citisens to engage in anti-religious propaganda, 
was net found in the constitution of the German Democratic Republic. 
The only serious loophole which the state could later use to limit the 
privileges of the church was found In article 41. It stated that the 
church fs actions and institutions should not be misused for party-political 
purposes which were unconstitutional, but the authority to decide what 
church activities were "unconstitutional" or "party-political" in nature 
apparently rested with the state. In order to reduoe the church's in-
fluence in society the government had merely to decide that certain of 
her activities were unconstitutional. 
In contrast to the state which professed tolerance of religion the 
3ED, as the official Sast German Compiunist front organisation, held tena-
ciously to the anti-religious views of its Marxist mentors and expressed 
its anti-Christian sentiments soon after the creation of the German Demo-
cratic Republic. Hermann Scheler, a devoted Communist scholar at the 
University of Sast Berlin, stated that the 3ED was firmly established on 
the basis of Marxism and could never be reconciled with the •'superstitious 
views of religion.11 If the iSD ceased to fight against religion and 
superstition, it would betray its cause and destroy the very foundation 
of its existence. Reconciliation with religion would be tantamount to 
the voluntary destruction of the party. Scheler concluded that the im-
pregnation of people with Marxist and atheist ideas was one of the 
l Jacob and Berg, p. 20. 
63 
important moans by which they could be liberated from the "odious" in-
Several other statements made by prominent 3ED leaders revealed 
even more clearly the party*s official views on religion. At a meeting 
of Sast German security officers in June, 19^9, the church was branded 
as an agency of Western imperialism* 
Since the church in the Greater German Republic is beginning 
to allow herself to be exploited as a trumpet of Western imperial-
ists, we must see to it that these comedians of heaven lose all 
Interest in such activities* Enough room is still available in 
our camps for additional labor companies composed of black brethren* 
Physical work will persuade them once and for all to quit inciting 
people who are still gullible enough to listen to them* 
A similar comment was made by an influential SED leader of Thuringia 
in June, 1950* 
We Marxist-Leninists are aware of the fact that religion is 
merely the opium of the people. We will always maintain this prin-
ciple, but the situation requires that we deal with problems such 
as this as diplomatically as possible. It may sound strange, but 
it is true that we must protect religion even while we are keeping 
a olose watch on the clergy. Should anyone among them become 
dangerous to us, he must be removed. Every district chairman must 
report priests to us who seem to be reactionary, so that the necessary 
further steps can be taken by the regional board.3 
The correct Marxist attitude towards religion which the SED should 
display was one of the topics of discussion at the thirty-fourth plenary 
session of the ^ED's central committee on February 3-6> 1958* Erich 
Honecker, one of the party functionaries, made a summary statement of the 
central committee's discussion* 
^Scheler, p. 25* 
fluence of religion 1 
Pacific 
3Ibid., p. 216* 
64 
Tho thirty-fourth plenary session of the central committee 
passed a resolution to arrange for lectures, materials, and 
seminars on dialectical materialism in the party organisations. 
Many party organisations have already begun to put the resolution 
into effect. 
In this matter It is apparent that there are comrades who 
are of the opinion that one's world-view, particularly one's 
religion, is a private matter. The strength of the Marxist-
Leninist party of the working class, however, rests on the fact 
that the party Is actuated by a unified and closely-guarded 
scientific world-view which has no room for faith in a god, in 
supernatural powers, in superstition and reactionary ideas. It 
follows from this situation that the masses determine history, 
that the laws governing the development of nature, society, and 
ideas can be known and can be put to use for the realisation of 
Socialism. 
In order that our party may successfully fulfill its great 
historic task it is necessary that all members of the party be 
made familiar with the world-view of Marxism-Leninism and that 
those comrades who still hold to religious Ideas be helped by 
patient enlightenment to free themselves from the same.1 
As soon as the German Democratic Republic was established in 1949 
the SED endeavored to consolidate its power by creating the National Front 
in January, 1950* Its tacit purpose was to bring all seotions of the 
population under Communist control by uniting them into one mass organi-
zation. The National Front was to "embrace all forces of the German 
people, those with and without party affiliation, in the East and in the 
p 
West." Clergymen were also asked to join that organization, but almost 
all declined this invitation.^ The formation of the National Front was 
said to be an expression of the "will of the people," but in reality it 
was the creation of the 3ED. 
1,fDie ideologlsche Entwieklung in der DDR," Kirche in der Zelt. 
VIII, Heft 6, p. 190. 
2Neue Zoitung. February 19, 1950. 
-Kirchllches Jahrbuoh fuer die Evangel!sohe Kirche in Deutschland. 
1951 (Gueterslohi C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1952), p. 124; referred to 
henceforth as "KJ". 
65 
Under,girded by the National Front, the SEP was soon in a predominant 
political position in the German Democratic Republic and It already had 
1 
1*750,000 members in 1950• Walter Ulbricht became the first secretary 
of the ^EDf and as Its leader, he was in a position greatly to affect 
the course of political events in East Germany. According to Marxist 
theory the dictatorship of the proletariat must exercise complete control 
over a country's socio-political affairs until the state withered away 
and the Communist utopia, the classless society, was reached. In like 
manner, the SED as the "dictatorship of the German proletariat" was 
expected to exercise full control over East Germany. In the first place, 
this was to be achieved through a fusion of SED functionaries and states-2 
men of the German Democratic Republic. For instance, Walter Ulbricht as 
first secretary of the SED was at the same time deputy prime minister of 
the state. Wilhelm Pieok simultaneously held positions as party chairman 
of the JED (1946-1954) and as president of the state. Otto Grotewohl was 
a member of the SED politburo and also was prime minister of the East 
German government. In the second plaoe, the directives Issued by the SED 3 
politburo were translated into laws by the government. East German 
authorities sought to justify the "dictatorship of the SED* by asserting 
that all "parties and organizations unreservedly acknowledge the leading 
13B2 von A bis 2. p. 276. 
%)er deuts die Arbelter- und Bauernstaat. pp. 1B3-184. 
3 
'Ernst Rlchert, Macht ohne Mandat. Der itaatsapparat in der 
sow.ietischen Besatzungszone Deutsohlands (Koeln and Opladent Westdeutacher 
Verlag, 1958), p. 19. 
66 
role of the SED as the party of the working class . • 
In view of the preceding considerations it is evident that, contrary 
to the pledge given in the constitution, the East German Marxist state 
could not remain neutral towards religion. The anti-religious sentiments 
of Walter Ulbricht as party official would also be expressed in his capa-
city as leader of the state. Ulbricht himself noted that it is impossible 
for sincere men to fight religion by holding the conviction at one moment 
that it is a superstitious belief and to assume the next moment a neutral 
attitude, free of all bias, towards it. If the SED politburo could affect 
the course of church policy merely by sending directives to the government 
so that it might rubbeivstamp them as the law of the land, the constitu-
tional rights of the church and the claims by the state regarding strict 
neutrality became nothing but a hollow mockery. 
Through the fusion of party and state it was possible for the East 
German government, in spite of its professed neutrality, to initiate late 
in 1949 an open attack against the church. Apparently JED directives 
2 
induced the state to engage in this Kirchenkampf. 
After several clashes between church and state over the education of 
youth and the attempted recruitment of clergymen for the National Front, 
the signal for the opening of the Kirchehkampf was given by President 
Pie ok at a mass rally of the Free German Youth on May 24, 1950. Pieck 
^German Democratic Republic. 300 Questions—300 Answers, ed. 
Committee for German Unity, trans, from the German n.n. (Berlins Verlag 
der Wirtschaft, 1959), p. 35. 
2 
The term "Kirohenkampf" was first used during the Nasi period, 
when Hitler engaged in a struggle with the Confessing church. This term 
has been used by church historians to describe the struggle between church 
and state in East Germany from 1949 to 1953. 
67 
reviled the church for her stand against the teaching of dialectical 
materialism in public schools and accused her of having joined forces 
with imperialist warmongers who were determined to drag the German 
Democratic Republic into a world conflagration.* At a party conference 
in July, 195°» Prime Minister Grotewohl brought serious charges that 
Bishop Dibellus had secret connections with Western imperialists and 
warmongers. He pointed to Dibellus* longstanding opposition to Com-
munism and charged him with having given the blessing of the church to 
Z 
the Masis in 1933* A number of factors contributed to the change from 
the moderate church policy of the Soviet Military Administration to the 
Xirchenkampf of the German Democratic Republic. 
First, the mutual respect that certain churchmen and Communists had 
gained for each other during their common suffering under the Nasi regime 
was gradually replaced by agitation and outright antagonism. Both sides 
engaged in polemical accusations and by 1950 the psychological tie of 
esteem no longer existed. The change in Communist sentiment and feeling 
which had taken place by 1949 was most strikingly expressed by Robert 
Bialeck, Chairman of the Free German Youth in ^axouy. In Kay, 1946, 
he stated! 
We know that the ecclesiastical work among the youth has 
created many valuable human beings; we appreciate the heroic 
battle fought against fascism by the Protestant and Catholic 
youth. We know that during the underground fight against the 
terror of fascism, a solidarity developed between Socialist 
youth, religious youth groups, Communist youth, and democratic 
^TaegHche Rundschau. Kay 24, 1950* 
2Neue Zeltung. July 8, 1950• 
68 
youth * . . We ask that all. German youth, regardless to what 
political party or church they belong, take the hand that we 
offer* 
In January, 19*48, Bialeck vowedt 
We shall strike the church ten times a day behind her back 
until she is completely down; then we shall strike her just a 
little bit until her wounds are healed* Then the church will 
send out pastoral letters in an attempt to enlist members, and 
then we will strike her down again* This is the way we operate 
in Saxony*2 
A second reason for the Kirchenkampf may have been the fact that 
the first stage of the planned Socialist development of East Germany, 
which called for an elimination of fascism from the socio-political 
3 
structure in society, came to an end in 1950* The second stage of 
development required strenuous efforts in the socio-economic, political, 
and ideological realms in order to bring about the Socialisation of the 
entire country. An attack upon the church was consequently almost in-
evitable* The ideological goal consisted primarily of rendering public 
schools into institutions of Socialist learning and of raising a new 
breed of Socialist people, "who would participate actively in the politi-
cal, economic, and cultural establishment of Socialism . . . and who 5 would act according to the commandments of Socialist morality." 
1Grothe, p. 217. 
2Ibid., p. 217. 
3JBZ von A bis Z, p. 35. 
L 
Der Deutsche Arbeiter- und Bauernstaat. pp. 313 , 328. 
5Ibid.. p. 313. 
69 
In order to reach its ideological goal, the -3ED engaged in activi-
ties which brought the party in sharp conflict with th© church, namely, 
the Socialization of the system of education and th© impregnation of 
students with the ideology of Marxism. To make rapid progress in the 
Socialist education of the German youth, the SED also attempted to des-
troy the church's influence over the youth. Toward this objective the 
SED and the &'ree German Xouth in 1952 launched a vehement attack on the 
i 
church's youth organizations. The church repeatedly protested and a 
bitter conflict between church and state ensued. 
The fact that the SED had consolidated its political power by 1950 
may have been a third reason for the outbreak of the Kirchenkampf. 
The National Front as the political mass organization of the SED had the 
task of selecting political candidates for public office and of organiz-
ing election campaigns. In the election to the People's Chamber on 
October 15, 1950, the candidates of the National front received 99*72 2 
per cent of all votes; this was a solid indication of the predominant 
political position which the national Front and, consequently, the SED 
occupied in East Germany by 1950. With its power consolidated, the SED 
apparently felt strong enough to attack the church. 
Fourth, by 1950 it appeared to be no longer necessary to pursue a 
i 
Kund--ebunr;en. hforte und Erklaerunf-en der EvanrelischenKirche in 
Deutschland. 1945-1959» ed. Merzyn (Hannover: Verlag des Amtsblattes des 
EKiD, n.d.j, pp. 90-92. 
2Statistisches Jahrbuch der DDR. 195j (Berlin; Deutscher 
Zentralverlag, 1956), vol. I, p. 87. 
70 
moderate church policy in East Germany as a means of creating a public 
opinion favorable to the Communist cause among West Germans. By this time 
most West Germans, influenced by the blockade of West Berlin and the 
appalling stories of prisoners of war returning from Russia, had acquired 
a critical attitude of the Soviet Union, whioh probably could not have 
been changed even by a continuation of the moderate church policy. This 
disparaging view of Communism was reflected in the Federal Republic's 
elections of 1949 and 1953 when the Communist party lost many votes. 
In the elections for state governments in 1946 and 1947 the Communist 
party received 505*000 or 8.2 per cent of the votes in the American zone, 
1,132,000 or 10.5 per cent in the British zone, 160,000 or 8.3 per cent 
in the French zone, and the SED secured 406,000 or 19.8 per cent of the 
votes in West Berlin. In the federal election of August 8, 1949, the 
Communists received merely 5-7 per cent of all votes cast and in the 
2 
election of September 6, 1953, only 2.2 per cent* The Communist party 
did not participate in the federal election of 1957 at all because by 
this time it had been outlawed in West Germany. In light of the election 
returns, it was obvious that the Communists would be unable to change 
public opinion in West Germany even if the church in East Germany were 
treated leniently. 
A final reason for the Kirchenkampf may have been the government's 
desire to mete out some kind of punishment to the church in reprisal for 
Wtschland Jahrbuch. 1949. ed. Klaus Mehnert (Essen: Im West-
Verlag, 1949), p. 71. 
%tatistis ches Jahrh'.iah fuer die Bundes-Republik Deutschland. 1954. 
ed. Otatistisches Bundesaint (°tuttgart and Koeln: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 
1955), P. 109. 
71 
her refuaax to Xmooim* a subservient poxiticaj. tool of the state. In 
October, 1949, tttXholm ?iock wrote a letter to Otto Dibolius stating that 
as bishop lie could render a servioo of ins a tillable value to the church 
and nation if he consented to aide wita the National Front in accepting 
oovist plans for Ger&an unity und in cautig&ting Western nations for their 
"military schemes.*** Jir.>i.lar invitations were uxiondaa to other leading 
ohurctoan, ziid tnoy wore also urgjed to take an active part iii the Com-
munis t- oriented World l'eaua ^ veatent and in the East German plebiscite 
of :*hich deiiouaced the iKftrmzmnt of thw feat German Republic. 
Grotewohi declared that a refusal by the church to take part In the pleb-
iscite would bo interpreted as ecclesiastical support for tfest German 
rearmament. Evan so, Bisaap Dibelius and th© majority of the clergy re-
% 
fusza to yield to Grote#fohlis desaA&ds. 
In order to i^ ake the church politically more pliable, th<? state used 
several means of coercion. J tat* subsidies to the church ware cut by 
30 par cent and as of January 1, 1953, they ware no longer to be paid at 
all. In tho long run this would have led to an impoverishment of tho 
church and her local parishes, but through & change In polioy adopted in 
Juno, 1953» the governmant resumed the payments of the subsidies before the 
full impact of financial pressure felt by the church. A number of 
pastors were arrested and sentenced to prison terms. Clergymen from West 
Germany wore no longer permitted to take charge of East German parishes. 
It was made almost impossible for East German church leaderb to attend 
A252» 113. 
2KJ 1950. pp. 114-117 
72 
meetings and conferences In West Germany by refusing them passports. 
As a final measure of reprisal, the church*s youth organisations were 
publicly attacked and denounced as "American espionage agencies." It 
was apparently anticipated that punitive measures would make the church 
respond to the wishes of the government. MA situation developed for 
the church in the German Democratic Republic similar to that of 1933—the 
church could buy her existence from the state if she were prepared not 
only to recognise the political goals and principles of the state, but 
also to actively work for them.w^ 
It was not just one motive, but a combination of several, that per-
suaded the Sast German government to abandon the moderate churoh policy 
of the Soviet Military Administration and to Initiate the Kirohenkampf • 
The over-all reason for this change of approach to religion was undoubt-
edly based on Marxist ideology itself, which called for the eradication 
of religion by all available means and methods. The government may have 
thought that the Kirchenkampf would more readily facilitate the destruc-
tion of the church than the permissive approach of the Soviet Military 
Administration. By June, 1953» the state was unexpectedly forced to 
terminate the Kirchenkampf and to rescind its oppressive measures. The 
Kirchenkampf as a churoh policy was then replaced by a new subtle approach, 
which in the long run proved to be even more dangerous to the churoh than 
the use of brute force. 
4 
ichrey, p. 296. 
73 
is^agjteLSmsB** m m s L 
The 10th of June, 1953» was a memorable day for the church in Sast 
Germany—the persecution of the Kirchenkampf had oome to a sudden end 
and the churoh was given a short respite from government harassment. The 
fires of persecution had been burning for many months. Thousands of 
young people had been suspended from schools of higher learning because of 
their loyalty to the churoh. A number of the church's institutions of 
mercy had been seised by the state. False and libelous accusations had 
been hurled at the church defaming her leaders, and seventy-two pastors 
and church workers languished in prisons. Protestations by leading church-
men both within and without Germany had been Ignored. Letters requesting 
a discussion of the points of tension had remained unanswered. Grotewohl 
had even publicly denied that a Kirchenkampf was waged in his country, 
let quite unexpectedly, in response to a final and nearly desperate peti-
tion by Sast German bishops, Grotewohl agreed to meet with a churoh dele-
gation on June 10 • 
On the appointed day leading officials from the eight territorial 
churches in East Germany filed Into the reception room of the large govern-
ment building in East Berlin. They were received by Prime Minister 
Grotewohl, Deputy Prime Minister Otto Buschke, Secretary of the Interior 
Groetschel, and the Ministers of Education and State Security, Paul 
Wandel and Wilhelm Zalsser. The opening formalities were courteous but 
brief and, after a few preliminary remarks by Grotewohl and Dibelius, 
the church representatives were asked to present their case. 
To the complete surprise of the churchmen, when the problem of the 
attack upon the churoh*s youth organisations and of the expulsion of 
74 
young Christian people from school had been aired, Grotewohl introduced a 
prepared statement frora which he read a full retraction of the governments 
position and & promise to rectify the injustices of the past months. The 
youth organisations, stated Grotewohl * were not illegal in the German Demo-
cratic Republic, and they would be permitted to operate in freedom without 
government interference. All students who h&d been suspended from high 
schools and colleges on account of their affiliation with the church's 
youth organisations would immediately be allowed to resume their studies. 
Teachers who had been dismissed from their academic positions for their 
support of excelled students would also be reinstated. Limitations which 
had been Imposed on religious instruction in public schools since Jan-
uary 1, 1953t k® removed. With growing astonishment the bishops 
listened to a similar acknowledgment of error in regard to the selawre 
of the churoh fs institutions of mercy. Grotewohl promised that confis-
cated eleemosynary institutions would be returned to the church. All 
prison sentences which had been imposed upon pastors and lay workers 
were to be reviewed by Sast German courts to correct possible injustices. 
Finally, as if to test the genuineness of these concessions, one of the 
ohurchnen pointed out that sinoe the state subsidies to the church had 
not been paid for some time, the salaries of pastors and church workers 
were in arrears. Grotewohl replied that the government would resume its 
financial obligations on a regular basis and inquired what sum of money 
would presently be needed. Heinrloh Grueber, the church's plenipoten-
tiary to the Sast German government, answered, "Two million marks." 
Grotewohl immediately ordered a check for that amount made out in 
favor of the churoh. At the conclusion of the conference, all these 
75 
/ i 
agreements snare released in a coamsinique to the public. This marked the 
end of the Kirchenkampf znd th® beginning of a *new course1* In the rela-
tions between church and state. 
After the initial shock, the rsaction of church leaders was one of 
deep gratitude that the Kirchenkampf had ended. The Council of the 
Evangelical church in Germany, which met on June 12, Issued a statement 
that reflected the gratitude of the churoh over the termination of the 
struggle* 
In this hour it would not be proper to suggest reasons which 
have led to this great change. Nor would It be proper to direct 
our attention to the things which were not achieved. The facts 
are there. In these facts we can only recognise the answers to 
the many prayers which have been raised by our congregations. A 
bitter time lies behind the churches in the German Democratic 
Republic. In these times we have experienced much of the merci-
ful help of God. We have experienced anew all the blessings which 
God bos tows upon the Christian through suffering. Sow we grate-
fully accept this new beginning from His hand. 
There was little doubt, however, in the minds of even the most grate-
ful churchmen that the new course represented not a basic ohange in the 
attitude of the German Democratic Republic toward religion. Certainly, 
the new course was the most spectacular modification of the government's 
church policy since 195°» but even in the sweeping concessions of the 
/ 
communique there was not the slightest intimation of a possible basic 
ideological shift toward religion on the part of the Communist state. 
Experience had taught church leaders to live from one reprieve to another, 
and they were fully aware that Communist tactics could ohange rapidly 
1KJ 1953. p. 179. 
2KJ 1953. p. 181. 
76 
to moot tho needs of a given situation* 
The launching of the new course by the East German government was 
directly connected with the politics of Soviet Russia and its satellite 
countries. Joseph Stalin had died on March 5, and the internal political 
turmoil in the Soviet Union that followed his death demanded a lessening 
of tension in national and international affairs. The new Soviet Russian 
leaders formalised these objectives in a policy of "peaceful coexistence11 
with the West and In a relaxation of the strict Stalinist control within 
the ranks of international Communism • Personnel shifts in the Soviet re-
presentatives to the German Democratic Republic suggested that some basic 
changes were also to take place there. The Soviet Control Commission in 
Germany was dissolved and its chief, Marshal Zhukov, himself a olose friend 
and confidant of Stalin, was recalled to Soviet Russia. Vladimir Semjonow, 
a long-time advocate of closer relations with West Germany, was appointed 
high commissioner of the Soviet Union In Germany on May 28. He arrived 
in the German Democratic Republic on June 5, and on June 8 Grotewohl ad-
vised church leaders of his government's readiness to confer with them 
about a lessening of frictions between church and state.* 
Even more dramatic changes occurred In the SED. it a meeting on 
June 9 the politburo of the SED's central committee decided to extensively 
modify the socio-economic program which had been launched as the stage 
of Socialist development in 1952. The central committee had been urged 
by the Soviet Russian Communist party on April 15, and again on June 3 , 
1Arnulf Baring, Der 1£. Juni 1953* **th ed. (Boimi Deutscher 
Bundes-Verlag, 1959), P« 22. 
77 
to affect a modification of that program.* Finally, tho politburo 
complied and at its mooting on June 9 confessed that the government and 
party had made a number of mistakes in the attempted Socialisation of 
Sast Germany; in order to overcome them the socio-economic program of 
rapid Socialisation would temporarily be suspended* This resolution was 
passed on to the government as a party directive* 
One reason for this snooping change in East German policy was the 
fear that the government had pressed its Socialisation program too far* 
The assumption upon which the second stage of Socialist development had 
been Initiated was that a sufficient number of people had been gained for 
it or were willing to accept it* The alarming rise In the number of 
people esoaping to the West in the early months of 1953 manifested that 
this was not the case* A further Indication was the general labor unrest 
that followed an increase of work quotas without a corresponding wage 
increase at state-owned factories on May 28* Labor strikes protesting the 
new quotas broke out at Chemnits9 Eisleben, and East Berlin, and climaxed 
2 
in a general revolt against the government on June 17* The uprising was 
swiftly put down by Soviet military units stationed in East Germany* It 
was quite apparent that the new course as a preventive measure designed to 
quench unrest had been launched too late* 
The churoh in East Germany was not directly involved in the revolt of 
June 17* The strikes and mass demonstrations were spontaneous reactions 
of factory workers against their new work quotas and then broadened into 
*Richert, p. 14* 
2 Baring, p. 41* 
78 
a general revolt against the government. Almost all participants of the 
uprising were members of the church, but only in a few instances did 
clergymen take an active part. By the same token, churoh leaders made no 
secret of the faot that their sympathies were with the striking people. 
When the revolt had been put down, they contacted the Soviet authorities 
by telephone and telegraph, urging the use of conciliatory measures and 
advising against harsh reprisals. On June 2k Sast German bishops sent 
a letter to the Soviet High Commissioner Semjonow In which they expressed 
their genuine concern about the wave of arrests in the country following 
the uprising. They thought that these arrests would lead only to renewed 
bitterness and enmity rather than to peaoe and order and explained to 
Semjonow that "as Evangelical Christians we have a deep human understanding 
for the requests of the laboring men as they were brought to light on 
June 17 and, therefore, we do not believe that any real satisfaction can 
be achieved merely with soothing explanations and halfway measures.** 
S. Renewed Attacks. 1957-1961. 
The thaw in relations between the church and state lasted only through 
the first part of 195**fi it proved to be only a passing and expedient phase 
in the government's long-range plan of expediting the death of religion. 
A strong ideological offensive against the churoh was launched in the fall 
of 1954t, and has since that time been pursued with unmitigated force by 
the government. The hardening of the new course into one of ideological 
warfare and renewed persecution was caused by at least three important 
factors—a directive by Nikita Khrushchev, the successful launching of 
*KJ 1953. p. 183 
79 
iovlet sputniks f and a growing antagonism toward tho church that finally 
gave way to punitive measures* 
The ideological onslaught on the churoh was touched off by the 
1 
before-mentioned directive issued on November 11, 195% by Khrushchev 
and the Communist party* In the directive Khrushchev urged all members 
of the Communist party and it3 subsidiary organizations to engage in an 
ideological battle that would at last stamp out religion. The response 
of the German Democratic Republic to Khrushchev's directive was promptly 
expressed in an article by Kurt Hager, Secretary of Science and Education 
of the j£Dfs central committeet 
It is imperative at the present time to accelerate the popular-
scientific propaganda under the direction and control of the party. 
This propaganda work must be carried out patiently without of-
fending the feelings of believers. It is important to spread the 
teachings of dialectical materialism . . . which prove the validity 
of materialistic views concerning the development of nature and 
society* 
An even more succinct statement expounding on the neoesslty of ideo-
logical warfare was issued by the thirtieth plenum of the SED9s central 
committee on January 31, 1957 * 
Marxism-Leninism teaches that coexistence in ideological 
questions is impossible, that the ideology of the working olass 
stands in a position diametrically opposed to the hostile bour-
geois Ideology, which will be attacked and fought In whatever 
form it may appear* 
Our party leadership has always insisted that the best 
way to make progress and to overcome deficiencies and weaknesses 
consists of attacking and defeating the eneny with ideological 
*iJravda. November 11, 195^ • 
2 
Kurt Hager, "Ueber den wissenschaftilch-athei stis ohen Charakter 
unserer Weltanschauung,* Einhelt. Heft k (April, 1955)• 
80 
weapons, with bold measures, and even with government means** 
The East German government carried out Moscow's directive in two 
2 
significant ways. Late in 195** it created a youth dedication, a Com-
munist rite which was Intended to replace the Protestant rite of con-
firmation. The matter of youth dedication became the focal point of the 
Ideological conflict between church and state, and It has remained an 
unresolved issue to this very day. The second means of ideological war-
fare consisted of a vast output of anti-Christian books. As soon as 
Khrushchev* s directive was issued, several atheistic booklets were trans-
lated from Russian into German and distributed on a mass basis. By 1956 
East German authors had had time to add their own contributions to the 
ever-increasing avalanche of atheistic literature that swept the book 
market. To intensify the ideological battle against the ohurch, a 3 
society for the Dissemination of Scientific Knowledge was called into 
life in 195^ • Its sole purpose was to contribute to the ultimate ob-
literation of religion by the production and distribution of atheistic k 
booklets and pamphlets. From all indications it appeared the Moscow's 
directive of 195^ was painstakingly carried out In the German Democratic 
Republic. 
The successful launching of the Soviet earth satellites In Ootober, 
1957$ nay have been another Important reason for the change of the 
1Heuer rfog* Heft 6 (1958). 
"^ Gesellschaft aur Verbreitung wissonachaftlicher Kentnisse 
^Slnheit* Heft 7 (195*0. 
81 
government's church policy. In Co^ nnainist quarters the appearance of 
the sputniks in the firmament symbolised the victory of Marxist science 
over religious "ignorance and superstition.* This conviction was re-
iterated almost daily in newspaper articles and speeches by noted Com-
munist leaders during the months of November and Dacember. Gerhard 
Grueneberg, First Secretary of the SED of Frankfurt at-the-Oder, 
asseverated on October 21, 1957* 
We teach truth. This truth is much easier to comprehend 
than certain other unimaginable nonsense. It must be olear to 
you all by now that the artificial earth satellite, launohed 
Into the universe by Soviet scientists, does not circle around 
the globe merely to say "hello* to a dear God or to angels, but 
that this greatest achievement of Soviet science shall help 
humanity to explore the universe. 
It Is the human being who changes the faoe of the earth. 
It is the human being who puts to use the most secret and 
powerful foroes of nature. Man is the mightiest of all beings, 
for there is none higher than he is. 
The spectacle of the sputniks fortified the SBD cadre in its belief 
that Marxist science would soon be victorious over religious "super-
stition." Thus the SED intensified the ideological attack upon the 
ohurch in 1957 with renewed convictions that this would accelerate the 
pace of the church's disintegration. 
Tho ideological assault upon religion was also In part a measure 
of reprisal for the stubborn refusal of the church to further the po-
litical interest of the state. In 195^ the National Front had again 
approached the clergy with the request that they support a new pleb-
iscite; in 1956 the churoh was called upon to issue a special de-
claration of loyalty to the state. To both of these requests the 
1Heuer Tag. October 21, 1957. 
QZ 
government received a negative answer* To wake matters wor^e, the 
church signed am agreewmt with the Federal Republic in. 195? which pro-
vided the West German ariqy with Protestant chaplains* The Bast German 
government vehemently cried out against thia agreement and apparently 
felt betrayed by the ^ATQ bishops«w The Ideolo^ic&l battle against the 
church was now waged with bitter and vicious determination* The rela-
tions between church and state were further chilled by the general power 
conflict between tho United States and the Soviet Union* After the 
fiasco of the Geneva Jumsiit Conference in 1955» * feeling of despair and 
resignation overo&Lie East Germans | since a peaceful settlement of world 
problems could not be re&ehsd at the conference table, the governaient was 
now even more determined firmly tsr iaplant Socialism in tho Geruan Demo-
cratic Republic and to strangle religion. These political factors played 
a part in translating the government's church policy into a relentless 
ideological drive against religion in Sast Geanjiany* 
By way of summary it should be noted that, although imbued with a 
deep respect for secular authority, German Protestantism through its 
bitter encounter with the Mas! regime had learned to obey God more than 
man and was not willing to accept the Communist bidding for political 
subservience after World War XI* 
The church fared quite well under the Soviet -Military Administration, 
This was due to the fact that church leaders and Communist officials 
had a genuine respect for eaoh other, that the Soviet government sought 
PP- 17-18 
83 
to ingratiate itself mmig West Germans by projecting a favorable image 
through & benevolent* treatment of the church, and that the first stage 
of development called for and cable relations between church and 
state. With the inception of the German Democratic Republic in 19**9» * 
flu res Eircasnkaitpf developed. It was caused by the waning of mutual 
respect between ohurohmem and Communists, by the consolidation of politi-
cal power within the uiiD, by the rapid Socialisation of the country, hy 
the refusal of th* churoh to sanction the socio-political machinations of 
the govwrnasnt, aid by the alienation of the West German people from 
Soviet Ifcis&ia. i'he Kirchenkampf was suddenly terminated in 1953 and a 
new course, supposedly on a friendly basis, was charted by the state. 
The new course in th*s feovernment's churoh policy turned, however, into 
an ideological attack on the churoh which has been carried on with ever-
increasing intensity. This attack was triggered by a directive from 
Khrushchev, by the spectacular success of the Soviet earth satellites, 
and by the obdurate attitude of the church towards political overtures 
of the state. All indications suggest that even though the churoh has 
at times been treated with tolerance, the unswerving goal of the Communist 
regime is to bring about her ultimate extinction. Whenever the state made 
concessions to the church they were dictated by political calculation, 
and not by good will. 
H I . ELIMINATE THE CHURCH'S INFLUENCE IN PUBLIC UFEl EDUCATION 
One of the objectives of Communist strategists is the elimination of 
the ohuroh,s impact upon public life. Sinoe they endeavor to bring all 
facets of life under Communist control, the influence of the churoh in 
sooiety cannot be tolerated. Among the numerous mass media which in-
fluence individuals and mold the politioaL-ideological character of a 
nation, none quite rivals that of public education in importance. Through 
the contents of school curricula and textbooks, the minds of even the 
youngest children can subtly be impregnated with a specific outlook on 
life and thus, with the rise of a new generation, the political-ideologi-
cal orientation of an entire nation can fundamentally be modified. If 
the Communist government wished to be successful in educating people in 
the Marxist mold, the church's hold on education had to be broken. 
When Communists came to rule East Germany in 19^5, they gained con-
trol over its system of public education. The church was largely expelled 
from that field, because the state at onoe claimed public education as 
its rightful prerogative. In past generations it had been customary in 
Germany to operate a confessional sohool system,1 that is, the physical 
maintenance of schools and their financial support were provided by the 
state while pedagogical supervision and religious instruction were the 
*Konfesaionsschule. 
35 
province of the church. In coimnonities "with Protestant and Catholic 
children, the state operated two schools supervised respectively by the 
two denominations« Before 1933 about four-fifths of all schools in Ger-
many were confessional in nature, and only one-fifth was communal* in 
character, attended by Protestant and Catholic students. The confes-
sional schools were almost completely wiped out by Hitler and were re-
2 
placed by secular schools under centralized Nazi control* After World 
War II most states in /Jest Germany decided to reestablish the old con-
fessional system of education, but the Soviet Military Administration 
stubbornly opposed such a move in Sast Germany and retained the secular 
school system imposed by Hitler. In accordance with the stand of the 
3oviet Military Administration, the City Council of ;2ast Berlin promptly 
resolved that "proceeding from the consideration that Gorman schools 
should no longer be torn by different creeds and ideologies, the school 3 
will be separated from the church." Municipal and state authorities 
throughout liast Germany followed suit and passed similar resolutions. 
In utter dismay Bishop Dibelius issued a pastoral letter to the 
parents of Berlin children on October 25, 19^5, in which he lamented 
over the fact that after a ten-year battle on behalf of the Christian 
faith the church should again encounter an organized attempt by the state 
to remove from schools everything Christian in character! 
1 x Gemeins chaf ts chule. 
2ivJ 194-9. pp. ^ 55-519* 
•^ Richard W. iolberg, God and Caesar in Sast Germany (New York* 
The McMillan Co., 1961) p. 3^7 
8 6 
Th® secular school which is now being introduced is not 
religiously a neutral school, in education there is no neutral* 
ity in respect to the great questions of Iranian life. The children 
must be given answers to these questions, one way or another! 
The secular school is clearly and unmistakably a school opposed to 
the Christian religion. In this we have had ample experience• 
That Dibelius* apprehensions were not unfounded has been attested 
with alarming clarity by the educational program in East Germany since 
19^5- In the course of time Communists created the conditions which 
enabled them to transform the school into an educational institution of 
dialectical materialism. This included the elimination of the old genera-
tion of teachers and the raising of a new generation who had been steeped 
in atheism and materialism. Moreover, as an adjustment to the political 
situation in East Germany, all textbooks were rewritten in the vein of 
dialectical materials and published in sufficient numbers for students 
and teachers. As early as January 19, 1951* the central committee of the 
SED could openly demand that "school* must proclaim the progressive 
achievements of sdance, especially of Soviet science, on the basis of 
Marxism-Leninism. "2 Opened in 19^5 under the guise of strict neutrality 
towards religion, the schools in East Germany have become wholly trans-
formed into confessional institutions of materialistic atheism. Even 
the government olearly admitted this in a speeoh by Prime Minister Otto 
Grotewohl on March 23, 1959* 
Socialism calls for a new nan with the best human qualities; 
and this new man must carefully be brought up, formed and educated 
with great patience but also with perserveranoe. The greatest 
1£b&d., p. 39. 
2The Roman Catholic Churoh in Berlin and in the Soviet Zone of 
Germany, trans, by n.n. (Berlin 1 Morus Verlag, 1959), P- 25. 
87 
and most intensive endeavor mst be devoted to the young, oncoming 
generation. 
In order to give them a command in the practice of Socialist 
advancement, first and foremost they must be provided with a con-
vlnoing explanation of Socialist theory and >Sara&st-Lenlnlsfc 
science . . . This scientific knowledge also includes the straggle 
against all kinds of fear, prejudice, belief in miracles and super-
stitlon, which give a false Idea of the world. . • • Hand In hand 
with th* Mental eduction stud the overall ed&cat&on&l work *>f the 
schools there must be moral education. Simultaneously with the 
transformation of the social order, the customs and habits of people 
and their concepts of good and evil and of justice lire changing. 
Morality serves to raise human society .and to liberate it from the 
exploitation of labor. Whatever corves the causa of Socialism is, 
therefore, moral. That alone is the basis for the moral upbringing 
and education of our youth." 
A. Public Education 
In an endeavor to align the Sast German school system with that of 
the Soviet Union, the Central Administration of Peoples Education passed 
on Hay 31, 19^6, a law called. "The Democrat!station of German Schools." 
According to that law, the new structure of education consisted of a 
kindergarten with voluntary attendance, an eight-grade primary school 
compulsory for all children, a four-year secondary school for montally 
superior children, and a three-year trade school for those who wished to 
2 
acquire manual skills. Graduates from secondary schools were permitted 
to enter institutions of higher learning. This statute was Intended to 
eliminate the traditional German practice of admitting into the secondary 
schools at the age of ten those children likely to be eligible for higher 
education, while leaving the rest of the children In the primary schools. 
*Neues Deutsehland. Marsh 29, 1959 • 
a . -P. *>-96. 
88 
The statute also centralized the school system and gave the Ministry of 
Peopled Education authority to exercise surveillance over adult educa-
tion. 
1. Kindergartens 
The central government charged the municipal councils in Sast Ger-
many with the responsibility of establishing and supporting kindergartens 
in their communities. In 1956 there existed 7,129 government-controlled 
kindergartens with an enrollment of 255 >710 children and a personnel of 
18,716 teachers.* The purpose of the kindergartens was in part to in-
doctrinate pre-school children with Marxism and to free mothers from their 
responsibilities to their small children so that they could work as muoh-
2 
needed laborers outside the home. The Ministry of Peoples Education of 
Thuringia thought it desirable to instill kindergarteners with such "ideals" 
as "love for our own nation, for our German Democratic Republic, and with 
hatred for all enemies who intend to disturb our work of p e a c e . O n e 
requirement in the academic training of prospective kindergarten teachers 
was the acquisition of "solid and scientific knowledge of Marxist-Leninist 
thought. 
The content of many old German legends and fairy tales was somewhat 
changed by Communist pedagogues so as to meet the need for a children's 
13BZ von A bis Z, p. 157. 
2Ibid.. p. 157. 
•^Mitteilungsblatt. ed. Mlnisterium fuer Volksbildung des Ltndes 
Thueringen, Nr. 9 (September 1, 1951). 
4Ibid.. Nr. k (April 1, 1951). 
39 
literature with a Socialist orientation. They asserted that the legends 
and fairy tales had originally been a classical form of literature through 
which oppressed people expressed their longing for liberation from the 
yoke of the ruling class.* In the course of centuries, the bourgeoisie 
had maliciously altered their content in order to use them as an instru-
ment of oppression. In other words, all true and unadulterated sagas and 
folk tales were to reflect something about the struggle and spirit of the 
proletariat. Communist educators thought it imperative to extricate that 
folk literature from garbled bourgeois distortions and to restore it to 
its pristine form. In the process of this "corrective" purge, all refer-
ences to God and religion were removed as bourgeois interpolations. 
The following are Just two examples of numerous textual "corrections" 
made in the well-known Grimms' fairy tales by Sast German Communist 
pedagogues I 
The old version of "Cinderella" reads 
The wife of a rich man fell ill, and when she felt that she was 
nearing her end she called her only daughter to her bedside and said, 
"Dear child, continue devout and good. Then God will always help 
you, and I will look down from heaven and watch over you." 
Thereupon she olosed her eyes and breathed her last. 
The maiden went to her mother's grave every day and wept, and 
she continued to be devout and good. 
The purged version of "Cinderella" readt 
The wife of a rich man fell ill, and when she felt that she 
was nearing her end she called her only daughter to her bedside 
and said, "Dear child, whatever may betide you, always be a good 
girl." 
1 Hermann Hartung and Gottfried Paulsen, Was liest die Jugend in der 
Sow.jetzone? (Bonn! Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1959), P» 26. 
o 
Grimms1 Fcdry Tales, trans, by Mrs. S. V. Lucas, Lucy Crane, and 
Marian Edwards (New Xorki Grosset & Dunlap, Publishers, 19^5), p. 155. 
90 
Thereupon she closed her eyes and breathed her last. ^ 
The maiden went to her mother's grave every day and wept. 
The old version of "The Slves and the Shoemaker" read" 
There was once a shoemaker who through no fault of his own had 
become so poor that at last he had only leather enough left for one 
pair of shoes. At evening he cut out the shoes which he intended to 
begin upon the next morning, and since he had a good conscience, he 
lay down quietly, said his prayers, and fell asleep. 
In the morning, when he had said his prayers and was preparing 
to sit down to work, he found the pair of shoes standing finished on 
his table. 
The purged version of "The Slves and the Shoemaker" reads 
There was once a shoemaker who through no fault of his own had 
become so poor that at last he had only leather enough left for one 
pair of shoes. At evening he cut out the shoes which he Intended to 
begin upon the next morning, and then he went to bed and fell asleep. 
In the morning, when he wished to sit down for work, he found 
the pair of shoes standing finished on his tabled 
The Christian motif was eliminated not only in such fairy tales but also 
in quaint German children's songs and nursery rhymes. For instance, the 
words of the nursery rhyme, "It is raining, God is blessing, the earth 
is getting wet," were changed to, "It is raining, it is raining, it 
is raining quite hard, and if it has rained enough, it will stop again. 
Religious songs and hymns were not permitted to be sung in schools and 
* Grimmsohe Kinder- und Hausmaerchen. ed. tfalther Polatsohek 
(Berlin: Kinderbuch-Verlag, 1952), p. 216. 
^Grimms' Fairy Tales, p. 178. 
^Grlmmsohe Kinder- und Hausmaerchen. p. 12. 
Germans "Es regnet, Gott segnet, die Srde wird nass." 
G o r m a n , "Es regnet, es regnet, es regnet seinen Lauf, und 
wenn's genug geregnet hat, dann hoert's auoh wieder auf." 
Backe. backe Kuchens Alte Hebe Kinderreime (Poessnecks Verlag 
Rudolf Forkel, 1959)» p. 6. 
91 
kindergartens. In an article entitled "The Murseiy -3ong in the Service 
of socialist Education," one educator expressed his obvious dissatisfac-
tion with the lax enforcment of that directive in Bast German schools. 
That a song, which stands in contradiction to our aims of in-
struction and education, must not be allowed in schools presumably 
need not be mentioned. And songs of a mystic or pessimistic nature 
will also hardly be sung. let at Christmas time it is not unusual 
that such songs as "0 thou Joyful," "Silent Night, Holy Night," or 
"0 Come Little Children," are heard from classrooms, that is, songs 
whose contents are based on religious views. 
. . . But whoever knows what lasting effect the song in school 
and spread outside the school has on the child and on his environ-
ment will be unable to see why such songs, merely on account of 
tradition, are still sung in our schools.* 
The preceding examples of literature have indicated that such terms 
as "God" and "church," "prayer" and "heaven," have carefully been elimi-
nated in kindergartens. The aim of the "corrective" purge of children's 
literature has been to keep children oblivious of the very existence of 
religion. 
A number of gifted writers kept busy producing appealing story 
books in order to fill the vacuum of children's literature acceptable 
to iiast German Communists. Typical of this new literature have been two 
2 
picture books, Our little Boat travels through Germany and Min and Go. 
a Letter from China.^ The former booklet depicts a group of children in 
the German Democratic Republic who put a small boat on the Oder river. 
When the paper toy, to which a red flag had been fastened, reached 
*Ch. Lange, "Auoh mit dem Kinderlied sozialistisch erZiehen," 
Die Unterstufe. deft 1 (1959). 
^Ursula Peter, Unser Sohlffchen faehrt durch Deutschland (Berlin* 
Kinderbuch-Verlag, 
^Paul rtiens, Mind und Go. ein Brief aus China. 2nd ed. (BerlinJ 
Kinderbuch-Verlag, 1955)• 
91 
kindergartens • In an article entitled "The Nursery Song in the Service 
of Socialist Education," one educator expressed his obvious dissatisfac-
tion with the lax enforcment of that directive in East German schools. 
That a song, which stands in contradiction to our aims of in-
struction and education, must not be allowed in schools presumably 
need not be mentioned. And songs of a mystic or pessimistic nature 
will also hardly be sung. let at Christmas time it is not unusual 
that such songs as M0 thou Joyful," "Silent Night, Holy Night," or 
"0 Come Little Children," are heard from classrooms, that is, songs 
whose contents are based on religious views. 
. . . But whoever knows what lasting effect the song in school 
and spread outside the school has on the child and on his environ-
ment will be unable to see why such songs, merely on account of 
tradition, are still sung in our schools.* 
The preceding examples of literature have indicated that such terms 
as "God" and "church," "prayer" and "heaven," have carefully been elimi-
nated in kindergartens. The aim of the "corrective" purge of children's 
literature has been to keep children oblivious of the very existence of 
religion. 
A number of gifted writers kept busy producing appealing story 
books in order to fill the vacuum of children's literature acceptable 
to East German Communists. Typical of this new literature have been two 
2 
picture books, Our little Boat travels through Germany and Kin and Go. 
a Letter from China. ^  The former booklet depicts a group of children in 
the German Democratic Republic who put a small boat on the Oder river. 
When the paper toy, to which a red flag had been fastened, reached 
*Ch. Lange, "Auch mit dem Kinderlied soa&alistisoh erZiehen," 
Die Unterstufe. Heft 1 (1959). 
^Ursula Peter, Unser Schiffchen faehrt durch Deutschland (Berlins 
Kinderbuch-Verlag, 1955)• 
^Paul Wiens, Hind und Go. eln Brief aus China. 2nd ed. (Berlins 
Kinderbuch-Verlag, 1955)• 
92 
Frankfurt at-the-Gder, it encounters a large train from Soviet Russia, 
which borings machines and butter into Germany* In the middle of a dark 
night at the dividing line between Sast and West Germany, the peaceful 
course of the little boat is threatened by a barbed wire fence, search-
lights and tanks (The author did not relate that the barbed wire fence 
had been erected by the East German government). In Hamburg, the desti-
nation of the boat, a group of workers has just gathered in the harbor, 
threatening some American "moneybags" and German "traitors." A group 
of youngsters in Hamburg finally find the toy and gleefully read the 
message sent by the East German children, "We greet all children of the 
world, who love peace and fight for it as we do." The children in Hamburg 
are so impressed by this greeting that they, too, build a ship with a red 
flag and put it on the North Sea with New Tork as its destination. 
Mln and Go. a Letter from China relates the story of a Chinese brother 
and sister. The large and colorful pictures of the booklet show the develop-
ment of Communist China, the battle of Mao Tse-tung against Chiang Kai-shek, 
soil reform, industrial planning, and the increase of literacy among Chi-
nese people. The last pictures show a group of peaceful children at play; 
one child is disguised as a vicious, emaciated tiger who carries the flag 
of the United States in his mouth while some children have weapons and drums 
in their hands and others still wave at the tiger large flags with the white 
dove of peace. In spite of these gestures of peace, the tiger attacks the 
children and fights with them until he is soundly beaten. 
This type of literature has been used in the Communist education of 
pro-school children in kindergarten, replacing "outmoded" bourgeois-Christian 
booklets and pamphlets. Even games played by children were given a Socialist 
93 
meaning in school. At the fifth convention of the 3SD in July, 1953, 
Eleonore Salomon, a teacher at the August-Bebel school in Greifswald, 
noted in regard to Socialist education in East Germany* 
Wo start as early as the first year in sohool. Even -when our 
children are that small, we tell them of our ideology and among other 
things also of youth dedication. But this is not all. For example, 
every year we take each grade for a visit to Communist marriage and 
name-giving rites to have our children observe the new forms of our 
Socialist life. In our schools and kindergartens, our children no 
longer play wedding in church, but enact the Communist marriages and 
name-giving rites. 
2. Primary and Secondary Schools 
The education system in Sast Germany was placed under the direct con-
trol of the government, which maintained its authority over schools through 
a Coordination and Control Office for Education and through the Central 
Administration of Peoples Education. The SED also took a direct part in 
the education policy of schools through its commission on education and 
other subsidiary organizations. On account of these three control agencies, 
deviations in local schools from central directives have hardly been pos-
sible.2 
With the transition in 1950 from the anti-fascist to the Socialist 
stage, the schools were committed to a policy of conscious inculcation of 
students with Socialist thought. The Ministry of Peoples Education de-
creed at that time that the motif of hatred against imperialist enemies 
*The Roman Catholic Church, trans, by n.n. (BerlinI Morus Verlag, 
1959), P. 25. 
2 
Carola Stern, "Volksbildung am Gaengelband der 3ED,H 33Z Archiv. 
IV, Nr. 8 (April 20, 1953), pp. 120-121. 
9'4 
i should be one of the basic principles in the education of all children. 
The National Front declared that "the basis of Socialist education is a 
knowledge of the objective general laws which determine the development 
of nature, society and thought. This can be achieved solely with the 
2 
help of the only scientific philosophy, dialectical materialism." At 
a conference on education held by the 3ED in 1958, "principles for im-
proved textbooks" were submitted by the book concern "Volk und VJissen," 
which has published most of the textbooks for schools in Bast Germany. 
It was noted in one of the principles that children possessed by nature a 
materialistic conception of the universe, and that "this fact must be 
utilized in the teaching of natural science, in order gradually to develop 
a conscious, scientific, materialistic attitude which would enable stu-
dents to hold a materialistic image of life in opposition to religious o 
prejudices. Other guidelines for the writing of textbooks were to show 
students by example from history how the church has always impeded the 
advance of science, how the relentless fight between the church and pro-
gressive science has continued, and how the ruling class has played an 
ignoble role in this struggle. 
In keeping with these alms, the curriculum oonsisted mainly of social 
science and language courses, but this was somewhat modified with the 
spectacular success of the sputnik in 1957 and more stress was placed 
^Amtliches Rundverfuegen. ed. WLnisterium fuer Volksbildung der 
DDK, Nr. 31 (1951), P« 6. 
2GDR. p. 18^. 
%he Roman Catholic Church, pp. 2/f-25. 
95 
on the biological and physical sciences. On September 1, 1959» a poly-
technical program was added to the school curriculum with the purpose of 
acquainting students with various processes of production. In 1956 there 
existed 11,3^3 primary schools with an enrollment of 1,829,400 children, 
and 337 secondary schools with 9^ »3!30 students. 
The schools in East Germany have suffered from a chronic shortage 
of teachers. On account of war losses and dismissals of former Nazi 
teachers, the number of teachers was reduced by 30 per cent in 194-5 alone. 
In order to produce new teachers as quickly as possible, graduates from 
secondary schools and sometimes even from primary schools were granted 
teacher's certificates after attending one year of a teachers' training 
college. In 1948 there were 49,944 teachers with, only one year of train-
ing, and 22,562 experienced teachers who had received more extensive 
2 
training at institutions of higher learning. In view of the short train-
ing period now required for teachers, the academic level in schools left 
much to be desired. It has been estimated that about 70 per cent of the 
teachers in East Germany had received insufficient training. Starting 
in 1950 a more demanding program of training was required for the teaching 
profession; those who intended to become teachers in primary schools were 
expected to devote three years of study at a teachers' college and those 
in secondary schools five years at a university. The large number of 
1Statistlsches Jahrbuch der DDR. 1956. vol. II, p. 114. 
2i.BZ von A bi3 Z, p. 191. 
%orst Duhnke, StaHnismus in Deuts chland—Die Geschlohte der 
sow.jetischen Besatzungszone (Koeln: Kiepenheuer & Wits oh, 1955), P» 345. 
96 
new personnel admitted to the teaching profession after 19^5 made Com-
munist encroachment in schools relatively easy, because all new teachers 
had to study dialectical materialism. Already in 1950 about 48 per cent 
of the teachers were members of the 33D.* 
Most of the textbooks usod in "Sast German schools were direct trans-
lations or adaptations from the Russian. The depiction of historical 
events was rendered in such a way that it had to evoke a feeling of revul-
sion towards religion. A few excerpts from history textbooks may illus-
trate the interpretation of the Christian faith given in Sast German 
schoolsi 
OS 
DemocritAwas of the opinion that neither God nor some kind of 
spirit was the cause of the world but matter. According to his 
teaching, matter consisted of very small parts, the atoms, which 
were in constant flux endlessly uniting with and separating from 
each other. Through various combinations of atoms, Democrit^explained 
natural phenomena. With his teaching he dealt a destructive bjow to 
religion. He was the first important materialist and atheist. 
The Christian chronology is in use at the present time. The 
Christians started to count time with the thirtieth year of the reign 
of the Roman Jmperor Augustus, in which according to tradition Jesus 
Christ was born. 
Whether Christ ever lived has not been proved scientifically. 
But many began to believe in tfim (Christians). Later—in the sixth 
century—they set the legendary year of Christ's birth as the first 
year of their chronology 
The last persecution of Christians occurred under Diocletian. 
His successors even accepted Christianity themselves. Necessity 
forced them to recognize Christianity. It was now muoh more 
•^Die rote glut, ed. Bundeministerium fuer gesamtdeutsche Fragen 
(Bonnt Deuts cher-3undes-Verlag, 1950), P* 6. 
2A. W. Mischulin, Geschlchte des Altertums (Berlin: Verlag Volk und 
wissen, 1950), p. 12?. 
3Ibid.. p. 9. 
97 
advantageous for the state to recognize the church and to be sup-
ported by her in the battle against the revolution. The church did 
not call upon the masses to rise up in a class war. On the contrary, 
she preached obedience and submission to the lords. We read in church 
chronicles, "Slaves, be obedient to those who are your earthly masters.1,3 
Out of the midst of the people . . . the myth of Jesus Christ, 
the God-man, was created. He taught that all suffering should be 
borne patiently, because all those who suffered and were oppressed 
would receive their reward after death. On the other hand, sinners 
would be damned to eternal torture. This myth was formed under the 
influence of oriental cults. 
In none of the historical works of that time is found a word 
about the life of Jesus Christ. 
Since the Catholic church realized that it did not suffice to 
fight a movement of the people with terror alone, she sought to win 
people through different means. With this in mind she established 
the "mendicant" order of the Franciscans, whose members pledged to 
remain poor. The poverty of the Franciscans was only a disguise. 
Soon the Franciscan monasteries gained much land and wealth. The 
external poverty of the Franciscans was merely a mask so that they 
might more effectively win the trust of people. 
The churoh needed educated clergymen, who could read and sing 
in the church, and preach to people the necessity of obeying masters 
and rulers. 
Calvin introduced strict ruless like the pope, he removed all 
those from his church who did not agree with his doctrines, impris-
oned them and had "heretics" executed or expelled from the country. 
In 1554 he imprisoned the scholar Michael Servetes from Spain, who 
had refuted the Christian doctrine of the Trinity of God, which is 
one of the most nonsensical doctrines of Christianity, namely, that 
God consists simultaneously of three persons, Father, Son and Holy 
Spirit.5 
The church played a great role in strengthening the power of kings. 
When Christianity, originally the religion of the suppressed masses, 
became victorious, it became the prop of the Roman state of slave-
holders. Since the church taught the slaves obedience to their 
3 
E. A. Kosminskl. Geschichte des Mlttelalters (Berlin: Verlag Volk 
und Wissen, 1950), p. 
98 
masters, condemned uprisings, and declared that masters were insti-
tuted by God, the emperor and slaveholders in turn helped the church. 
Bishops were often the most important persons in Roman cities. They 
and other clergymen received land and wealth of various kinds from the 
state.1 
Spiritual princes, who revelled in luxury and debauchery, plun-
dered their subjects just as severely as the temporal nobility. They 
blackmailed believers with threats of "eternal condemnation" and other 
church punishments. For the maintenance of their power they employed 
mendicant monks, especially of the Dominican order, who as spies 
searched for discontented people. 
Everywhere in France bishops were installed by Clovis. The 
church received many gifts consisting of royal estates and became 
thereby herself an estate owner. In Return, clergymen admonished all 
inhabitants of the country to be obedient to the king. They proclaimed 
that it was the will of God to be obedient to authority.^ 
The church participated also in the subjugation of the Slavs. 
German priests and monks with the aid of feudal lords began to convert 
the Slavic population to Christianity by force. This conversion 
brought great wealth to high and mighty church princes, for all Chris-
tians were compelled to tithe. Otto I founded in the conquered terri-
tory the new archdiocese of Magdeburg and the dioceses of Brandenburg, 
Oldenburg (Holstein), iieissen, Zeitz, and Merseburg. There he appointed 
jaxon feudal lords as bishops. 
Henceforth, the German feudal lords proclaimed that they would 
bring Christianity to the Slavs. They called themselves fighters of 
God against unbelieving heathens. 
However, in reality the spiritual and temporal feudal lords emu-
lated each other by robbing as much land as possible, by selling the 
indigenous population as slaves, and by forcing them into slavery or 
by killing them. 
Spiritual feudal lords also began to sell their agricultural 
products in order to come into possession of money. The ohurch had 
formerly given a part of her surplus of grain to poor people. The 
1Ibid.. p. 15. 
2 
Lehrbuch fuer den Geschichtsunterricht (Berlin* Verlag Volk und 
Wissen, 1954), 10. Schuljahr, Heft 3, p. 21. 
3Ibid.. 5. Schuljahr, 1952, Teil 3, p. 38. 
**Ibid.. 6. Schuljahr, 1951, Teil 1, p. 36. 
99 
care of poverty-stricken people was now restricted* The limitation 
of the care of the poor and the suppression of peasants evoked the 
hatred of destitute people toward the church. High clergymen enforced 
obedience by severely punishing peasants and by threatening them with 
punitive retribution from heaven 
The Reformation movement after 1521 proceeded definitely in two 
directions. Princes and wealthy townsmen as well as the nobility 
(since its defeat), in contrast to the masses of people, were satisfied 
with a church reform that included separation from Rome and the expro-
priation of church property, i-jartin Luther favored this moderate reform. 
On the other hand, the reformation of tho people found its leader in 
Thomas i-luenzer. 
in a scarcely audible voice Luther &t Worms]] requested time to 
think things over. Princes and many knights were shocked by Luther's 
cowardice, .vben the first session of the Diet was ended, they sent a 
delegation to him. They assured him that he stood under the protection 
of mighty princes and knights, and demanded that he should not recant.-3 
Calvin taught that the wealth of a person was a visible sign of 
his election. The doctrine of predestination was received with great 
enthusiasm by the rising bourgeoisie, because its wealth and striving 
for power was given a Biblical justification. 
Communist morals are diametrically opposed to religious morals. 
The two are as incompatible as freedom and slavery, truth and false-
hood, or light and darkness, tfhereas Communism is the banner of the 
fight for the liberation of workers from slavery and exploitation, 
religion is an ideology to justify and perpetuate slavery. 
Communist morals are the morals of the new world, which develops 
and grows stronger with the passing of each day and to which the future 
unequivocally belongs. Religious morals are the morals of the old 
world, which remains static and to which nothing will be added in 
future except increasing decay and irrevocable destruction.^ 
These citations have shown that the textbook is an instrument of the 
Communist government through which students are to be impregnated with 
ilbid.. 6. Schuljahr, 1952, p. 40. 
2lbid.. 10. Jchuljahr, 1955, p. 246. 
3lbid.. 6. schuljahr, 1952, p. 131. 
4Ibid.. 6. Schuljahr, 1952, p. 219. 
%olonizki, p. 5* 
100 
anti-roligious views • Historical facts ware presented from a definite 
anti-Christian vantage point* Since school children in East Germany hardly 
had access to any other than Communist books, they were not in a position 
to form an objective view of religion. In order to erase even the faintest 
positive thought about the Christian faith in school children, religious 
symbols traditionally found in German schools were removed and replaced 
with pictures of Communist loaders. ' History teachers were committed to 
th© task of elucidating the "unscientific" and "superstitious4'' nature of 
religious beliefs in their classes. The importance of teaching history 
from this point of view was stressed again in 1958 in an article entitled 
"Making Better Us© of History Teaching for the Development of a Philosophy 
of Life." 
The struggle against the idealistic philosophy of Hfe, the dis-
cussion of unscientific theories, such as religion for example, must 
become a principle of instruction. 
It is necessary to contend for every young person. The century-
old structure of religious ties will not collapse within each person 
from one day to another. 
In dealing with the evolution of nan from the animal world, the 
false church doctrines of creation of man by a higher power must be 
dealt with, and the pupil must be shown the harm which this story of 
creation has wrought in the minds of people* 
ilhen lecturing on the incipient state of religion, w© deal with 
the very roots of religion in detail and demonstrate that God did 
not create man, but that nan "created"—invented—God.. 
3. Colleges and Universities 
Sast Geman institutions of higher learning have directly been con-
trolled by tho iidnistiy of People*s Education. In addition, on February 
•i -••Orrothe, p. 217. 
o 
Pollin, "Den Geschichtsunterricht besser fuer die Weltanschau-
liche Bildung nut sen,H Jeschi elite in der Schule. Heft 10 (1953)* 
101 
22, 1951> the government established a State Secretariat of Higher Educa-
tion to accelerate the pace of the Socialization of colleges and univer-
sities. 
The aim of the process of Socialization was to create and wto educate 
an intelligentsia which has a deep respect for the working class, a profound 
love of science, and which feels closely bound to the Socialist community.1** 
Of course, this goal entailed the political indoctrination of students. 
Therefore, starting in 1951 students were required to take rigid social 
science courses for three years which consisted primarily of studies of 
dialectical materialism and political economics. Some institutions of 
higher learning also required marksmanship at the rifle range as a compulsory 
subject. For instance, medical students at the university in East Berlin 
have been permitted to take their final examinations only after they had 
2 
proved their competence at the rifle range. In order to accelerate the 
Socialization processes even more, admission of new students to univer-
sities and colleges since 1958 has been made contingent upon a pledge of 
loyalty to the East German state. 
iify studies are a distinction bestowed upon m^ by our Workers' 
and Peasants' state. I promise to pursue my studies in the light of 
Socialism, actively to support the policies of the government of the 
German Democratic Republic, and on the basis of dialectical and his-
torical materialism to gain a comprehensive education for nyself, 
which I will use to help in the maintenance and strengthening of peace 
after the completion of my studies. 
During my studies I will actively participate in the Socialist 
development of industry and agriculture, and I am prepared to defend 
the Socialist achievements of the Workers' and Peasants' state 
1GDR, p. 195. 
2Grothe, p. 175. 
102 
against all attacks (and to contribute to the preparedness of defense 
of the German Democratic Republic). 
I promise to work for a period of three years after my studies 
. . . at the post assigned to me by organs of the Workers* and Peasants* 
state.* 
In keeping with this pledge, all male students since 1953 have been 
compelled during their school vacation to take part in military training 
supervised by officers of the National Peoples Anty; only students of 
theology were exempted from this requirement. 
iSvery Sast German citizen with the necessary academic background under 
the age of thirty-five could apply for admission to college or university, 
but only a small portion of the applicants have been permitted to enter 
the academic world each year. The selection of students has been carried 
out by members of the Teachers* Union, representatives of university facul-
ties, and leaders of the Free German Youth. The applicant's scholastic 
record, his attitude towards the Communist state, and participation in 
political activities have been decisive factors in his gaining admittance. 
Preference has been given to those who had worked in industrial plants for 
several years or who had honorably been discharged from the National Peoples 
2 
Army. Only a certain number of students from the various strata of the 
population have been permitted to enter institutions of higher learning each 
year. In 1953 the quota for the children of factory and farm workers was 
set at 80 per oent, for those of professional people and of the old intel-
ligentsia at Ik per oent, for those of independent farmers and craftsmen 
X U 2 P -
2"Hoohsahulbestimmungen,M Das Hoohschulwesen. Heft 6 (1959), P* 13 • 
103 
at 5 per cent, and for those of private businessmen and large farmers at 
1 
1 per cent. The overwhelming quota earmarked for children from families 
of factory and farm workers indicated that they received preferential 
treatment. Even though they had made up only 10 per cent of the total 
number of students in 19^5, their quota was set at 56 per cent in 195?2 
and at 80 per cent in 1958. This was done in order to approximate a "fair1* 
representation of the various social strata at institutions of higher 
learning. Since the bulk of the population was composed of working people, 
they were also allotted a high quota of students. £ast German authorities 
believed that these children, **as members of the leading class, should be 
particularly well educated and prepared early in life for their responsible 
job as the future bearers of the economical, political, and cultural life 
of the country.In order to qualify as a child of a worker, the student*s 
parents had to be employed as manual laborers before January 1, 19^2. 
By contrast, children of the old intelligentsia were discriminated against; 
it was only natural that a large percentage of young people from that social 
stratum desired to pursue academic studies, because their parents—many of 
whom were graduates of colleges and universities themselves—had instilled 
in them a deep appreciation for higher education. Yet the annual quota 
appropriated for them was decidedly low, barring many intelligent young 
people including children of the clergy from the academic world. This 
1GDR. p. 196. 
asB2 von A-Z. p. 135* 
3GDR. p. 1 B 7 . 
^Die Neue Schule. Nr. 6, (February 8, 1951), PP» 11-12. 
112 
policy violated article 35 of the constitution, which stated that "every 
citizen has the same right for an education and for a free choice of occu-
pation • . . .H Under the quota arrangement, children of the old intel-
ligentsia were certainly not given the same rights as those of factory 
2 
and farm workers. To aggravate their predicament even more, a directive 
of the i-jinistiy of People's Education specified that children of the 
"progressive*® intelligentsia should receive preferential treatment over 
those of the old intelligentsia. This measure was defended on grounds 
that certain groups in the "progressive*' intelligentsia suoh as medical 
doctors, ,sheroes of labor," devoted teachers, skilled specialists, and 
individuals who had received certain national awards, render such valuable 
service to their country that as a token of appreciation their children 
should receive priority consideration in admission to institutions of 
higher education.^ The number of full-time students in 1951 was 27,833 
and in 195& it increased to 63,911 students. In 1951 there were 21 colleges 
and universities in 4ast Germany and in 1956 that number rose to insti-
tutions of higher learning.'^  
Jointly with the SED cadre the State secretariat of Higher Education 
supervised all staff appointments to the faculties of colleges and 
1 _ xDokumente zur Jtaatsordrrung; der DDR, vol. I, p. ^ 29. 
^Gerhard Moebus, Bolschewistisohe Parteilichkeit als Leitmotiv der 
sowietzonalen ivulturpolitik (Bonn* Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1951), p. H . 
3"Richtlinien fu.r Obersohuelen, und ZehnJ.hresschuel.r ,« torelsung. 
by Ministerium fuer Volksbildung, Nr. 83/II. 
^Statistisches Jahrbuch der DDR. 1956. vol. H , p. 119. 
105 
universities. This enabled the government to realize its goal of forming 
a group of intellectual leaders who had a deep committment to the Communist 
state. The many teaching posts which became vacant since 19^5 have been 
filled with loyal party people, who would gladly educate students in the 
spirit of iiarxism. Numerous new positions for professors were created 
through the establishment of 25 new institutions of learning since 19^5. 
The number of full professors increased from 1,395 in 1951 to 2,690 in 
1956. It has been estimated that between 19^9 and 1959 more than 63,000 
people with an academic training, including 22,3^7 teachers and 1,264 
professors, fled from East to West Germany. Their vacant posts were 
largely filled with loyal Communist teachers. In an endeavor to halt the 
unceasing flight of teachers and professors, the government raised their 
salaries considerably in 1952. Even this incentive was for many not strong 
enough to keep them at their academic posts. On aocount of defections and 
the creation of new professorships, the quality of scholarship suffered at 
East German universities. However, this decline did not reach catastrophic 
proportions, because many of the new instructors were placed in the field 
of social science which dealt primarily with dialectical and historical 
materialism. The teaching personnel for this field could be trained in a 
relatively short time in comparison to the arduous academic preparation 
required for similar positions in other fields. The presence of a loyal 
teaching staff at the academic institutions facilitated the realization of 
1Ibid.. vol. II, p. 119. 
2The Flight from the Soviet Zone, ed. the Federal iiinister for 
Exiles, Refugees, and War Victims (Bonn, 1959), P* 
106 
the Communist goal in higher education to form a nucleus of young intellectuals 
with a deep sense of committment to Communism, who would be responsible for 
th© socialization of the German Democratic Republic. 
As regards the Christian faith, the attitude of university authorities 
has been one of open hostility or mute indifference. References to reli-
gion in most textbooks and lectures were similar to those found in the text-
books for the primary and secondary schools. The prevailing attitude at 
institutions of higher education has best been summarized by Walter Ulbricht 
himself when in 195o he stated before a group of scientists in Halle that 
"theism cannot be presented at all in lectures at universities. Nobody 
has a right to do so. Theism does not comply with science and has nothing 
to do with science. The university must not be mistaken for a church.1® 
k. Adult Education 
Not only the youth but also the adult population was at least to some 
degree to be steeped in Marxist thought. It was partly for that purpose 
that a considerable number of peoples colleges were established throughout 
the country. Courses based on the regular curricula of secondary schools 
were offered to adults in these colleges. After the participants had suc-
cessfully passed their examinations in a prescribed number of courses, 
they were permitted to enter institutions of higher learning. To make it 
easier for working people to pursue studies, many courses were given 
directly in factories and industrial plants. The cost of adult education 
was carried almost entirely by the state. To be sure, a number of highly 
*Neues Deuts chland. April 29, 1958. 
2GDR, p. 195* 
107 
profitable courses such as stenography, typing, foreign languages, and fine 
arts wore offered by the people1 s colleges, but they were interspersed 
1 
with compulsory lectures and courses of an ideological nature. If a 
person wished to acquire specialized skills or knowledge, he was at the 
same time forced to study dialectical materialism. Especially after 19^9, 
East German politics and Communist tenets were r£ven a predominant posi-2 
tion in the curricula. Tho official task of the people's collets was 
to prepare working people for an active participation in economics, admin-
istration, the party and mass organizations, and to educate them for 3 
responsible positions in society. The Ministry of People's Education was 
in charge of tliG administration of the people's colleges and supervised 
the preparation of their curricula. 
In 1951 there existed 202 people's colleges with 157 full-time faculty 
members and 77^»5^1 registered participants. In 1955 the number of the 
institutions had risen to 226 with 77^ faculty members and 921,321 partic-
xpants. This was the highest enrollment and since 1955 a decline in the 
number of adult students has taken place. Beginning in 1957 the program 
of the people's collages was changed from day to evening classes. 
Mother agency influential in the 2-taxist education of the adult 
population was the aforementioned Society for the Dissemination of 
AHeinz "Jutschke, Die n^jachsenenblldun:-; in der sowjetischen Besatz-
un^szone Deutschlands (Bonn: Doutscher Bundes-Verlap;, 1958), vol. I, p. 
vol. I, p. 48. 
3 H. Kaiser, Die Teohnische Betriebsschule—ihre Entwicklunq;. Aufrcabe 
und .. robleiaatil: (Jerlin, 1955), P» 21. ~ 
^tatistisches Jahrbuch der DDR. 1955. vol. I, p. 69. 
108 
•Scientific Knowledge* The objective of the Society was "to overcome the 
remnants . . . of reactionary ideology . . . in the heads of our people,** 
and through an imparting of "social sciences taught on the basis of 
Marxism-Leninism to cause people to take an active part in changing their 
envir<Shent.1,1 3ach member of the Society pledged to give annually at 
least two lectures on some popular I'arxist topic. In 195£ members of th© 
2 
Society held 117,000 lectures, JED functionaries considered the creation 
of the Jociety an important step in furthering the ideological education 
of the jJast German people. They hailed its creation in laudatory terms, 
"Cur party attaches utmost significance to the establishment of the Jociety 
for the Dissemination of .Scientific Knowledge, There exists no doubt that 
the cadres of the party will fervently support the activities of the 
society* 
In spite of the energetic efforts by the state to educate Sast Germans 
in dialectical materialism through people's colleges and the Society for 
the Dissemination of Scientific Knowledge, its endeavors did not always 
meet with unmitigated enthusiasm. At the twenty-fifth plenum of the .iSD's 
central committee, political functionaries complained that "stifling bore-
dom" prevailed at some lectures on Marxism and tho ideological-political 
education of people was plagued by "torpid routinism. ^  
1£inheit. July, 195^• 
23BZ von A-2, p. 114. 
3 
"Das Licht des lessens dem ganzen Volke," Neues Deutschland. 
June 18, 1954. 
k Neues Deutsch3.and« November 22, 1955* 
109 
The church's reaction to the education program fostered by the state 
was one of utter dismay. Bishop Bibellus protested repeatedly against 
the materialistic education that was forced upon the population in Sast 
Germany. In a letter to the government dated April 20, 195$, he demanded 
an immediate withdrawal from schools of Mschulin's History of Antiquityt 
a textbook that maliciously impugned the Christian faith.* Bishop Moritz 
riitzenheim of Thuringia made a similar request of the Erfurt municipal 
government in 1953? he asked the municipality to ban the use in local 
schools of Kolonizki's rabidly anti-Christian booklet, Communist and Chris-
2 
tian Morality. Both Dibelius and Mitzenheim argued that since Christian 
parents had helplessly to watch their children being subjugated to an 
impudently anti-Christian education the use of these books and the mate-
rialistic education in public schools violated the freedom of conscience 
granted to citizens in article 41 of the constitution. In conclusion the 
two bishops wished the government to take note of the fact that more than 
90 per cent of the 3ast German people embraced the Christian faith and 
abhorred tho materialistic education of their children. Numerous other 
resolutions and petitions drawn up by the church expressed similar senti-
ments and called on the government either to discontinue Marxist educa-3 
tion or to permit the church to establish her own parochial schools. 
These letters and resolutions made no apparent impact upon the governments 
Verlag, _ __ 
2Ibid., p. 194. 
3Ibid.. pp. 178, 180, 181, 184. 
no 
indeed5 the Socialization of schools was not abandoned but was actually 
accelerated in 1957• 
B. Religious Instruction and Theological Education 
Religious instruction of children in public schools and theological 
education of students at state universities had been anchored in German 
tradition and constitutional law as early as the 1850*s. Regardless, 
whether a school was confessional or communal in character, two hours of 
religious instruction per week were considered a normal part of the cur-
riculum and were given in the school building during regular school hours* 
In communal schools, which were attended by both Protestant and Catholic 
children, teachers from the two denominations met with their respective 
students in separate classes for religious instruction. Except for upper 
classes which were taught by pastors or priests, the personnel consisted 
of regular school teachers, but no one could be compelled to teach reli-
gion. 
1. Religions Instruction 
The right to give religious instruction to children in public schools 
had already been extended to the church by the National Assembly at Frank-
furt in 1849.^ The Jeimar constitution of 1919 reinstated the church in 
that privilege, and also granted to the church the right to train her 
2 theological students at state universities. The Vatican's concordat with 
A 
Hans Lierraann, ICirchen und Jtaat (iSuenchen: Isar Verlag, 1955)9 
vol. I, p. 10. 
^Ibid.» vol. I5 p. 13. 
Ill 
Hitler in 1933 assured the Roman Catholic church in Germany of a con-
1 
tinuation of that benign privilege for her people, but religious instruc-
tion of Protestant children continued under the Nasi regime only on a hap-
hazard basis propelled by the force of tradition. After World War II the 
states of the West German Federal Republic extended these old provisions 
once more to the church, granting her the right either to operate confes-
sional schools supported by state funds or to render religious instruction 
in communal schools. The East German state denied the church the right to 
maintain confessional schools, but permitted her to carry on with religious 
instruction. 
As soon as World War II had come to an end, churchmen were deeply 
concerned that the church be permitted to continue with her program of 
religious instruction in public schools. At a church conference at Treysa 
in August, 19^5, church leaders petitioned political authorities for a 
pledge that this old-established tradition would not be discontinued. 
Rumors spread at that time that neither the teaching of religion nor the 
establishment of confessional schools would be allowed by the temporal powers 
in £ast Germany. Finally, a decree issued by the Province of Saxony on Oc-
tober 10, 1945, bore out the validity of this persistent talk; the church 
in that region was no longer to be permitted to give religious instruc-
tion in public schools. In the event that no other facilities were avail-
able, the local political officials might possibly make temporary provision 
for the use of schoolrooms. Participation in religious instruction was to 
1Ibid.. vol. I, p. 77. 
112 
be entirely on a voluntary basis, and parents -who wished their children 
to take part were to notify the school administration of their desire. 
If a regular schoolteacher felt inclined to teach religion, he could do 
so under regulations governing the "supplementary employment" of faculty 
4 
members.x Upon hearing the details of this decree, both Protestant and 
Catholic bishops raised strenuous objections. Even though a formal sepa-
ration between church and state had existed in Germany since 1913, a close 
cooperation had prevailed in the field of education so that this new reg-
ulation was looked upon with suspicion and even open hostility. Church 
officials took public opinion-polls which indicated that in thirteen of 
the twenty boroughs in Berlin 85 to 100 per cent of the parents emphat-
ically wished to have religious instruction in schools. 
Apparently under the pressure of various petitions and the public 
opinion-polls, the Central Administration of Peoples Sducation reversed 
some particulars of the decree by the Province of Saxony and through a 
1946 law on "The Democratization of German Schools" permitted the church 
to teach religion in schools. The Central Administration^ law was re-
inforced in 1949 by article of the East German constitution: 
The right of the church to administer religious instruction in 
the rooms of schools is guaranteed. The religious instruction will 
be administered by persons selected by the church. No person may be 
forced or be prevented from administering religious instruction. The 
legal guardians of the pupils shall decide as to participation in 
religious instruction.2 
The spirit of this constitutional provision was soon violated by both 
XKJ 1950. pp. 387-388. 
%>okumente zur Staatsordnung der DDR, vol. II, p. 431. 
113 
school administrators and government officials. As a rule, school prin-
cipals worked diametrically against the interests of the church by ob-
structing the teaching of the (Christian faith in school buildings. Some 
principals set a very unfavorable time and day for religious instruction; 
thus they kept many children from attending classes in religion and still 
were following the letter of the law. Discipline during religious in-
struction often broke down completely, because teachers were not allowed 
to discipline students on their own even though this was a normal practice 
in all other classes. Since attendance was on a voluntary basis, children 
could enter and leave the classroom during instruction as they wished. 
Teachers had no authority to enforce discipline over this obstreperous 
conduct in class, and some were even publicly called by such names as 
"Jesus Christ," "the old one," "the holy Jusan," and "the holy aunt"1 
without being allowed to reprimand them. Nevertheless, considering all 
difficulties and impediments, religious instruction was carried on rather 
effectively by the churoh until the promulgation of a new decree on Feb-
ruary 12, 1958, by Frits Lange, the Minister of Peoples Education. The 
so-called Lange decree required that an interval of at least two hours 
elapse between the close of school and any outside instruction. The reason 
given was that children should have time to recover their physical and men-
tal powers after school before partaking in other activities. The main 
thrust against religious instruction was contained in the following ex-
cerpts from the Lange decree. 
The organs of education are charged with taking measures to 
abolish the immoderate extra-school demands on pupils. 
XKJ 1954. p. 116. 
Any extra-school demands on the pupil may be made only after 
the completion of curriaular instruction and other obligatory 
activities of the school; a suitable interval must occur during which 
the children can recover their physical and mental powers. Any extra-
curricular activities may only take place if an interval of at least 
two hours occurs between them and the end of curricular instruction. 
All persons instructing or educating the pupils outside the 
curriculum or outside the school must be suitable for this responsible 
task. They must have a positive attitude to the Workers* and Peas-
ants1 state. Decision as to admission of such persons—insofar as 
they are not state-employed teachers or educators—is the responsibility 
of the school head. Only nationals of the German Democratic Republic 
are to be admitted. 
Persons admitted receive a certificate, the validity of which is 
renewable quarterly by the school head. Admittance may be revoked 
at any time. 
Recruiting with a view to participation in religious instruction 
is prohibited in schools and their institutions • • • • 
The school head is responsible for strict adherence to this 
ordinance and to this end shall examine all extra-school and other 
extra-curricular activities as to form and content and check the activ-
ity of the persons entrusted with the activities.1 
This ordinance nullified almost completely the effectiveness of reli-
gious instruction in public school. Children who lived far away from school 
could not be expected to wait two hours in classrooms for the beginning of 
the religious instruction period nor to return from their homes after the 
specified period of time. It also occurred that if a religious instructor 
per chance talked to children on school premises, the principal might accuse 
him of trying to induce them to participate in religious instruction. Son© 
catechlsts were said to have displayed a negative attitude towards the state 
and thus were not accepted as religious instructors by school principals. 
1 "Anordnung zur Sicherung von Ordnung und Stetigkeit % Sraiehungs— 
und Bildungsproaess der allgemeinbildenden Schulen," Gesetzblatt der DDR. 
Nr. 18 (March 19, 1958), p. 236. 
115 
In order to alleviate this grave situation, Bishop Mitzenheim, as the 
church's representative, met on October 10, 1958* with Otto Grotewohl. At 
this meeting, Grotewohl opined that the two-hour interval should not be 
counted from the time when the school closed, but from the time of the dis-
missal of each class* Since various classes were dismissed at different 
hours of the day, it would be quite possible for catechists to instruct 
pupils of one class after a two-hour interval while pupils of other classes 
were still in regular school session, but the requirement of the two-hour 
4 
interval could not be abolished. Grotewohl further stated that the quar-
terly issuance of certificates to religious instructors was only a formality 
by which school principals would be enabled to arrange for a better utili-
sation of classrooms and a more effective scheduling of activities. The 
certificates did not signify political surveillance of catechists by prin-
cipals nor a subtle selection of religious instructors by the state* The 
principals' authority to examine the content of religious instruction should 
not be misconstrued as interference with the theological content of the sub-
ject matter* Bishop Mitzenheim was somewhat puzzled by Grotewohl1 s inter-
pretation of the Lange decree and, unable to effect its withdrawal, he 
concluded that "we must fear that out of these contradictions permanent 
confusion and hindrance to church life"2 will result. 
The stringency of the Lange decree forced the church to leave school-
rooms and to use parish halls and churoh buildings for the propagation of 
the Christian faith. The government did not permit the use of private 
^Kundgebungen. p. 303. 
2Ibid.. p. 304. 
116 
homes for that purpose. Under the direction of Walter Zimmerman, the 
Chairman of the church's Department of Education, teaching materials were 
prepared, and a long-range program was initiated to help every congregation 
in liJast Germany to establish its oran facilities for religious instruction. 
Supported by the church in West Germany and by the Lutheran World Federa-
tion, this endeavor met with remarkable success. In 195° the church held 
60 per cent of her instruction in sohoolrooms, but by i960 virtually all 
teaching took place in church-owned facilities.2 
Another great problem facing the church in the field of religious 
education was a shortage of school teachers who were willing to give reli-
gious instructions. Christian doctrine had traditionally been taught by 
regular teachers, who were elected to that position by the Protestant or 
Catholic church. The iSast German constitution ostensibly perpetuated this 
custom, because article 44 declared that no person should be forced to or 
be prevented from teaching religion. In reality if a regular teacher 
indicated his willingness to give religious instruction in school, he soon 
noticed that his chances for a promotion were gone and frequently he was 
conveniently transferred to another locality.3 As has been noted previously, 
4 
as early as 1950 about 48 per cent of all teachers were members of the 3ED, 
and thus on account of their presumed convictions they would be unlikely to 
*KJ 1950. p. 391. 
^Personal Information (Interview with Heinz Brunotte, Chancellery 
President of the Evangelical church in Germany, at Hanover on May 2?, I960). 
3KJ 1950. p. 388. 
**Die rote Flut. p. 6. 
125 
have volunteered to teach the Christian .faith in school. The core of 
teachers who were willing to accept an appointment from the church, quite 
small in 19^5, had by i960 dwindled to an insignificant number. 
In view of this predicament, the church established catechetical seminars 
where dedicated laymen prepared for the teaching vocation by participating 
in either a short, training course or in a more exacting program of two-
years' duration. By 1950 the church had set up forty seminars and her cate-
chetical force consisted of about 12,000 lay people;* the numerical strength 
of the catechists has since become much larger than that of Sast German clergy-
2 
men. In 1950 the catechists were able to reach 70 per cent of all baptized 
i-rotestant children attending school and to instruct them in the Christian 
faith, even though one half of these children could be given only one hour 3 of instruction per week. Nevertheless, until 1958 the church was able 
to 
effectively use the catechists in the promulgation of the Christian faith 
among children in Sast 'Germany. 
The Lange decree of 1958 caused a decided decline in the number of chil-
dren attending religious instruction in schoolrooms. The decrease was par-
ticularly noticeable among children in lower grades, who on account of their 
age were physically not strong enough to return to distant schoolrooms or 
to walk to remote parish halls. VJhen the new school year opened, in 1958, 
school authorities tried also to discourage parents from registering their 
1£J 1950. p. 391. 
2 
"Lutherische Kirche hinter dem eisemen Vorhang,H Svangelisoh-
Lutherische Kirohenseitung. XI, Nr. 16 (August 15, 1957)* P* 295* 
1950. p. 391. 
118 
children for religious instruction by telling them "not to expose their 
children to the harmful influence of the church."* Church leaders ob-
served that "the fact that once 75 to 80 per cent of all children were 
reached by the church seems now in retrospect like a fairy tale of olden 
times." Although no statistical data have been made available, this 
statement suggests that a startling decrease in the number of children in 
classes of religious instruction occurred in 1958. 
Statistics about the number of participants in Sunday school have 
regularly been furnished by two of the eight territorial churches in ulast 
Germany, namely, the Lutheran church in Gaxony and the Evangelical church 
in Silesia. The steady decline in the number of children attending Sunday 
school probably is illustrative of a similar development in the attendance 
of weekday religious classes. 
The Lutheran church in Jaxony The Evangelical church in Silesia 
Children in Sunday Sohool Year Children in graiday jchool 
70,707 1953 3^68 
64,107 195^ 4,688 
62,221 1955 4,420 
5 7 , ^ 1956 3,183 
52,855 1957 2,856 45,362 1958 2,461 
39,076 1959 2,198 35,^ 86 i960 3863 
2. Theological Education 
Host of the Protestant students of theology in Germany had traditionally 
1958, p. 167. 
1958, p. 167. 
3KJ 1955. p. 443; KJ 1956. p. 368; KJ 1957. p. 274; KJ 1958. p. 402; 
KJ 1959. P. 374; KJ I960, p. 340; KJ 1961. pp. 426. 427. 
119 
received their training at state universities. Theological schools of both 
the Protestant and Catholic church had been for centuries an integral part 
of German institutions of higher learning; Protestant schools of theology-
were founded at fifteen German universities, six of which were located in 
East Germany. Jome students also took their training at the five theological 
colleges owned and operated by the church in West Germany. 
The Sast German government did not dissolve the Protestant schools of 
theology at its universities; but in 1952 Prime Minister Grotewohl suggested 
to Bishop Dibelius that perhaps they should be eliminated and replaced by 
one single and independent Protestant theological college and the state would 
supply the financial means for its establishment and maintenance. Dibelius 
replied that for a period of four hundred years these schools had been a 
part of the universities and their service had been of inestimable value to 
the life of the church and to that of German Protestantism. Therefore, the 
church would greatly appreciate it if the government would not terminate 
their existence.* In his answer to the state, Dibelius may have been some-
what influenced by the fact that the close proximity of theological students 
to the iiarxist environment at the universities gave them an excellent oppor-
tunity to gain practical experience for their future encounter with Communism 
on a parish-level. They would never have been able to obtain this first-hand 
2 
experience at an isolated theological college. No further attempts were 
made by the state to dissolve the Protestant sohools of theology at its 
universities • 
1952. pp. 229-236; also Kirche im Kampf der Zelt. p. 189. 
2Hans Juergen Behm, "Der theologisohe Nachwuohs In der DDR, "Evangellsoh-
Lutherisohe Kirchengeitung. XI, Nr. 16 (August 15, 1957)» P* 2?6. 
120 
In keeping -with German custom and tradition, the government even 
financed part of the education of theological students at East German uni-
versities. Like most other students, almost 80 per cent of the theological 
students received grants in aid from the state. Thl3 scholarship arrangement 
was superior to that in West Germany, but it had also its disadvantages 
because students became overly dependent on the state. In addition, the 
state appropriated approximately 4 million marks a year in its budget for 
the needs of the six schools of theology at its universities.* 
Besides their major field of concentration, university students in the 
German Democratic Republic were required to specialize in studies of Marxism. 
Theological students were no exception to this rule; they were compelled to 
pass an examination on ideological and socio-economic subjects before they 
were given permission to pursue theological studies. 
This policy apparently did not fully satisfy the government, because 
at a meeting between professors of theology and representatives of the State 
secretariat of Higher Education in 195&, Franz Wohlgemut, Deputy ;tate secre-
tary of Higher Education, chided theological students and their professors 
for their overt apathy and passivity in the struggle between the Sast and 
the West—in many ways it was incongruous that he should have expected a 
different attitude. He insinuated that if students and professors would 
not adopt a more positive attitude toward the state, the scholarship program 
for students might be terminated; in spite of this threat, government sti-
pends have so far been given with, great regularity to theological students. 
Wohlgemut urged professors in the future to display loyalty toward the 
1GD£f p. 41. 
121 
state in word and in deed. By snoh action they would set a worthy example 
for their students. In conclusion Wohlgemut summarized the demands of the 
/ state in a communique that he presented to assembled professors of theology. 
We respect and esteem the theological and religious views of our 
professors and theological students, but we realize that they are also 
citizens whose attitude should be positive. 
We expect them consciously to encounter our Socialist society and 
thoroughly to discuss it. 
We expect them not just to display passive neutrality but rather 
to take an unambiglious stand. 
We expect the theological schools to imbue theological students 
with a sense of active loyalty toward the state. 
We expect them to display a frankly critical attitude toward their 
church leadership {QibeliuJ and to take concrete steps against,, nega-
tive influences such as, for example, the Student Congregation. 
In order to give concrete basis to these demands, theological students 
have been compelled since 1958 to sign a solemn pledge of loyalty to the 
German Democratic Republic. Permission to study theology at Sast German 
universities was henceforth granted only to those students who promised not 
to deviate from the political line of the government and who pledged to 
support the policies of the state. The content of the loyalty pledge for 
theological students was very similar to that for all other students, except 
that the former were not required to promise that they would "pursue studies 
in the light of Socialism." 
ry studies are a distinction fieetod upon nei by our Workers' 
and Peasants* state. I promise actively to support the policies of 
the government of the German Democratic Republic, and to gain a com-
prehensive education for myself, which I will use to help in the 
maintenance and strengthening of peace after the completion of my 
studies. 
During my studies I will actively participate in the Socialist 
development of industry and agriculture, and I am prepared to defend 
the Socialist achievements of the Workers* and Peasants* state against 
*KJ 1956. pp. 190-191. 
122 
all attacks. I will diligently keep the constitution, statutes and 
ordinances of the state, the laws of my college and its regulations, 
and will faithfully fulfill my duties arising from them. 
Through petitions to the government, church leaders attempted to bring 
2 
about a change in the content of this pledge. Some theological students 
apparently had experienced some pangs of conscience when they were asked to 
sign it. However, no heed was given to these petitions by the government, 
and the wording of the pledge remained unchanged. In an endeavor to help 
the students in their predicament, theological schools provided them with 
guidelines which advised them what their attitude toward the state ought 
to be. The guidelines were frequently turned in to university authorities 
along with the loyalty pledges signed by theological students. 
The difficulties, dangers and temptations, which have come about 
through the division of our country into two realms of power, as well 
as the special problems which the Christian faces in a decision between 
his Christian faith and an atheistic world view, have caused us as 
instructors of theology to give our students some guidelines, which are 
to help them to maintain suoh conduct in their studies as is becoming 
for a Christian bound to the Word of God. 
The theological student will, in grateful responsibility be conscious 
of the privilege of study made possible for him by people laboring in 
various occupations. 
He will uphold the constitution and regulations of the university 
and display an attitude of esteem and trust to his instructors in order 
to be aided by them in his studies. 
He will engage In research, steeping himself in knowledge, and 
allow truth alone to lord over it. 
Through faith in God's Word, he will look upon the authority of the 
state, the government of the German Democratic Republic, as a merciful 
institution of God, respect its laws, and in moral responsibility as 
a Christian aid the government in all areas where the true welfare of 
the people is involved. 
As a Christian he will stand for the maintenance of peace in the 
world, the unequivocal ban and elimination of all means of mass destruc-
tion, and he will support efforts aimed at a reunification of our people. 
^ J 1958. p. 169. 
2 Kundgebungen. p. 304. 
He -will respect ordinances of tb.e state concerning the national 
economy and he will refrain from actions which in any way could impair 
tho prosperity of his country. 
Bound to the Word of God, the student of theology will in all 
these things attempt to render unto the state that which belongs to 
the state and unto God that which belongs to God. 
The merits of the loyalty pledge were neither sanctioned nor refuted in 
these guidelines, for they were primarily designed to clarify in more detail 
the position of the theological students so that they would be enabled to 
sign the pledge without compromising their faith and convictions. Since 
the issuance of these guidelines in 1958, all theological students have 
signed the required pledge of loyalty. 
Enrollment of students at the theological schools of the six East 
German universities (Berlin, Greifswald, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, and Rostock) 
had declined alarmingly during World War II and has not come near to reaching 
pre-war levels since. While the enrollment of students at West German 
schools of theology in 195° shattered all previous records, that at Sast 
German schools after an initial gain has declined in recent years. In 1930 
the number of Protestant students of theology at Sast German universities 
was 1,922 and by 1946 it had shrunk to merely 239 students. That number 
increased to a post-war peak of 931 students in 195^» and since then it 
has gradually decreased, so that in 1957 there were only 882 theological 
students (Protestant and Catholic combined) left.-* The fact that the 
iKJ 1958. pp. 167-168. 
2Zahlen aus dem kirchliohen Leben. ed. Das Klrchenstatistlsche Amt 
der evangelischenKirche in Deutschland (HannoverI Schluetersche Verlag^-
anstalt und Buchdruckerei, 1955), P» 26. 
3ot.tlstlaob.es Jahrbuch der DDR. 1?57. vol. H I , p. 130. 
124 
government has annually admitted just a fixed contingent of students 
may partially account for this decline. Sach year more young people had 
wished to study theology than were admitted to this program by the govern-
1 
ment. By 1956 several teaohing posts in theology had been vacant for some 
time, because the government had consistently refused to appoint new pro-
fessors to those positions. 
Even though by far not enough clergymen were supplied by the Sast 
German schools of theology, the shortage was acute but had not reached 
catastrophic proportions in the 1950*s. About 75 per cent of the 6,875 
Protestant preaching stations and congregations in East Germany were still 
filled by well-trained pastors in 1957* This was partly due to the fact 
that a few pastoral vacancies had been filled through a supply of indigenous 
West German clergymen, whom the Bast German government had permitted to 
take charge of vacant parishes Immediately after the inauguration of the 3 
new course in 1953. A group of young Sast German vicars and pastors, who 
had studied at West German schools of theology for a while and had not been 
permitted to return home, were also now permitted to take up permanent 
residence in the German Democratic Republic and were allowed to assume 
charge of vacant congregations. As a rule clergymen faithfully stayed 
with their people and withstood the temptation to seek an easier life througi 
escape to West Germany so that only an insignificantly small number of 
*Behm, p. 276. 
2Svangelische Welt. July 16, 1956, p. 398. 
^Behm, p. 276. 
125 
parishes was left without leadership through the flight of pastors. To 
be exact, only 1.5 per cent of all East German clergymen escaped to the 
West between 19^5 and August 13, 19&1 (the day the Berlin wall was erected), 
in comparison to a flight of 70 per cent of other intellectual and profes-
sional elements.* If pastors had left their posts at the same rate as 
other professional people, the overwhelming majority of the parishes in Sast 
Germany would have been vacant by 1961. It also happened occasionally that 
clergymen, who had left the Sast, decided to return voluntarily with their 
families to their old parishes when upon their arrival in West Berlin churoh 
authorities pointed out to them the serious effect of their action on the 
o 
welfare of the church. Nevertheless, despite the temporary supply of 
clergymen from West Germany and despite the admirable devotion of ministers 
who stayed in their parishes, far from enough pastors were available for 
the congregations. 
The shortage of clergymen had become more crucial by 1961. Although 
no comprehensive data have been made available, some of the eight East 
German territorial churches reported that between one-third to one-half of 
their parishes were without pastors in 1962. The Lutheran church in Thtw 
ringia had 800 of her 1,500 congregations vacant,-^  and the Evangelical 
church in the Province of 3axony recorded 600 pastoral vacancies in her 
* "They Remain—Under Fire," -onntagsblatt (Jpecial Edition), October, 
1961, p. 9. 
2Otto Dibelius, In the jervice of the Lord: The Autobiography of 
Bishop Otto Dibelius, trans, by Mary Ilford (Hew York, Chicago, and San 
Francisco: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964), pp. 204-207; alsol Sonn-
tagsblatt. October, 1961, p. 6. 
^The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, ed. Julius Bodensick 
(Minneapolis, Minnesota: Augsburg Publishing House, 1965), vol. IH, p. 2397* 
126 
1 
1*750 parishes. To forestall a possible collapse of these parishes, the 
church has recently sought to fill these vacant posts with qualified and 
dedicated lay people. 
To recapitulate: One of the Communists' objectives, which they hope 
will contribute to the extirpation of religion, is the elimination of the 
church* s influence in the public sector of life. I leans of education such 
as public schools and institutions of higher learning are of cardinal im-
portance in influencing society and in shaping its character. Therefore, 
the 3ast German government claimed public education solely as its own 
prerogative, using public schools in an attempt to reshape the East German 
people in the Marxist mold. The content of education was blatantly Marxist 
and anti-Christian in nature. Through the promulgation of the Lange decree 
in 1958 > the church was for all practical purposes stripped of her tradi-
tional privilege of giving religious instruction in public schools, and 
was forced to carry on her education program in parish halls and churoh 
buildings. Thus the churoh was successfully ousted from taking part in 
public education. The education of theological students has continued 
without too much interference by the Sast German government, but students 
have been forced to sign a loyalty pledge prior to being admitted to theo-
logical studies. The quota system barred some prospective students from 
theological studies, and the crucial shortage of clergymen may partly be 
attributed to it. 
llblcU. vol. in, p. 1962. 
IV. ELIMINATE THE CHURCH'S INFLUENCE IN PUBLIC LIFE J YOUTH 
By establishing a monopoly over education, the government of the 
German Democratic Republic has sought to instill Marxist thought in chil-
dren and to expel the church from that important sphere of public influ-
ence. Certainly a large number of children thoroughly imbued with Marxism 
in school and without the benefit of a Christian education would later decide 
to withdraw from the church. This would constitute a concrete step in the 
direction of realizing the ultimate goal of the Communist churoh policy, 
the eradication of religion. 
A second facet of the government's attempt to destroy the influence 
of the ohuroh in society has consisted in its attempt to win the youth of 
the church for the Marxist cause either by physical force or by subtle 
encroachments. With this in mind, the government initiated in 1952 a 
vicious campaign against the church's youth organisations, the Young Con-
gregation and the Student Congregation.* Its climax was reached in June, 
1953» when the state was forced to retreat from its malevolent course for 
a short period of time. In 1954 efforts were again made to win the alle-
giance of the youth, only this time not through violent measures but rather 
through such subtle means as pseudo-sacred rites and atheistic ceremonies. 
*Die Junge Gemeinde and die Studentengeneinde. 
128 
Th© new approach for reaching the youth which the government initiated 
in 1954 has been highly successful. As a matter of fact, the conflict 
between church and state since 195^ has focussed primarily on the issue 
of youth dedication and from all indications it is apparent that the 
government has won the upper hand in this issue. By 1961 approximately 90 
per cent of the Sast German youth participated in youth dedication and only 
10 per cent were still confirmed by the church. The success of the dedica-
tion rite coupled with Marxist education in schools has extensively elimi-
nated the public influence of the church in the East German society. 
A. The Young Congregation and Student Congregation 
Many of the young people in local church parishes were loosely united 
in a youth organization called the Young Congregation. A surprisingly 
large number of young folk in towns and villages were attracted to this 
organization and actively participated in its programs. This became a thorn 
in the eyes of the Free German Youth, the Communist youth group. It 
appeared that not only was its growth impaired through the Young Congregation 
but also that it lost to the church a conspicuous number of youths with 
2 
good leadership potential. The Student Congregation existed primarily at 
institutions of higher learning and its leaders were unusually gifted clergy-
men. Its programs were composed of searching lectures and discussions and 
appealed to many students at colleges and universities. To be sure, the 
membership of the Student Congregation was relatively small because most 
*Die Frei Deutsche Jugend. 
2 Schrey, p. 295* 
129 
students who received scholarships from the government realised that an 
official affiliation with that church organisation could easily antagonise 
1 
the government and cause them to loso their financial aid. Even so, the 
programs and sessions of the Student Congregation we re usually well 
attended by students. 
In its endeavor to disrupt the influence of the church's two youth 
organisations, the Free German Youth initiated in the summer of 1952 a 
drive against the Young Congregation. Walter Ulbricht and Erich Honecker 
were among the state dignitaries and party loaders who not only condoned 
that drive but openly lent their support to it. The state conspired with 
the Free German Youth in making it virtually impossible for the church 
youth to meet at large rallies or at Bible camp retreats in 1952. 
The case of a large rally scheduled by the Young Congregation for 
June 14-15, 1952, at Luebbenau, clearly revealed the intention of the state 
to hinder the youth work of the church in every way possible, nine© 1947 
this rally had been held annually in that town without state interference. 
An added feature of the 1952 rally was supposed to be an outdoor concert by 
church bands and choirs. About 4,600 youn^ people were expected at the rally 
and overnight accommodations had been secured in private homes and barns on 
adjacent farms. With housing, food, and transportation secured, the Young 
Congregation had not forgotten to obtain special permission for the rally 
from political authorities. However, on June 10, four days before the event 
was to take place, the police at Luebbenau notified church leaders that 
permission for the rally had been withdrawn because the Young Congregation 
^ J 1953, p. 1 3 3 . 
130 
was an "illegal" organization. Church leaders personally appeared the 
following day at government offices and explained that the Young Congrega-
tion was not an independent organization requiring a state license for oper-
ation but that it was an integral part of the congregations * life—to declare 
this to be illegal was tantamount to declare congregations themselves to be 
illegal. The church leaders made it clear that they would not cancel the 
rally but if necessary would confine all activities inside the church build-
ing; the police at Luebbenau were also notified by the church about this 
decision. On June 12 all posters for the rally, printed with government 
permission, were destroyed by the police and they confiscated 1,100 pounds 
of meat. The police forbade hotel proprietors and farmers to house any 
youth and stipulated that no more than five would be permitted to stay in 
any given private home. Church leaders retorted that if housing facilities 
were made unavailable by the police, the youth would sleep in the sanctuary 
of the church building. The police then proceeded to confiscate all bulletins 
and materials which had been printed for the rally, including the lists of 
participants and the room reservations. During the days preceding the rally, 
pastors in the surrounding towns were told by the government that the sched-
uled event was illegal and that they should keep their youth from attending; 
the mayors in these localities announced at the same time that the rally 
was cancelled. On June 13 church leaders received word that the special 
trains, which had been secured to transport the youth to the rally, would not 
run because of "mechanical difficulties." Despite all these obstructions the 
rally was held as scheduled. Many of the young people came on regular trains, 
bicycles, and cars even though many vehicles moving in the direction of 
131 
Luebbenau were stopped by police to be searched for youths. The use of 
loudspeakers was prohibited at the rally and the church bands were for-
bidden to present a concert in public, so instead they played inside the 
church building and trumpeted their hymns through open doors. So many 
private homes were ready to accommodate the youth overnight that no housing 
shortage occurred, but some families were awakened by the police at night 
who then counted the number of youths sleeping there. Shortly after the 
worship service was begun on Sunday morning about 150 members of the Free 
German Youth approached the church building in three trucks. With loud 
shouting they jumped from the trucks and sought to force their way into 
the sanctuary, but the church youth formed a solid cordon by interlocking 
their arms which prevented their entrance. A total of 4,200 young people 
attended the rally and 500 more were stranded without transportation in 
Cottbus, twenty miles from Luebbenau. All meetings were held in church 
buildings at Luebbenau and neighboring villages, and at every meeting the 
youth were admonished by pastors to preserve strict discipline and to 
1 
treat the police with utmost respect. The rally ended without violence. 
Almost identical procedures were used by the government in an attempt 
to obstruct youth rallies scheduled by the Young Congregation on June 22, 2 
1952, at Loecknitz and Goerlitz; in the same year the youth organization 
was forbidden to hold Bible camp retreats during the summer season, and 
the state withdrew its license for the publication of the only youth organ 
of the church, Die Stafette. asserting that this action was necessitated 
1KJ 1952. p. 197 
2KJ 1952. pp. 201-202. 
132 
by a paper shortage. Even though the ohurch made arrangements for the 
procurement of the necessary paper from other countries, the license for 
its publication was never renewed by the government. All these measures 
painfully hampered the youth work of the church and the operation of the 
Young Congregation. 
Agitation against the Young Congregation was intensified in January, 
1953, by a systematic defamation campaign, conducted by the indefatigable 
editors of leading Communist newspapers. Foremost among the newspaper 
agitators was the editor of the Junge Vie It, the organ of the Free German 
Youth; his invidious denunciations of the church*s two youth organizations 
were unsurpassed even by those of his colleagues. The scurrilous campaign 
was undertaken with the hope that the defamation of the church's youth would 
psychologically prepare people for actions against the Young Congregation* 
planned by the government. With this in mind newspaper editors wrote arti-
cles creating the impression that the Young Congregation was an illegal 
organization whose existence should be prohibited by law. Many articles 
depicted it as an American espionage agency -whose treasonable activities 
should be immediately curtailed. A few excerpts will reveal the general 
tenor of the defamation. 
Young Congregation—A camouflaged organization of war, agitation, 
sabotage, and espionage serving the United States of America. 
Disgraceful abuse of the Christian faith—Young Congregation is 
directed by West German and American imperialists—Revelations about 
the connections of the Young Congregation with the 'Tost—Former Ge-
stapo agent, a spy for the United States, disguised as a deacon. 
It has been proved that the Young Congregation hypo critically 
disguised with a Christian appearance is led directly by the central 
1KJ 1953. pp. 132, 137. 
133 
American agents and espionage officers stationed in West Germany, 
and particularly in West Berlin. The Christian belief of many young 
people has been misused by this cleverly-constructed religious or-
ganization under the pretension of alleged church activities by 
agitating them to hostile actions against the German Democratic 
Republic, actions which are subject to severe punishment. The Young 
Congregation is nothing but an extended arm of former Nazi youth 
groups. 
Their leaders are the same who, on behalf of Adenauer and his 
American backers in West Germany, organize a chase on the youth who 
fight gallantly for peace and unity, and who then arrest, abduct, 
and mistreat sincere young patriots . • • The backers and leaders 
wish—as facts prove—to establish a similar system of terror in 
our republic as they did in West Germany; they represent the.filthy 
interests of Adenauer, the mortal energy of the German youth. 
Instigators and agitators under a religious mask! It has become 
evident to everybody that on behalf of central terror and espionage 
agencies located in West Berlin, the Young Congregation under the mask_ 
of religion has attempted to cause a schism in the unity of the youth. 
They wish to eradicate all traces of their crimes! Through its 
intrigues the illegal Young Congregation under the cover of the church 
incites people to war and engages in sabotage and espionage in our 
republic• 
The Student Congregations at the universities is an illegal 
political organization and a center of movements directed against 
peace and the people. 
% early spring, 1953, the government apparently felt that the East 
German people had psychologically been prepared and that it could therefore 
attack the church1 s youth organizations. The government directed the brunt 
of its assault against members of the Student Congregation at high schools 
and universities. On account of their affiliation with that organization, 
4 
"Jung© Gemeinde—Tarnorganisation fuer Kriegshetze, Sabotage und 
Spionage in USA-Auftrag,M Junge Welt. April 1, 1953* 
2Junge Welt. April 10, 1953. 
3Junp:e Welt. April 2?, 1953. 
Heue Zeit. April 16, 1953. 
About 3,000 students were expelled from secondary schools and institu-
1 
tions of higher learning by June 1, 1953* 
At a conference on April 15, 1953* leaders of the Free German Youth 
agreed that the Young Congregation was an ''imperialist* agency hostile to 
the state, which hindered the development of dialectical materialism and 
political life in the Sast German academic world. An agreement was reached 
by them concerning the methods and techniques whioh were to be used in 
systematically excluding all unrepenting members of the youth organisation 2 from institutions of higher learning. A special procedure was now fol-
3 
lowed in securing the removal of undesirable Christian students. At 
student meetings the Free German Youth sponsored lectures which dealt with 
internal political affairs of the state; in the lectures the Young Congre-
gation was denounced as a camouflaged West German agency whose aim was to 
sabotage the peaceful work of the German Democratic Republic. The members 
of the Student Congregation were then called by name and asked individually 
whether, after having heard the charges, they would sever their relations 
with it at once. When a negative answer was given, the student 
was imme-
diately expelled and would not be enrolled at any other academic institu-
tion in Sast Germany. Many students were compelled to make painful deci-
sions . The same method was also frequently used in factories where young 
Christian workers were confronted by the choice of repudiating the Young 
1KJJ252, P. 138. 
2SBZ von 125a bis 19 »» pp. 239-2^0. 
3KJ 1953. p. 138. 
135 
Congregation or of losing their position in an industrial plant. Through 
these measures the government was striving to break the moral fiber of the 
youth* 
Coupled with its drive against the church youth, the government started 
to arrest, indict, and prosecute several pastors who were closely associated 
with the youth work of the church. The trial of Pastor Kurt Schumann on 
January 21, 1953» at the District Court of Chemnitz and the sentence on 
January 23 condemning him to six years of imprisonment marked the opening 
of a large number of arraignments and prosecutions of lay people and clergy-
men alike. Pastor Schumann's sentence was passed on basis of the "Law for 
the Defense of Peace" and of article 6 of the constitution, which made the 
act of inciting people against the state punishable with at least six years 
imprisonment.* In November, 1952, Pastor Schumann had delivered a speech 
to the Young Congregation at Zwickau, relating cases where ycung Christians 
had mockingly been called "Jesus,1* and where students had been discouraged 
by their professors from discussing religious questions with pastors. Even 
though he was urged to do so, Pastor Sctmmajm declined to discuss problems 
which concerned the armed forces of the state on the grounds that such dis-
cussion could not properly be held in a church building. The District Court 
of Chemnitz interpreted Schumann's statements as if he had said that the 
Christian youth in Sast Germany were persecuted because of their faith, 
that students had no freedom at the universities, and that the armed forces 
2 should be rejected by Christians. On strength of this interpretation and 
X & !???> P. 1A9. 
2KJ 1953. p. 151-152. 
136 
on the basis of the testimony by two members of the Free German Youth who 
were present at the meeting in Zwickau, Pastor f-chunann was sentenced to 
six years imprisonment. Similar legal proceedings we re initiated against 
Pastors Gestrich, Brandt-Lohmen, Weidenkaff, Drechsler, and Bohnke. On 
May 165 1953j the District Court of Rostock sentenced Herbert Bluet^e, 
a noted leader of the Young Congregation, to eight years imprisonment 
because of "false interpretation of Christian tenets." 
Also among those arrested in 1953 was Pastor Johannes Hamel, a well-
known student minister at the University of Halle? he was imprisoned 
because, among other charges, he was said to have caused members of the 
Student Congregation at Halle to campaign against the East German election 
2 of 1950 and the plebiscite of 1951* By June, 1953, a total of seventy-
two pastors, youth leaders, church staff workers, and students had been 
3 
imprisoned and their sentences ranged from two months to eight years. 
The government apparently hoped that these statutory examples of "justice" 
would cause the clergy to assume a more cooperative deportment and that 
it would contribute to a debilitation in the leadership of churoh youth. 
During this period of trial churoh leaders endeavored through all 
1SBZ von 19^5-19 p. 2^2. 
2Junge Welt, April 1, 1953* 
^The iSvanr-elical Church in Berlin and the Soviet Zone of Germany. 
trans, by Patrick Lynch (Berlin? Bckart Verlag, 1959), p. 31* 
137 
available means to reinforce the morale of the youth. On April 30 Bishop 
Dibelius submitted a formal request to Srnst Melsheimer, the States Attor-
ney of the German Democratic Republic, to initiate legal proceedings against 
the editors of the Junge Welt for their flagrant violation of the country* s 
laws and constitution by the spreading of vicious slander and irresponsible 
allegations. Melsheimer retorted that since he could find no official reg-
istration of the loung Congregation in the Ministry of the Interior, it 
must be an illegal organization and charges in its behalf could therefore 
not be heard. Pastor Kurt Scharf then pointed out that on the basis of 
an agreement between the church and the Russian Colonel Tylpanov in 19^6, 
the Young Congregation and Student Congregation were not to be considered 
as formal organizations, but rather as the free gathering of the youth in 
congregations. The fact that the Young Congregation had never been asked 
to register until 1953 served as evidence of the validity of the 1946 agree-
ment. "It would be difficult," observed Scharf, "to make a plausible case 
for the fact that an illegal organization had existed in the German Demo-
cratic Republic for so many years and done its work in public without being 
registered." In behalf of the church and of Bishop Dibelius, Scharf re-
peated the request that legal actions be taken against the Junge Welt. 
This time Helsheimer did not even bother to answer the petition. By ap-
pealing to the constitutional rights of the 'Sast German citizen, church 
leaders had hoped, to no avail, that the government might be induced to 
lessen the severity of the attack upon the youth of the church. 
Church councils and leaders issued pronouncements which were supposed 
1KJJ252, P. 3A3 
138 
to buttress the morale of the ohurch youth during their severe trial. Xt 
was repeatedly stated by them that the Young Congregation as an integral 
part of church life could never rightfully be branded as an "illegal organ-
ization." An attack on the Young Congregation was tantamount to an assault 
upon the church at large. Confronted by excruciating decisions, the youth 
was admonished by their bishops to remain faithful to the church and her 
organisations, and was assured of the intercession and concern of the whole 
Evangelical church in Germany. Bishop Dibelius called attention to the 
fact that the Young Congregation exerted a significant spiritual influence 
in East Germany; if the youth groups had been inconsequential they would 
not have been attacked by the state. He stated that members of the organ-
izations should be grateful to have been given tho strength and oppor-
1 
tunity to serve as living witnesses for Christ in crucial times. Leading 
clergymen expressed their consternation about the decisions reached by 
East German courts whereby pastors and students were sentenced to many 
years imprisonment. They believed that Tastor Schumann, for instance, 
had not engaged in acts of treasonable agitation inciting people against 
the state, but Ttas servant of God had spoken from a Biblical point of view. 
The sentence thus condemned the entire church and all those who in her name 2 proclaimed the Word of God." Although the ecclesiastical pronouncements 
3 tended to fortify young people In their loyalty to the church, 
1Ibid.. p. 337. 
2Ibid.. p. 330. 
3KJ 1953% p. 171. 
139 
they did not alter the state*s determination to destroy the influence 
of the Young Congregation. 
That many of the youth were able to successfully withstand the temp-
tation to surrender was partially due to the example set by their shepherds 
during that critical time. One of those unwavering men was Guenter Jacob. 
During the spring of 1953 he lectured at several Student Congregation 
meetings, elaborating upon the meaning and implication of the Christian 
faith in modern times. He pointed out that Christian responsibility in 
society did not imply a defense of Occidental culture or Western politics 
in the face of Communism since the essence of the Christian faith did not 
consist in culture and politics. It was the responsibility of the Christian 
to propagate the Jord of God—a message which has intrinsic value for all 
times and which was above mundane politics, cultures, and ideologies. In 
a Communist society the Christian should neither withdraw into a pious 
shall, nor engage in orthodox polemics, nor prostrate himself before po-
litical authorities—rather he should penetrate society with the Christian 
faith in an unostentatious and unambigious manner. The Christian derives 
the strength for the fulfillment of his responsibilities from his convic-
tion that God, and not politicians in the Sast or the West, is the ultimate 
ruler of this universe, xastor i-iartin Fischer presented similar views to 
those of Jacob's when the government attack on the youth of the church 
2 reached its climax in spring, 1953» saying that the men and women 
Guenter Jacob, Das licht scheint in der Finsterniss t Zeugnisse 
aus dem zwelten Kirchenkampf (Stuttgart: Evangelisohes Verlagswerk, 195*0* 
^Martin Fischer, Das Zeugniss der Verhafteten (Berlin, 1953)* 
140 
imprisoned by the state because of their Christian faith were living 
witnesses to the eternal validity of the Word of God. Their faith was 
not based on political calculation or cultural orientation, but on an 
inner and permanent communion with God through a life of prayer. Just as 
the imprisoned witnesses, Christian young people should base their trust 
solely on God and propagate the Christian faith even to the point of arrest 
by the state and prosecution. On March 2, 1953, Karl Barth, the celebrated 
Swiss theologian and famed opponent of the former Nasi regime in Germany, 
wrote a letter to the Sast German ministry of security expounding his views 
X 
on the status of the church situation in Sast Germany. Barth confessed 
that he had had a profound respect for the German Democratic Republic because 
the church had been permitted to practice her beliefs and to propagate her 
faith in apparent freedom, but the recent attacks no longer justified his 
former high regard for the state. If the government—like the Nasi regime 
before—was bent on pursuing its course, the church would be compelled to 
retreat into catacombs and the state would have to bear the consequences. 
Barth1 s letter became a source of inspiration and hope to many East German 
Christians and its contents were read by many people throughout the world. 
As has been noted before, in June, 1953, the stringent measures of the 
Kirchenkampf were suddenly relaxed by the state f the acrid persecutions 
by the government had come to an end and had given way to a new course. An 
agreement was reached by representatives of churoh and state whereby ques-
tions pertaining to the churchfs youth organisations were seemingly clar-
ified. All students suspended from school were immediately permitted to 
1953. P. 139-1*0. 
141 
resume their studies. They were even to be given the opportunity to eatoh 
up with their studies and tests which they had been forced to miss* Court 
decisions involving pastors and church workers were to be reviewed with 
the purpose of determining -whether the sentences were unjust* Grotewohl 
publicly acknowledged that the Young Congregation was not an illegal or 
1 
criminal organization, but a necessary part of churoh life. Leaders of 
the Free German Youth agreed to stop their agitation in the press. Erich 
Honecker tacitly acknowledged on June 11 that he was fully aware of the 
fact that over per cent of the Bast German people were associated with 
the Christian faith and. that the creation of an anti-Christian front through 2 
the Free German Youth was unjustified. 
rue promises made at that time were tentatively kept by the govern-
ment—almost all of the 3*000 expelled students resumed their studies 
again, and approximately thirty clergymen and lay people were released from 
incarcerations. Only a part of the punishment, which prevented them from 
holding public office and divested them of their property, was not lifted 
by the state. Agitation against tho church's youth groups was halted and 
they were no longer stigmatized an "illegal organizations.1* This did net 
mean, however, that the difficulties of these two youth organizations had 
ceased once and for all, because in subsequent years they were again 
sporadically harassed by the state. A recurrence of the government's 
*gJ 19-54. p. 136. 
2KJ 195?. p. 192. 
3HJ252> P* 188. 
142 
attack on the Young Congregation seemed quite likely in 195^ "when attempts 
•were made once again by the government to confine tne activities of each 
local youth group within the parish church building and to once again out-
law the large youth rallies. The Jtudent Congregation, too, encountered 
difficulties in later years, which were illustrated in 1955 when the state 
secretary of higher education forbid its use of classrooms for meetings, a 
privilege which was accorded without question to Communist student groups. 
In the same year the student Congregation was prohibited from publicizing 
its programs and meetings through placards and notices on school premises.* 
In 195S approximately sixty-eight retreats planned by the loung Congregation 
were cancelled outright by the state and in Mecklenburg some twenty retreat 
homes and Bible camps were arbitrarily closed. The city counoils of Karl 
liarx ->tadt, Leipzig, and Kostock passed ordinances in 195$ which dissolved 
all Bible camps in their districts in order Hto ensure the Jooialist educa-
2 
tion of children and youth.*' In 1958 youth rallies by the churoh were 
again outlawed by political authorities even though they were planned as 
only small rallies on a county-wide basis. The churoh protested against 
most of these interferences and in some cases the restrictions were with-
drawn because the government apparently realized the futility of using force 
to win the church youth over to Marxism. In the fall of 1954 the state 
initiated new efforts to gain the youth for its cause, only this time through 
a more subtle and effective approach, the Communist rite of youth dedication. 
1955. P. 168. 
2KJ 195S. pp. 159-162. 
143 
B. The Youth Dedication :lite 
The antagonism between church and state in uiast Germany has not been 
more dramatically reflected in any issue than in that over the youth ded-
ication rite. Both sides were keenly interested in either gaining or 
keeping the allegiance of the youth. The struggle over this Issue has 
continued since 1954 with increasing intensity, although at the present it 
appears that the government has won the upper hand in the struggle. 
1. The Antecedents of Youth Dedication 
The seeds for the inception of the youth dedication rite in the German 
Democratic Republic had already been implanted in German society in the 
nineteenth century. In the 1850* s Bruno Wille, a German poet and leader of 
a Free-Religious congregation at Berlin, developed the idea of holding a 
sacred dedication rite for children in his congregation. He patterned his 
ceremony on the church's traditional rite of confirmation. Thereafter, it 
became customary to hold each year dedication ceremonies for the Free-Religious 
youth, who after graduation from elementary school entered the world of the 
adolescent. Only those children who had received instruction and accepted 
the tenets of the Free-Religious movement* were permitted to partake in these 
ceremonies. In 1905 the German Association of Free-Thinkers, which was com-
posed mainly of people with leftist leanings, developed a similar dedication 
rite in order to bind its youth more effectively to its cause. It is of 
interest to note that Walter Ulbricht in 1906 also attended the instruction 
*Karl Weiss, Feier- und Welhestunden der freien Religionen. 2nd ed. 
(Mannheimi Verlag der freireligioesen Freimaurer der Landesgemeinde Baden, 
1929), p. 1 0 . 
-m 
sessions of the Free-Thinkers and at a ceremony in 190? was dedicated to 
the Socialist way of life.6f At the turn of this century the Jocial Dem-
ocrats in Austria also began to hold youth dedications to welcome each year 
2 
the graduating school children into the ranks of the working class. ' The 
church refused to confirm any child in the Christian faith who had partic-
ipated either in the iocialist or the Free-Religious dedication ceremony. 
Conversely, tho Free-Religious congregations and associations of Free-Thinkers 
discouraged their youth from participation in the I rotestant.rite of confir-
mation. The latter organizations and the church had at no time reached an 
agreement whereby the youth could, on a reciprocal basis, be confirmed in 3 
the Christian faith and be dedicated to the Free-Religious ideals; after 
1933 Hitler prohibited these dedication ceremonies altogether and replaced 
them with Nazi rites. The concept of a youth dedication, nonetheless, was 
on balance not entirely foreign to the German people when in 195^ they wit-
nessed its renaissance under the auspices of £ast German Communists. 
2. The Inception of Youth Dedication 
After its fiasco in 1953, the government resolved to capture the church's 
youth through a new approach, the youth dedication program. Early in 1950 
Stefan Heymann, who later became ambassador to Poland, warned that it would 
be unwise to attempt to introduce the old Socialist ceremonies in East Germany; 
i Neues Deutschland. October 1, 1957-
%3er Grosse Brockhaus, 16th ed. (Wiesbaden: F. U. Brockhaus, 1955)* 
vol. VI, p. 116. 
3u. 
Jeremias, Die Jugendweihe in der iow.jetzone, 2nd ed. (Bonn! 
Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1958), p. 19. 
145 
their purpose before 1933 had been to fight the church as a vested tool 
of capitalism and to welcome young people into the ranks of the working 
class, but present conditions did not warrant their renaissance—the cap-
italistic system was destroyed, liberating the church from bourgeois manip-
ulation, and working people were educated by the National Front, rendering 
unneedful a special program for the socialist instruction and dedication 
of the young people. Heymann further declared that youth dedication would 
unnecessarily tend to accentuate the existing schism between Christianity 
and Communism, spreading seeds of potential disunity among the East German 
people. But four years later Heymann's candid words of warning were 
seemingly forgotten by his iED compatriots. In its determination to call 
back to life the old Jooialist rite, the government was undoubtedly en-
couraged by Khrushchev's directive of November 11, 195*** which—as will be 
remembered—advised Communist leaders against employing violent means in 
the attempt to overcome "religious superstition*', but rather to adopt en-
lightened measures.^ 
On November 12, 1954, a newly-formed central committee for youth ded-
ication invited all parents to register their children for the new program 
3 
at local branch offices. The invitation was signed by a number of prominent 
Sast 'German citizens, such as Hans-Joachim Laabs, Minister of People's Edu-
cation, and Johannes R. Becher, Minister of Culture. In contrast to the 
Landeszeitung (^chwerin), April 6, 1950. 
2 Jeremias, p. 17* 
^Aufruf des Zentralen Avtsschusses fuer Jugendweihe. November 12. 
195^ • 
146 
dedication programs of bygone years, which had concentrated primarily on 
polemics against certain ^ 'antiquated and reactionary views," the avowed 
purpose of the new program was to equip children with scientific knowledge, 
1 
germane to a full realization of life in modern society. It was hoped 
that the "unpolemical" nature of the proposed instruction would persuade 
parents, irrespective of their ideological background, to permit their 
children to attend the sessions preparatory to the administration of the 
rite itself. 
In 1954 tho central committee for youth dedication claimed that its 
organization had been formed on a purely voluntary basis through the joint 
efforts of numerous progressive ^ ast German parents, devoted teachers and 
professors, eminent scientists, and prominent persons in public life. 
The committee also stated that its program was neither connected with the 2 
government nor with the >j£D. 3y November 30 branch offices of the central 
committee had been established in all counties and by December 15 local 
committees responsible for the inception of youth dedication in their 
towns and villages had been created throughout the country. 3ach county 
committee was composed of approximately twelve members, and each local 
committee of seven members. Their task was to initiate local propaganda 
campaigns on behalf of youth dedication, to secure teachers for the in-
struction sessions, and to supervise dedication ceremonies themselves; the 
services rendered by committee members were not remunerative. 
l»/ilhelm ^ chneller, "Xraftquell fuer den weiteren Lebensweg—Zur 
Durchfuehrung der Jugendweihen in der DDE," Deutsche Lehrerzeitung» 
ICovember 24, 1954. 
2,lJugendweihe—Eintrltt ins leben,M Berliner Zeitung. December 9» 1954. 
147 
Contrary to th© claims of th© central committee, its program was 
1 
unmistakably undergirded by the SED and the government* The 3EDfs 
directives issued on December 20, 1954, for its members in the county of 
Beraau clearly reveal the close cooperation and identity of purpose that 
existed from the very outset between the SED and the central committee. 
The SED members of Bernau were obliged to campaign actively on behalf of 
the youth dedication, to register their own children in the preparatory 
sessions, to contribute of time and talent to the maintenance of a high 
level of instruction, to recruit able men and women as members of local and 
county committees, and to support the activities of these committees in every 2 
way possible. Not only at Bernau, but SED members elsewhere throughout 
the country also faithfully carried out the directives of their political 
cadres. In the summer of 1955 agreements were made between the central 
committee, leaders of political organisations and managers of industrial 
plants by which the members of political parties and workers of factories 3 
were compelled to engage in propaganda work for the dedication program. 
The close affiliation between the central committee and the political 
machinery of the state was also openly demonstrated in 1956* On January 8, 
the Anti-Fascist Democratic organization of Leipzig, consisting of eight 
political "parties" (SED, FDJ, NDFD, CDU, DBD, DFD, IDFD, FDGB), issued 
a communique'whereby it pledged its support to the program of youth 
1954. p. 143. 
2KJ 1954. pp. 143-146. 
3jugendweihe (Mtteilungsblatt Nr. 3), August 5, 1955• 
148 
dedication;" tho political bloc organization of other towns and cities 
followed suit. Through the participation of all political "parties" and 
organisations, the campaign for youth dedication in the ensuing years was 
carried out on a broad basis. 
The government furthered the interests of the central committee on 
many occasions. The public schools, for instance, provided the government 
with an excellent opportunity inconspicuously to take part in the dedication 
program. In 1955 state officials, in charge of the country*s educational 
system, had already begun to exert enormous pressure on teachers and edu-
cators to secure their services for the cause of youth dedication. They 
were advised to publicize widely the program or "otherwise they would be 
regarded as saboteurs of the Workers* and Feasantsr state."2 This pressure 
was reinforced by th© SED and the Teachers* Union. Paul Wand©!, the SED 
Secretary of Culture and Education, in 1955 urged all school principals and 
teachers to support this program because it facilitated the youth in entering 
the world of adults.^ In the same year the Teachers* Union stated that all 
teachers were pledged to promulgate the program and ideas of youth dedication 
among school children and to solicit the good will of their parents. The 
official identification of the government with this program came in 1957 
1 Lelpziger Volkazeitung. January 8, 195&* 
2 Jeres&as, p. 29. 
i^raul Waadel, *W"ie soil sieh der Lehrer zur Jugendweihe verhalten?,H 
Deutsche Lehreraeitung. November 5* 1955* 
^"Jugendweihe—Aufgabe des Lehrers," Deutsche Lehrerzejtun^. Octo-
ber 1, 1955. 
149 
when, after an apparent slackening of interest, all organizations involved 
made one more all-out effort to win the interest of the youth. On September 
29, 1957, Walter Ulbricht noted that not only the central committee, but 
also the political organizations, labor unions, industrial plants, and 
government departments should be keenly interested in youth dedication and 
further its cause by all available means. * In keeping with these guide-
lines, the government late in the fall of 1957 began strikingly to increase 
its pressure on teachers and educators. In 1958 "several thousand Prot-
estant teachers were forced to resign from their teaching positions because 
they recoiled from participating in a propaganda campaign for youth dedi-
2 cation"; another six thousand teachers were in danger of losing their 
3 
positions because they refused to relinquish their church membership, 
school buildings, although property of the 3tate, were used as a matter-of-
fact by local committees for the instruction sessions. The government 
furthered the program through yet other means: clergymen who openly dared 
to express opposition to youth dedication were invariably defamed in news- 4 
papers as "enemies of the state" and were at times arrested and prosecuted. 
This ingenious participation by the state made a farce of the central 
committee *s avowal of 1954 that "youth dedication . . . is neither the 
%eues Deutschland. October 1, 1957* 
2Jeremias, p. 10. 
3 "Die Gewissensnot der Christen in der DDE," Herder Korrespondenz. 
XII, Heft 9 (June, 1958), p. 223. 
4KJ 1957. p. 158. 
150 
1 affairs of the state nor the affair of individual organizations.w 
The central committee stated in 1954 that participation in youth 
dedication was an entirely voluntary matter and children would not be 
forced to participate. However, by 1957 enormous pressure was exerted 
2 
on young people to force them to register for the youth dedication program. 
Those refusing had to reckon with the possibility that they would neither 
be able to secure an apprenticeship in specialized professions nor be en-
rolled at institutions of higher learning* The fact of participation in 
youth dedication was certified in school records; if such certification was 
missing on transcripts they were often not permitted to pursue advanced 
studies * Parents were also often threatened with the loss of their job 3 
when they failed to register their children. rupils in elementary schools 
were sometimes taken by their teachers during regular school hours to the 
preparatory sessions and some even took the dedication pledge without pa~ 4 
rental knowledge or consentQ 3ven window displays in large stores adver-
tised on behalf of the central committee by featuring special children* s 
clothing to be worn on the occasion of the dedication ceremony. 
One method of recruitment for the dedication program is particularly 
interestingv It has been customary in Germany that, with parental consent, 
"Jugendweihe - Eintritt ins Leben,* Berliner Zeitung, December 9, 
1954. 
2"Jugendweihe gegen Konfirmation," Kirchenblatt fuer die reformlerte 
Johweiz, CXIII, Nr. 21 (October 24, 1957)» p. 329. 
3KJ 1957. P. 158. 
^"Aus der evangelisohenKirche in der Ostzone Deutschlands," Kirchen-
blatt fuer die reformierte Johwelz. CXIII, Nr. 3 (February 7, 1957)» P- 37-
151 
the head of the state assumed the baptismal sponsorship for children born 
into prominent families. In one instance, a woman whose husband had died 
shortly before the birth of her sixth child accepted the sponsorship ex-
tended to her by the president of the state. Jhe was then told that the 
president had assumed the "sponsorship" with the understanding that her 
child would not receive Christian baptism but rather that the child would 
attend youth dedication when he became an adolescent. As a gift for the 
child the woman was given a savings certificate valued at one hundred 
marks, but the money could not be withdrawn from the bank until after her 
child had participated in the dedication ceremony. Later she stated that 
her confused mental state due to her husband's death, as 'well as her finan-
cial plight, had skillfully been exploited by the state in maneuvering her 
into such agreement; under normal circumstances she would not have given 
her consent. Other families in adverse circumstance received similar 
offers of "baptismal sponsorships" but most of them declined to accept." 
A rumor circulated in 1955 that the youth dedication program was 
officially sanctioned by "the clergy" was also skillfully used in the re-
cruitment of children. To be sure, statements which favored this program 
had indeed been made by four "clergymen" and had beon published by the 
2 
central committee in a special brochure. Apparently it was anticipated 
that through this publication people would become confused about the stand 
of the church on this issue and follow the advice of the four "pastors" 
^The Evangelical Church, p. 13. 
» 
152 
in registering their children. The church reacted to this at once and 
issued a clear statement explaining the character and background of the 
four "pastors": the gist was that, with the exception of one, none of 
the four individuals was a pastor—one of them was a glib impostor who 
never had been entrusted with an ecclesiastical office; the second had 
some time ago resigned from his ecclesiastical office and no longer was 
a member of the ministerial body; the third was a self-styled apostle 
of a foreign sect who was known throughout Germany because of his fre-
quent newspaper articles and advertisements? the fourth was a retired 
pastor who, unfamiliar with the issues involved, had written an article 
favorable to the youth dedication program—as soon as he became acquaint-
1 
ed with the particulars he withdrew his earlier statements. This lucid 
explanation of facts, which the central committee was unable to refute, 
rendered this particular method of recruitment abortive. Therefore the 
future enlistment of youth was carried out on the basis of psychological 
pressure. 
3. The Nature and Content of Youth Dedication 
The goal of the central committee for youth dedication was to steep 
the Sast German youth in Marxism and to bind them to the government 
through a solemn pledge of loyalty. This objective was plainly manifested 
by the literature used in preparatory Instruction and by the speeches 
-I Jeremias, p. 29. 
153 
given by leading state officials and members of the central committee. 
In 1957 several prominent political loaders in unmistakably plain 
language delineated the avowed purpose of youth dedication. Robert 
Alts a leading SED functionary, declared during a lecture before the 
central committee in iiovember, 1957, that the primary goal of the pro-
gram was to "educate new men for Socialism." He said that he realised 
that the rite was merely one link in a chain of educational media such 
as the school, 'the theater, literature, extracurricular 'fork, youth 
organizations, radio programs, and the home, bit all links were inter-
connected by a common goal, the Socialist education of the Bast German 
youth. The realization of this goal would bo assured through the 
efforts of all these educational agencies, averred Alt. 
On September 29, 1957, Walter Ulbricht opened a new youth dedication 
year with a speech at Sonnebsrg, Thuringia. He noted that "progressive" 
people should not be surprised about the church's stubborn opposition to 
the dedication program, because religious leaders did not wish to have 
young people acquire solid knowledge and truth. Three points made by 
Ulbricht in his address were particularly noteworthy, ^irst, he established 
a direct connection between the new youth dedication program and the old 
atheistic rite of the German Association of Free-Thinkers, pointing out 
with obvious pride that he himself had participated in such a ceremony 
4 
Robert Alt, "Ueber den Minn uaserer Juf,endweihe,B £!eues Deuts oh-
land, December 21, 1957. 
154 
in 19075 the anti-religious nature of youth dedication was thereby clearly 
revealed, secondly, Ulbricht called on all Sast German children to enlist 
in the dedication program "regardless of what outlook on life their parents 
might have, or in what outlook they had thus far been raised."* This state-
ment clearly indicated that there was pending a recruitment campaign, in 
which religious convictions and objections would no longer be taken into 
consideration. Finally, Ulbricht outlined the duties of every organization 
in the country, including state agencies, fully to support this program. 
All pretense that the youth dedication program was privately sponsored was 
thus discarded. Ulbricht admonished the youth of the country to make good 
use of the opportunity for growth and learning offered them in the youth 
dedication program, because later in life they would be required to imple-
ment their knowledge for the establishment of Socialism in East Germany. 
In the sessions they would be taught unadulterated and unequivocal truths, 
which were "easier to comprehend than some other unimaginable nonsense 
[religious teachingsT}." It would be cogently proved to them that no super-
natural forces were active in the universe, but that everything had its 
natural causes. Ulbricht concluded his speech by once more inviting all 
children to attend youth dedication sessions in order that they might learn 
solid truths about the universe and receive a well-rounded education, 
appropriate to a life in modem society. 
similar ideas were presented by Professor Hermann Dunker in his ad-
dress to the central committee on November 4, 1957* Without reservations 
%eues Deutschland. October 1, 1957* 
2Ibid. 
155 
he told the members of the committee that youth dedication "was in fact a 
beachhead for socialism coupled with a blow for atheism* 
All materialism which desires to be honest and logical must be 
atheistic. However, we ought to remember that the word "atheistic1* 
is a purely negative term. It declares that we reject the idea of 
God, but it does not indicate what we offer in its place. I believe 
that one can speak wonderfully about atheism without ever mentioning 
that word at all. It is possible to make it clear to young people 
that we believe in humanity . . . and that mankind can achieve every-
thing that is necessary for the development of society. This faith 
in man is the thing that we offer in place of faith in God.1 
These statements uttered by prominent political leaders patently re-
vealed the real goal pursued in youth dedication, namely, the unequivocal 
impregnation of the Sast German youth with Marxist beliefs. If the public 
still had any doubts about the committee fs aim, the content of the litera-
ture used in the instruction sessions should have sufficed to convince 
them otherwise. 
2 
The basis for all instruction was the book, Universe-World-Man. Its 
publication began in 195^, the year when the youth dedication program it-
self was initiated. Each child received a copy of that book as a free 
gift when he came to the instruction sessions. Whenever religion was men-
tioned in that text, it was decried as an unscientific and superstitious 
world view; Christianity in particular was branded as a religion whose deri-
vation lay in dubious legends and ayths. By the same token, dialectical 
materialism was consistently represented as an unconquerable force that 
held the promise of creating a human race free from material want and 
^Hermann Dunker, "Das Menschheitsbewusstsein stark und lebendig 
machen," Deutsche Lehrerzeitung. November 23, 1957* 
^eltall-Srde-Mensoh. 8th ed., eds. Gisela Buschendorf-Otto, Horst 
Wolfgramm, and Irmgard Radandt (Berlint Neues Leben Verlag, 1959)-
156 
religious prejudice. According to the essayists of the text, one of the 
important tasks of progressive men is th© conquest of Christianity with 
its "superstition and mysticism." The book was sumptuously illustrated 
and was prefaced with glowing words by Ulbricht; the text was supposed 
to provide the Sast German youth with guidelines for thought and conduct. 
A few passages will best illustrate what thoughts about the Christian 
faith were presented to children in that text. Ulbricht*s preface 
read; 
This book, based on the most progressive science, Soviet science, 
depicts the development of nature and society according to empirical-
scientific knowledge and shows that through our battle we are able to 
accelerate the development of human society to a higher and more per-
fect state of existence. 
Simultaneously, a battle is fought against superstition, mysticism, 
idealism, and all other unscientific views • Therefore, the youth as 
well as all working people must study the laws governing nature and 
the development of human society and must apply this knowledge . . . 
for the victory of Socialism in the German Democratic Republic and . 
for the reunification of Germany on a peaceful and democratic basis. 
i rofessor Robert Havemann wrote a section captioned "The Uniformity 
of Mature and Society." 
With the growing insight of human beings in the correlation of all 
natural phenomena governed, by laws, one deity of nature after another 
was dethroned. For a few thousand years there remained only the one 
deity of monotheistic relif^ Lons, which represents nothing else but the 
very naive personification of the totality of man's own social life. 
The formerly-revolutionary bourgeoisie has today degenerated into 
a class which is perishing. Nothing has remained of its battle against 
the fantastic belief of the church. The lofty ideals of the bourgeois 
revolution were cast overboard 
iibxd., P. in. 
%bid.» p. 11. 
3Ibid.. p. 13. 
157 
The exploiters were always interested in keeping the exploited 
class in a state of stupidity and mental sleep. The magician, the 
medicine man, and the high priest represented the incarnation of the 
exploiter's power over the exploited. 
Wolfgang i-adberg penned these words about religion in a chapter en-
titled 'Vrtiat We Know about the Creation of Man" J 
For a long time men attempted to shed light on the darkness 
surrounding the creation of man . . . thus myths and fairy tales, 
sagas and legends came into being, wherein attempts were made to 
show in manifold ways how the world, heaven, earth, and finally man 
came into existence. 
Juergen Kuczynski depicted the "evil collaboration11 between the church 
and the bourgeoisie in a chapter called MThe Last Social Class (Capitalism)H| 
Whoever does not speak, write and paint about teachers and pas-
tors . . . as the monopolists wish, is fired or even thrown into 
prison, a penitentiary, or concentration camp.-* 
Ludwick Sinicke, Vice-Director of the Marx-Lenin- Stalin Institutes and 
a member of the central committee for youth dedication, wrote in one of the 
essays j 
In the capitalist countries the leading reactionary powers have 
always used mysticism, superstition, and religion for the purpose of 
suppressing the masses of people. The nature of dialectical mate-
rialism permits no fairy tales about a creator, a world spirit, or a 
director of the world. It operates on the theory that the world has 
developed out of .material -which is governed by eternal laws of move-
ment and change. 
In order to make the idea of youth dedication more palpable to the 
churoh, Paul Wandel, in his capacity as JSD secretary of Culture and 
1Ibid., p. 14. 
2lbid., p. 271. 
3Ibid., p. 384. 
^bld.. p. 305. 
158 
Education, decided in 1957 to withdraw Universe-Vforld-Han as the textbook 
for youth dedication and to replace it by a book called Our Germany.* The 
new- textbook was in reality little more than a compilation of indigenous 
German poems and essays. It stressed German culture, and Marx's dialec-
tical interpretation of history was almost entirely missing. Wandel also 
eliminated Ulbricht*s "preface" in the copies of Universe-World-Elan which 
were still coming off the press; he apparently felt that this "preface* 
was too offensive to the church. These changes had been made without 
Ulbricht*s knowledge and when they were discovered by him, he at once re-
stored Universe-World-Kan as the official textbook for youth dedication and 
fired Wandel from his important post on the central committee. Ulbricht 
then observed that it was quite natural that this particular book should 
not be liked by the church, for scientific truth was always offensive to 
"superstitious falsehood." "Cne could not expect anything else from these 
gentlemen, the church leaders, but it would be wrong to yield to their pro-
tests." "When I have time," concluded Ulbricht with reference to Our Germany. 
"I also enjoy walking In the woods, but I do not approve treating education 
and youth dedication as a lark through forest and meadow."^ 
In 1957 the youth dedication program increasingly assumed the oharaoter 
of a religious cult, replacing the old rite of confirmation. Those attending 
the instruction sessions were even now taught ten new commandments formulated 
by Walter Ulbricht. 
%nser Deutschland. ed. Walther Victor (Berlins Verlag Neues Leben, 
1957). 
2Pas Parlament (1957)t P* 846. 
159 
The moral faoe of the new Socialist man disclosed in the noble 
struggle for the victory of Socialism is determined by the observance 
of a basic moral lawi 
1. Thou shalt ever take thy stand for the international solidarity 
of the working class and of all workers, as well as for the indisoluble 
alliance of all Socialist countries, 
2. Thou shalt love thy fatherland and be ever ready to devote 
all thy energy and ability to the defense of the Workers' and Peasants' 
power. 
3* Thou shalt aid in the removal of the exploitation of men by 
men. 
km Thou shalt do good deeds for Socialism, for Socialism leads 
to a better life for all workers* 
5* Thou shalt build up Socialism in the spirit of mutual help 
and comradely cooperation, honor the collective, and take to heart its 
criticism. 
6. Thou shalt guard and Increase the people's property. 
7. Thou shalt ever strive for the increase of thine output, be 
frugal, and establish Socialist workers' discipline. 
8. Thou shalt educate thy children in the spirit of peace and 
of Socialism, to become broadly cultured men, sound in body and mind. 
9. Thou shalt live a clean and decent life and honor thy family. 
10. Thou shalt practice solidarity with those struggling for their 
national freedom and with those defending their national independence.1 
All young people regardless of their ideological and religious back-
ground were urged to register for the youth dedication program. After 
registration they attended ten sessions of instruction. Each session was 
of a two-hour duration and dealt with the following subjects! (1) our world 
in the universe, (2) the inception of life on earth, (3) the beginning and 
development of the human race, (k) the subjugation of nature by man, 
lffuenf Jahre Jueendweihe in der DPR. (Berlin! Zentraler Ausschuss 
fuer Jugendweihe In der DDR), pp. 5 ^ 7 
160 
(5) the advancement of human society, (6) the creative forces of the work-
ing people and their battle for social progress, (7) the Socialist era in 
the history of society, (8) the Interrelation between people, and the 
position of women in society, (9) the significance of the graphic arts 
in the life of people, and (10) preparation for the rite of youth dedi-
i 
cation. After 1957 the program was enlarged from ten to twenty-four pre-
paratory sessions. The teaching staff was made up of doctors, lawyers, 
scientists, and teachers? staff members lectured on subjects related to 
their fields. The central committee furnished its branch offices with 
study outlines for the instruction sessions along with some funds for the 
initiation of the program in their localities. The committee bombarded the 
youth with ample propaganda material to awaken their interest for the pro-
gram of youth dedication. Some of the juvenile literature published in 
the form of short stories was quite .piling.2 
The dedication rite itself was held just before the Easter season, a 
time when confirmation traditionally took place in Germany. Political 
officials recorded the event through a befitting inscription in the par-
ticipants • ancestral album which contained the family tree—a cherished and 
proud possession of many German families. This privilege was not extended 
to pastors and their confirmands because officials ruled that confirmation 
was not important enough to have it recorded in the ancestral album.In 
^"Themenplan der Jugendstunden," Deutsche Lshrerseitung. January 1, 1955 
^For instance! Martin Haokenthal, Drei Freundet Efoe Sraaehlung ueber 
die Jugendweihe (Berlin! Zentraler Ausschuss fuer Jugendweihe, n.d.); Helmut 
Pfohl, Was das Leben fordert (Berlin! Zentraler Ausschuss fuer Jugendweihe, n.d 
3hAUS der evange lis chenKirche in der Ostsane Deutsohlands,1* Kirchen-
blatt fuer die reforalerte ichwejg. CXIII, Nr. 3 (February 7> 1957)t P» 37. 
161 
order to heighten the felicitous feelings of participants It became 
customary in certain localities to present monetary gifts to the youth on 
their dedication day; for instance, in the county of Parchim all partici-
pants received from local authorities a savings certificate in the amount 
of one hundred marks and in other counties they were given substantial 
I monetary gifts by industrial managers. 
The central committee issued guidelines to its local branch offices 
suggesting to them the form and content which should be followed in the 
2 
dedication rite. The local offices were advised to render the occasion 
as festive as possiblei Beethoven*s music should be played as a prelude; 
a choir should sing suitable hymns praising the accomplishments of the 
working class; appropriate political speeches and poems should be delivered; 
and as the climax of the event, the youth should solemnly pledge their alle-
giance to Marxism and the German Democratic Republic. A tasteful adornment 
of the dedication hall with flowers and red flags was also thought to be 
helpful in heightening the festive spirit of the rite. The committee 
further suggested that just as each youth at confirmation received from his 
pastor a Bible verse for his future life, so each participant at youth dedi-
cation should receive from his political functionary a statement containing 
some personal guidance for his life in Socialist society. This advice was 
followed by the leaders of local branch offices; some typical injunctions 
used by them were the following phrases coined by well-known Marxists; 
1 Jugendweihe. August-September, 1959 > p. 28. 
2Vorschlaege fuer die Ausgestaltung von Jugendweihe-Feiem (Berlin J 
Zentralhaus fuer Volkskunst, 1959) • 
162 
"Only he who works actively in behalf of Socialism, acts truly morally 
and humanely" (Walter Ulbricht)} "Only that life is meaningful, which is 
ready to sacrifice itself, to sacrifice itself for common humanity" (Karl 
liebknecht); "The highest being for man is man himself" (Karl Marx); "True 
and firm, strong in character and victorious in action, thus and only thus 
will we master our fate" (Ernst Thaelmann); and "You shall protect and in-
\ 
crease the property of the people" (Walter Ulbricht). 
To give the rite of dedication as much of a sacred appearance as pos-
sible, special hymns were composed for that occasion, ioaie of these hymns 
ascribe to the Communist party such attributes of omnipresence and omnis-
cience as in religious thought have always been reserved for God alone. 
This is particularly true of "Praise of the Party" which was written by 
K. Johwaen and B. Brechti 
The individual has two eyes, 
The Party a thousand eyes. 
The Party sees seven states, 
The individual sees only one city. 
The individual has his hour, 
But the Party many hours. 
The individual can be destroyed, 
The Party can never be destroyed. 
For it is the vanguard of the masses 
And pursues its battle with classic methods, 
Which grow from the knowledge of reality. 
In a hymn written for the observance of the dedication rite, Louis 
Fuemberg attributes divine qualities of goodness and abundance to the 
Communist party. 
1Ibid., pp. 8-11. 
2Ulrich Thomas, itaatsmacht und Brsatgreligion (Muni oh J Jchaefer 
Verlag, 1961), p. 41. 
163 
She has given us everything. 
The sun and the wind—never is she stingy. 
Wherever she was, there was life. 
Whatever we are we owe to her. 
Never has she forsaken us. 
When the world froze, we were warm, 
protected by the mother of the masses, 
Borne up by her mighty arm. 
Refrain I 
The Party, the Party is always right, 
And, comrades, so shall it ever be. 
Whoever fights for right is always right, 
Against lies and exploitation. 
Whoever outrages life is wicked or dumb. 
Whoever defends humanity is always right. 
So, nourished in the spirit of Lenin, and 
welded together by jtalin, 
The Party, the Party, the Party. 
Never have we had her cajole us. 
Though our courage sank in the strife, 
She has only gently caressed usi 
"Fear not "—and suddenly things were all right. 
Should we count up our sorrows and troubles, 
When we succeed in gaining all good? 
When for the poorest on earth 
We achieve freedom and peace? 
Refrain. 
She has given us everything! 
Bricks for buildings and our great plan, 
"i^ &ster your life I" she says to us. 
"Forward, comrades, grab hold!" 
Though hyenas incite men to war, 
What you build will break their power! 
So build house and build cradle X 
Workers, be on your guard! 
Refrain.* 
Through instruction sessions the central committee sought to engender 
youth with Marxist beliefs and through a dedication pledge it attempted 
1Ibid.. p. 41. 
164 
to bind them firmly to the Communist state. The original pledge of 1954 
was apparently too non-committal in the eyes of politicians, because it 
was changed in 1958 and given a definite Marxist content. The pledge of 
1954 read1 
Dear young friends! 
Are you prepared to apply all of your power in order to fight for 
peace with all peace-loving people and to defend it to the utmost? 
les, this we pledge! 
Are you prepared to apply all of your power in order to fight 
jointly with all patriots for a unified, peace-loving, and democratic 
Germany? 
Yes, this we pledge! 
Are you prepared to apply all of your power for the establishment 
of a happy life, for progress in economy, science, and the arts? 
Yes, this we pledge!* 
The new pledge of 1958 longer called upon the youth merely to work 
for "progress in economy, science, and the arts," but demanded that they 
dedicate their "entire strength for the great and noble cause of Socialism." 
starting in 1958 the dedication rite required also the kissing of the red 
flag by the youth, symbolizing their pledge of unreserved devotion and 
loyalty to Marxism. The new pledge read: 
Dear young friends! 
Are you prepared as true sons and daughters of our Workers' and 
Feasants1 state to work and fight for a happy life for all German 
people? 
Yes, this we pledge! 
1Das Volk. February 1?, 1955* 
165 
Are you prepared to dedicate your entire strength with us for 
the great and noble cause of Socialism? 
Yes, this we pledge! 
Are you prepared to support the friendship of all nations and 
with the Soviet Union and all peace-loving people in the world to 
secure and defend peace? 
Yes, this we pledge! 
We have heard your pledge. You have set for yourselves a high 
and noble goal. You have taken your place in the ranks of millions of 
men who work and fight for peace and Socialism, Solemnly we take you 
into the community of workers of the German Democratic Republic and 
promise you our support, protection, and help. 
1 
With united forces—forward, forward, forward! 
Those in charge of the instruction sessions were admonished by the 
central committee to explain to the young participants the precise impli-
cations of the pledge. Hot just a memorisation of its words, but a true 
comprehension of its meaning was the desired goal. The committee thought 
it important for the socialist development of Sast Germany that the pledge fs 
text become a genuine confession of allegiance to Marxism on the part of the 2 participants• 
The Church's Reaction 
From the time of its inception in 1954 the program of youth dedication 
was bitterly opposed by the church. On November 3°, only two weeks after 
the youth dedication drive had been launched, churoh leaders in a "Word to 
Evangelical Congregations" stated that since Christian faith and Marxist 
I Deutsche Lehrerzeitung. January 11, 1958* 
20tto Haeuser, "Das Geloebniss zur Jugendweihe," Deutsche Lehrer-
aeitung. January 11, 1958 • 
166 
ideology were implacably opposed to each other, a participation of church 
youth in both confirmation and youth dedication was out of question.* 
The dedication rite had always been an affair of those who rejected Christ— 
the church would not challenge the central committee's recruitment of chil-
dren who were not affiliated with the Christian faith, but she would une-
quivocally oppose the enlistment of her youth for the dedication rite. To 
lend more force to the pronouncement, the church leaders ruled that no young 
person taking part in the Communist rite would be confirmed in the Christian 
faith. They based this decision on an old ecclesiastical statute which 
decreed that "children who participated in acts opposed to confirmation 
2 
would not be confirmed." 
Numerous ecclesiastical pronouncements after 1954 tended to reinforce 
this uncompromising position taken by church leaders. Bishop Dibelius 
insisted in 1955 that the Christian faith would become a mockery if at one 
hour of the day a young person were solemnly to aww "I believe in God as 
my Creator" and at another hour "I support those who laugh at such fool-
3 
ishness." On this issue, he stated, "no compromise with atheism could be 
made." Confronted by this stand, young people were compelled to make a 
choices they could either be confirmed In the Christian faith or be dedi-
cated to the Communist cause. In order to fortify her position even more, 
the church initiated disciplinaiy action against all church members who 
1KJ 1954. p. 146. 
% J 1954. p. 146. 
\ j 1955. p. 112. 
167 
served on youth dedication committees or who recruited young people for 
the dedication program. They were denied the privilege of sponsoring 
infants for baptism, of voting in church elections, and of partaking of 
the Lord's .upper• 
The reaction of the central committee to these measures came swiftly 
in the form of an accusation against the church. The committee complained 
that the disciplinary actions violated articles 41 and 42 of the consti-
tution which guaranteed, freedom of conscience and belief to all citizens. 
The full and free exercise of this liberty was painfully impaired by the 
church measures, because those -who wished to 3erve on youth dedication 
committees and young people who intended to register for this program were 
now prevented from doing so.* On October 19, 1957* the government officially 
supported the committee's charges against the church. Karl Mar on, the 
Minister of the Interior, declared in a letter to Dibelius that "pronounce-
ments from the pulpit ordered by . rotestant bishops constituted not only 
a coercion of conscience on the part of the clergy, but were also directed 
2 
against freedom of conscience in general." 
jeveral pastors were prosecuted and sentenced to prison terms. The 
District Court of .chwerin on December 19, 1957, sentenced Pastor Otto 
A-iaercker to two and a half years in a penitentiary because he had denied 
Christian burial to a nineteen year old girl who, instead of being confirmed 3 by tho church, had accepted the Communist dedication rite. He was also 
A± Jugendweihe (Berlin: Zentraler Ausschuss fuer Jugendweihe in der 
DDE, June, 1955). 
2KJ 1957. p. 156. 
^"Kirche auf der Anklagebank," Kirche in der Zeit. VHI, Heft 2 
(February, 1958), pp. 60-61. 
176 
accused of having ridiculed youth dedication in his confirmation classes 
and of having exerted pressure on young people to prevent them from par-
ticipating in that program. The number of clergymen in Sast German jails 
rose from seven at the beginning of January, 1957, to twenty-two at the 
1 end of that year. 
The most sensational trial centering on the issue of youth dedication 
involved Jiegfrled Sohmutzler, spiritual leader for students at the Uni-
versity of Leipzig. Because of his Bible studies and personal contact 
with students, ochmutzler had become an extremely popular figure in Leipzig. 
He was suddenly arrested at his home on April 5$ 1957? his office and li-
brary were thoroughly searched by police and certain books and files were 
confiscated, and later introduced as evidence of guilt at his trial. During 
his long period of detention, ichmutzler was not permitted to confer with 
anyone. His haggard and exhausted appearance at the trial in November 
suggested the strong possibility that his plea of guilty to the government1 s 
charge of "agitation to boycott the republic" was the result of extreme 
mental and physical exhaustion. Jchmutzler was sentenced to five years 
imprisonment. 
johrautzler's arrest and trial were apparently caused by his evangeli-
zation efforts in the industrial area of Boehlen. In his lectures and dis-
cussions there jchmutzler criticized the practice of forcing people to work 
on Sundays to the detriment of rest and worship. He expressed his con-
viction that it was the Christian's duty to love all men, including war 
criminals. Finally, he thought that the needs of the aged and the Invalids 
*KJ 1957. p. 165. 
169 
were not adequately met by the state. On the basis of these remarks, 
Schmutzler was accused of having caused dissension among the people and 
of having undermined tho government's five-year plan. Certain Western 
books, supposedly filled with prejudice and hate toward Communism, had 
been confiscated in his library; he was said to have cleverly used these 
books in confusing university students at discussion groups in Leipzig, 
Three books singled out at the trial for their "questionable contents" 
were Wolfgang Leonhart's Child of the Pwevolution. George Orwell's 1984. 
and Erich Wendland*s The Church in Hodern Society, 
During the trial a witness was produced who charged Schmutzler with 
having made a statement to the effect that "all who sought to enlist young 
people for youth dedication should have a millstone placed around their 
necks and be drowned in the depth of the sea,"* Even though this state-
ment was inaccurately quoted and taken out of context, the state prosecutor 
accused Jchmutzler of inciting people to murder. He was also said to have 
created illegal cell groups among his students with the aim of causing 
unrest in the university and of disseminating treasonable information 
supposedly received from espionage agencies in West Berlin. Another accusa-
tion brought against him was that of having supported the chaplaincy agree-
ment between the church and the West German government and of having expressed 
open sympathies with the Hungarian freedom fighters. 
Since Jchmutzler was kept under close surveillance from the time of his 
arrest in April to his trial seven months later, it was impossible to find 
out whether his confession of guilt was the direct result of physical and 
1?,?7» ?• 169. 
170 
mental fatigue and psychological pressure* After the trial the church 
issued a statement declaring that she did not wish to create the role of 
a martyr for one of her clergymen, "but that she was keenly interested in 
keeping the record straight* If chmutzler had not conducted himself 
correctly in socio-political affairs, this was a matter of profound regret. 
On the other hand, it was quite clear that Jchmutzler had also frequently 
stressed in public tho responsibility of obedience which Christian people 
must have in relation to the existing temporal powers—on the basis of her 
conviction the church would feel compelled to continue to discharge this 
1 
responsibility even if it meant persecution and suffering. 
The Sast German government was apparently not too eager to have the 
factual record set straight. Jchmutzler*s trial, coupled with a series 
of personal attacks upon several clergymen, served to discredit the church 
and her ministers as a "subversive and unpatriotic institution." The sub-
stance of this observation was published in Der llorgen and was repeated in 
almost every Sast German newspaper* 
The trial [of jchmutzler^ is a clear warning to those within the 
church who maintain close connections with the Adenauer regime, and 
who seek to carry out their NATO politics to the detriment of our 
republic. By the same token It is an admonition for the church oircles 
within the German Democratic Republic to maintain strict loyalty. 
ISnemies of our state will be met with the full^force of the law. 
ichmutzlers will always suffer shipwreck here. 
In answer to these charges against the church preferred at court trials, 
repeated in the press, and reiterated by Walter Ulbricht in his afore-
*KJ 1957. p. 171. 
^Uer i-,ior?en. November 30, 1957* 
171 
mentioned speech of 1957 at Sonneberg, the bishops in East Germany issued 
an encyclical letter which was read in their congregations t 
Once again thousands of children in our congregations are pre-
paring to make confession of our Lord Jesus Christ through confirma-
tion. At the same time the attempt is being made to win these baptized 
children of ours for the atheistic youth dedication program. In such 
a situation our families are called to a decision and a confession, 
for by necessity it is simply a matter of either-orj it is impossible 
to combine the two. 
Herr Walter Ulbricht, First Secretary of the SED central committee 
and First Deputy Chairman of the presidium of the Council of Ministers, 
has once again made this clear in a speech on September 29, 19571 at 
the opening of the youth dedication year in Sonneberg, Thuringla. 
Previously it was always saidt the dedication of youth in the German 
Democratic Republic in no way signifies a confession to atheism; it is 
something altogether different from the Free Thinkers1 youth dedication 
of former years. Now Herr Ulbricht has said—and we quote from Neues 
Deutschland—that the dedication of youth is a fine old custom* in 
West Germany, too, children go to youth dedication ceremonies. And 
then he tells of his own youth dedication ceremony in 190?• So it 
actually is the old Institution of the Free Thinkers which Is supposed 
to supplant the church's confirmation. 
The other statements, too, in Herr Ulbricht1 s speech make this 
very clear. He says we should not permit ourselves to be prevented 
from "throwing overboard old, outworn dogmas.H 
Finally, Herr Ulbricht not only called upon the factories, the 
Machine and Tractor Stations, the People's Own Department, the Agri-
cultural Production Communities, and the Women's Committees to support 
the youth dedication program. He also required the Popular Education 
Departments of the Councils, i.e., organs of state administration, to 
cooperate in the preparations for the youth dedication ceremonies. 
This is in contradiction to the declaration given the bishops on De-
cember 3, 1956, at the highest state level, namely, that the dedication 
of youth is not a matter for the state, but simply for those who desire 
the dedication of youth, and that organs of the state are not given the 
task of putting themselves unreservedly in the service of the youth 
dedication program. 
We, your bishops, declare 1 The choice between confirmation and 
the rite of dedication is a matter involving the souls of your chil-
dren and the salvation of your own souls. Our answer to the new 
propaganda for the dedication of youth and to all attacks against 
our faith can only be that we take confirmation instruction much more 
seriously and that we, together with our children, will keep faith 
the more firmly with God and the church of Jesus Christ. 
Threats will not terrify us. During the years of the church's 
great struggle under National Socialism we learned again and again 
that God will help his people through all temptations. He will not 
leave us without his help. 
It is written "Me ought to obey God rather than men." And our 
Savior Jesus Christ has said, "Whosoever therefore shall confess ma 
before men, him will I also confess before my Father which is in 
heaven. 
Despite this firm stand by the bishops and despite the church's dis-
ciplinary measures, an increasingly number of young people registered for 
the youth dedication rite with the passing of each year. The pressure on 
the youth and their parents had become almost -unbearable, particularly 
when some of the youth who had not taken part in the dedication rite were 
2 
not permitted to pursue studies at either high schools or universities. 
The atheistic indoctrination of children in the public schools also in-
creased in intensity each year, touching every congregation and practically 
every family, starting in 1958 then, the vast majority of the youth en-
rolled in the youth dedication sessions, and a corresponding decline of 
attendance was noticed in the confirmation classes, itatistics on partici-
pation in youth dedication have been confusing and conflicting ever since 
the inception of the rite in 1954 and there is evidence to indicate that 
both the government's boast of triumph and the church's concession of 
failure have been inaccurate. At any rate, the fact that almost all ter-
ritorial churches in iSast Germany in recent years have refused to submit 
any statistical data on confirmation may reflect their unwillingness to 
let the government know how well the numbers of oonfirmands are holding up. 
It has been estimated that in 19&L at best a maximum of 10 per cent of 
the Sast German youth was still confirmed in the Christian faith. The 
^ J 1957. PP. 153-154 
2*J 1957. p. 158. 
173 
central committee claimed that the following percentages of students 
in the eighth grade participating in the youth dedication programs 
Year Per cent 
195? 25.0 
1958 . 44.n 
1959 80.4 
1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33.0 
1961 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90.Oj 
The rapidly declining number of children confirmed in two terri-
torial churches which continued to submit statistical data appears to 
support the claims mad® by the central committee: 
Number Confirmed Year Number Confirmed 
The Lutheran church in Saxony The Evangelical church In Silesia 
7 0 F 3 ? 6 ; 1 9 5 3 . . . . . . 4,307 
60,422 . . . . . . 1954 3,746 
59,965 1955 3,606 
50,269 1956 3»C97 
47,132 1957 2,764 
46,004 . . . . . . 1958 2,5^4 
17,160 1959 957 
12,829 I960 . . . . . . 7542 
Tills stunning decrease of young people in confirmation classes caused 
the church to reappraise her position on the dedication of youth and com-
pelled her to reevaluate confirmation itself. This problem loomed large 
at the synod of the Evangelical church in Germany which convened in Berlin 
in April, 1958. In view of th® critical conflict between confirmation and 
youth dedication, the 3ynod suggested that its member churches give special 
4 
•LErnest B. Koenker, Secular Salvations (Philadelphia: Fortress 
Press, 1965), P. 123* 
P- KJ IGFF, p. 3505 KJ 1957, p. 261; KJ P. 392; 
KJ 1959. P. 364; KJ I960, p. 331; KJ 1961. pp. 404-405 
174 
attention to the creation of new forms and methods of confirmation. The 
synod also appointed a special committee which would coordinate all work 
and effort in setting forth new and uniform guidelines for confirmation. 
Out of the discussions following the 1958 synod came a great variety 
of ideas and suggestions about confirmation. One group of clergymen sug-
gested the complete elimination of that rite, since it had never been con-
sidered a sacrament among Protestants and, in their opinion, had no Bib-
lical basis as a church rite. Traditionally confirmation had only been 
a ceremony signifying the completion of formal instruction in the church's 
teachings, and the reception of the confirmand into full membership of 
the congregation with the privilege of receiving the sacrament of holy 
communion. Although the rite itself required the young confirmand to make 
a personal confession of faith in the Triune God and to give a promise that 
he would lead a devoted Christian life within the church, confirmation was 
popularly regarded by many people as a traditional formality and a time 
for family celebration and festivity. After confirmation the vast majority 
of young people became indifferent to the church and Christian life. It 
was with this in mind that a group of pastors seriously suggested a com-
plete ^ repudiation of that rite. 
Another group of concerned churchmen suggested the admittance of chil-
dren to the Lord's Table at the age of nine or ten, and the postponement 
of confirmation until they reached the more mature age of seventeen or 
eighteen. 
The views of yet a third group of clergymen were finally adopted in 
1959 as tentative confirmation guidelines in ISast Germany, pending the 
175 
1 
completion of a permanent and unified pattern. According to the new guide-
lines, the dedication of youth was still firmly rejected by the church, but 
greater cognizance was taken of the extreme duress under which children 
and parents labored. The pledge at the dedication rite was still regarded 
as a form of denial of the Christian faith and was therefore looked upon 
as a sin, but the clergy was directed to accept those youth who repented of 
their participation in the Communist rite and wished to be confirmed in 
the Christian faith. The lapse of time allowed between the youth dedication 
rite and confirmation was to be a pastoral matter, each clergyman using his 
own judgment. Regarding confirmation instruction, all children were per-
mitted to attend classes even though at the same time they partook in the 
youth dedication sessions. At the end of confirmation instruction a period 
of preparation for holy communion followed for those who wished to be con-
firmed in the Christian faith. Those who wished to be confirmed after 
participation in the dedication rite could, at the pastor's discretion, 
take a preparatory course for holy communion and be confirmed the following 
2 
year. Obviously, these guidelines were a compromise designed to retain 
the youth in the church, but even this measure of 1959—-just like the church 
pronouncements and disciplinary actions of 1955—has failed to accomplish 
its purpose; statistics indicate that the decline in the number of con-
firmands has continued. 
x,tBeschluss der irrovinzlalsynode Berlin-Brandenburg zur Konfirmation 
1959,M Kirche in der Zeit. U , Heft 2 (February, 1959), p. 72. 
2KJ 1959. p. 7 ff. 
176 
By way of review, it should be noted that a goal of Communism is the 
obliteration of religion. In order to reaoh this goal, Communist govern-
ments pursue four objectives, one of which is the elimination of the 
church's influence from society. The German Democratic Republio has to 
a large extent been able to achieve this objective i the state has succeeded 
in virtually establishing a monopoly over all means of education and in ex-
pelling the churoh from that important sphere of public influence. In 
1953 the government sought also to capture the church's hold on youth by 
fiercely attacking the church's youth organisations, but this attempt met 
with utter failure. In 195^ the state then inaugurated the rite of youth 
dedication in order to compete with the church for the devotion and loyalty 
of her youth. This approach proved to be strikingly successful; a steadily 
growing number of young people have participated in the Communist rite 
rather than in Christian confirmation, fortifying the influence of the 
Communist state on the East German youth. 
V. oSCURE CHURCH SUPPORT FOR TH3 COMMUNIST CAUJSj POLITICAL IMBROGLIO 
Another of the Communist tactics, which can lead to a weakening of 
religion, consists of the attempt to force the church into the subservient 
position of supporting the political aims of the Soviet regime. This 
strategy was first effectively employed in World War H when Stalin wished 
to gain the sanction of Russian Orthodoxy for his political programs and 
military operations so as to strengthen the morale of the Soviet peoples 
during the period of occupation of Eastern Europe by the German army. A 
number of prominent church leaders lent their support to his political 
and military moves not only during World War II but during the post-war 
1 
period as well. Stalin's new approach to religion was later adopted by 
the governments of countries within the Soviet orbit, including the govern-
ment of Sast Germany. 
Despite Stalin's friendly overtures to the church, the final oblit-
eration of religion remained an unchanged and fixed goal of the Communist 
movement. Even though some church leaders—possibly under duress—collab-2 
orated with the Soviet regime, this action did not cause Communist leaders 
*schrey, p. 5 0 . 
^Hans Koch, Zur politischen Predlgt (Muenchem Carl Gerber Verlag, 
1952), p. 119. 
178 
1 to give up their designs at religion. They continued their efforts to 
circumscribe religious activities by stringent regulations and to strike 
at religion by the militant propagation of atheism; however, the overt 
use of ruthless terror as a means of stamping out religion, which was 
common during the 1920*3 in Joviei Russia, was not revived after Jo rid 
War II. In any case, since her ultimate fate seemed to be sealed, the 
church was now openly tolerated in society. However, in order to reap 
some benefits from their policy of toleration, Communist leaders sought 
to gain the church's support for their political programs. Like all other 
organizations and institutions in society, the religious community was to 
be reduced to an agency serving Communist interests. Religious sanction 
certainly would persuade some believers to accept Soviet politics without 
much ado. The church's collaboration would also be of great propaganda 
value in the power struggle between the Sast and the West. Moreover, by 
becoming subservient to the state, the church would compromise her integ-
rity and. impair the effectiveness of her message. Communist governments 
thus had everything to gain by such an arrangement, especially since the 
church's collaboration should tend to accelerate the pace of her antici-
pated disintegration. 
In their attempt to procure the allegiance of the religious community, 
Communist governments probably anticipated some resistance on the part of 
certain churchmen. If incumbent hierarchical leaders proved unusually 
obstinate in frustrating governmental schemes, efforts were made to replace 
1 lrD±e Christen hinter dem eisemen Vorhang," Fuer Arbeit und 
Besinning. XV, Nr. 20 (October 15, 1952), p. 233. 
179 
them -with a more cooperative leadership, most strikingly illustrated by 
the fat© of some spiritual leaders in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Obstrep-
erous shepherds in both countries who refused to support the political as-
pirations of their governments were put under house arrest and later re-
placed by less obdurate cler^rmen.^ 
U n t i l 1958 demands by the Sas t German government f o r an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l 
endorsement of p o l i t i c a l programs met w i th the church ' s stubborn o p p o s i t i o n . 
P a s t o r s and b ishops were r epea ted ly c a l l e d upon to e n l i s t i n the Communist-
I n s p i r e d N a t i o n a l f r o n t and to g ive a p ledge of a l l e g i a n c e to the s t a t e , 
but t h i s r e q u e s t struck no respons ive chord i n most clergymen. On the con -
t r a r y , the church concluded i n 1957 the a forementioned m i l i t a r y chap la incy 
agreement w i t h the West German government, a s t e p i n d i r e c t c o n f l i c t w i th 
the E a s t German government's expressed w i s h e s . I n t e r p r e t i n g t h i s step as 
p o l i t i c a l t r e a s o n and as t reacherous acc la im of West Germany's membership 
i n NATO, the government i n i t i a t e d v a r i o u s measures o f r e p r i s a l i n order t o 
c r i p p l e the work of the church. 00me o f f i c i a l s 3uch as Bishop D i b e l i u s 
were no l o n g e r a t a l l permitted to en te r East Germany. They were banned 
f rom t h e i r b i s h o p r i c s on the grounds t h a t as "American agents they engaged 
i n s u b v e r s i v e a c t i v i t i e s and t h a t they sought t o i n s t i g a t e another wor ld 
war.1* A t t h e same time strenuous e f f o r t s were made t o muster a group of 
l o y a l c le rgymen, who would unrese rved ly support Eas t German p o l i t i c s and 
e v e n t u a l l y b e i n a p o s i t i o n t o supplant the church l e a d e r s h i p d i s t a s t e f u l 
to Grotewohl and U l b r i c h t . The government scored some success i n t h i s 
K . Armstrong, Re l i g i on Can Conquer Communism (London! Thomas 
Ne l son & i o n s , 1964) , pp . 108-117. 
130 
endeavor with the creation In 1958 of the league of Evangelical Clergymen. 
The church was also forced, in 1953 to give a long-sought declaration of 
support on behalf of the "peace efforts'* of the Communist state. Jhile 
under considerable duress, East German bishops issued a communique in which 
they stated that the church . . . agrees fundamentally with the peace efforts 
\ 
of the German Democratic Republic and its government." inasmuch as this 
was appraised as an ecclesiastical acclaim of the East German regime, some 
of the most restrictive measures strangling religious life were relaxed. 
Beyond this declaration the state has been unable to secure any other sig-
nificant concession from the church. 
A r t i c l e 41 of the East German cons t i tu t i on prov ided the l e g a l b a s i s 
f o r a l l attempts to e x t r a c t f rom the church a t l e a s t some token support 
f o r the p o l i t i c a l a s p i r a t i o n s of the s t a t e . As noted e a r l i e r , t h i s a r t i c l e 
seemed to i n v e s t the church wi th g r ea t p r i v i l e g e s ; the r e l i g i o u s comrramity 
was endowed w i th the express r i g h t of t ak ing a p u b l i c stand on every impor -
t a n t i s s u e conf ront ing the nat ion and of forming her convict ions i n l i n e 
w i th her t r a d i t i o n and con fe s s i on . Ey the same token, a r t i c l e 41 a l s o 
s p e c i f i e d tha t the church 's i n s t i t u t i o n s and act ions must not be misused 2 
f o r " p a r t i s a n o r u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l " purposes , and the government claimed 
the a u t h o r i t y t o dec ide what r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s and teachings were ' u n -
c o n s t i t u t i o n a l . " With th i s i n mind the Ca tho l i c News Serv ice c a l l e d t h i s 
a r t i c l e a "death sentence" f o r every r e l i g i o u s community which dared t o 
1KJ 1968. p. 144. 
^okumente zur ..taatsordnunp; der DDR, v o l . I , p . 430. 
181 
1 
d i sag ree w i t h the s t a t e . This observat ion proved t o be q u i t e a c cu r a t e . 
I f p u b l i c u t t e r ance s were made concerning n a t i o n a l i s s u e s which d i s p l e a s e d 
the s t a t e , s teps were u s u a l l y taken to mu f f l e the church1 s vo i ce by d e -
nouncing i t as p a r t i s a n i n na tu re . I t became p a t e n t l y c l e a r t h a t the 
government deemed c o n s t i t u t i o n a l only those p u b l i c statements which f a -
vored the p o l i t i c a l l i n e of Communism, judging a l l contrary d e c l a r a t i o n s 
uncon s t i t u t i o n a l • 
A . The N a t i o n a l Front and Pub l i c Referenda 
I t w i l l be remembered tha t dur ing the pe r i od o f Soviet M i l i t a r y Admin-
i s t r a t i o n , Russ ian o f f i c i a l s approached clergymen w i t h requests tha t they 
l end t h e i r support t o c e r t a i n admin i s t ra t i ve and p o l i t i c a l ac t ions i n Bas t 
Germany. Th i s a c t i on by Soviet o f f i c i a l s appa rent ly served as precedent 
to ind igenous S a s t German l eaders who l a t e i n 19^9 began to c a l l on the 
ohuroh t o support the p o l i t i c a l program of the new government. Leading 
b i shops as w e l l as p a r i s h pastors were r epea ted l y u r ged t o e n l i s t i n the 
N a t i o n a l F r o n t and t o endorse na t i ona l r e f e r e n d a . 
The d r i v e t o ga in the c l e r gy f o r the N a t i o n a l Front began i n e a rne s t 
i n October , 19^9, when the government demanded t h a t the c l e r g y e n l i s t i n 
the N a t i o n a l F ron t . High-ranking church l e ade r s were as a r u l e the f i r s t 
t o be approached and, when no r ecept i ve e a r was found among them, strenuous 
e f f o r t s were made t o reach the g r a s s - r o o t c l e r g y i n l o c a l congregat ions . 
P a r i sh p a s t o r s were sought out i n d i v i d u a l l y through governmental communiques, 
pa r ty r e s o l u t i o n s , l a b o r memoranda, newspaper a r t i c l e s , and r ad i o b r o a d c a s t s . 
^ S o l b e r g , p . 85 . 
182 
The National Front t -which evolved out of an earlier Communi st~dominated 
organization, the People's Committees for Unity and a Just Peace, was offi-
4 
c i a l l y g i ven l i f e on January 7 , 1950* Under the d i r e c t i o n of a n a t i o n a l 
committee composed o f th ree hundred members from East Germany and one hundred 
f rom West Germany, the N a t i ona l Front p ro fe s sed t o be an o rgan i za t i on of 
p e a c e - l o v i n g peop le whose aim was t o b r i n g un i t y t o Germany and the conc lu -
s i on of a peace t r e a t y . I t sought t o r a l l y around i t s banner people f rom 
both p a r t s o f d i v i d e d Germany by ho ld ing out to them the hope of a r e u n i -
f i c a t i o n o f the country . Thus the N a t i o n a l Front contended t o be an a l l -
German movement, u n i t i n g " i n i t s ranks c i t i z e n s f rom Eas t and West Germany, 
peop le f r om a l l wa lks of l i f e and of a l l b e l i e f s , members of a l l p o l i t i c a l 
p a r t i e s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s whose aim was the r e u n i f i c a t i o n of Germany as a 2 
p e a c e f u l and democrat ic s t a t e . " Eas t German newspapers proudly procla imed 
t h a t " the N a t i o n a l F ront of Democratic Germany embraced a l l f o r c e s of the 
German p e o p l e , those w i t h and wi thout p a r t y a f f i l i a t i o n , those i n East and 3 i n West Germany." P i e ok s ta ted t h a t no other demands would be made of 
peop le work ing w i th t h i s o r gan i za t i on except tha t they should " f i g h t American 
lj, 
i m p e r i a l i s m and s t r i v e f o r the n a t i o n a l independence o f the German p e o p l e . " 
The N a t i o n a l F ront made i t s f i r s t p u b l i c appea l i n B e r l i n on February 15, 
1950, c a l l i n g f o r a r e u n i f i e d Germany, a peace t r e a t y , and wi thdrawal o f 
1GDR. p . 33. 
2GDR. p . 33. 
^Neue Z e i t . Feb ruary 19, 1950* 
^ P i e c k , v o l . I I , p . 256. 
183 
all occupation troops in both parts of the country. All parties, organi-
zations and institutions, including the church, -were urged to associate 
themselves with this political program. 
The N a t i o n a l F r o n t ' s s t a ted aim of na t i ona l r e -un i f i ca t i on appealed 
to many German p e o p l e . Almost a l l of them wished to see t h e i r country r e -
un i t ed a g a i n , and would have g l a d l y supported a program such as t h i s . 
Throughout the course of events l e ad ing to the c r e a t i o n o f the German Denw 
o c r a t i c Repub l i c i n 19^9, s o v i e t l e ade r s and German Communists had sought 
t o convey the impress ion that they were the r e a l supporters of the German 
quest f o r peace and u n i t y — t h e Western a l l i e s were desc r i bed as v i l l a i n s 
who kept Germany w i l l f u l l y d i v i d e d . A mani festo i s s u e d by the P e o p l e f s 
Counc i l on October 7 , 19^9, was t y p i c a l of the s u b t l e enticement through 
r e f e r e n c e t o the p o s s i b i l i t y of the r e u n i f i c a t i o n of Germany, i f people 
would suppor t the program of the N a t i o n a l Fronti 
Germany has been p a r t i t i o n e d through the i m p e r i a l i s t p o l i c y of 
Western powers . . . the German people have been r e fused a peace 
t r e a t y . I n s t e a d of t h i s there has been f o r c e d upon them i n the W e s t -
e m zones an occupation s t a t u t e , intended t o extend the occupation 
p e r i o d i n d e f i n i t e l y . . . The foremost endeavor of the c o n s t i t u t i o n -
a l l y formed p r o v i s i o n a l German government w i l l be t o f i g h t f o r the 
p e a c e , u n i t y and s ove r e i gn i t y of Germany . . . We c a l l upon a l l Ge r -
man peop l e t o take the s a l v a t i o n of the nat ion i n t h e i r own hands 
and t o c l e a r the road f o r peace, r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , and the n a t i o n a l 
independence of a un i t ed German Democratic Repub l ic by support ing 
the b a t t l e of the Na t i ona l F r o n t . i 
I t was d i f f i c u l t t o r a i s e ob j e c t i ons a g a i n s t the p ro f e s sed a s p i r a t i o n s 
of the N a t i o n a l F ront un l e s s i t s t rue p o l i t i c a l aim was recogn ized . The 
* White Book on the American and B r i t i s h P o l i c y of I n t e rven t i on i n 
We3t Germany and the Rev iva l of German Imper i a l i sm ( B e r l i n l Na t i ona l Counci l 
of the N a t i o n a l F ront of Democratic Germany, 1 9 5 1 ) » P * 170. 
134 
r e u n i f i c a t i o n of Germany and r a t i f i c a t i o n of a peace t r e a t y were i n r e a l i t y 
to take p l a c e under the auspices of an "a l l -German p r o v i s i o n a l government" 
without the b e n e f i t of f r e e e l e c t i o n s . * This p r o v i s i o n , coupled w i th the 
demand f o r a n e u t r a l i z e d s tatus of Germany, cons t i tu t ed one of the b a s i c 
2 
f e a t u r e s of a l l peace t r e a t y proposa ls o f the Sov iet Union . But the phe-
nomenon of a " p r o v i s i o n a l government" f u n c t i o n i n g as supreme a u t h o r i t y w i t h -
out f r e e e l e c t i o n s was a l r e ady a f a m i l i a r method p e r f e c t e d i n s e v e r a l Sov ie t 
s a t e l l i t e c o u n t r i e s . This technique had enabled a r e l a t i v e l y smal l band of 
ded i ca ted Communists t o se i ze the re igns of government through a coup d ' e t a t 3 
in s e v e r a l l a n d s . This was the t rue des i gn of the N a t i o n a l Front f o r Ger -
many when i t c a l l e d upon people t o support i t s program of n a t i o n a l r e u n i f i -
c a t i on and i t s demands f o r the wi thdrawal of occupat ion t r o o p s . Apparent ly 
w i th t h i s i n mind Khrushchev adv ised S a s t German p o l i t i c a l l e ade r s i n 1955 
to s t r e s s t h e program of the Na t iona l Front more v i g o r o u s l y than ever b e f o r e . 
U l b r i c h t took t h i s adv ice t o hea r t by demanding once more that a l l "demo-
c r a t i c p e o p l e " j o i n f o r c e s w i th the N a t i o n a l F ront i n order t o b r i n g about 
5 
the " r e u n i f i c a t i o n of Germany as a peace - l ov ing and democratic n a t i o n . " 
On the o the r hand, the Western a l l i e s c o n s i s t e n t l y took the p o s i t i o n 
E r f u r t , p . 39 f f . 
I b i d . , p . 129$ a l s o Fuer einen Fr iadens v e r t r ag rait Deutschland. 
ed. Ausschuss f u e r Auswaert ige Augelegenheiten d e r Volkskammer der DDR 
( B e r l i n ! Ruetten and Loening, 1959)» p . 9 . 
^ E r f u r t , p . 4 2 . 
^Ado lph , pp. 59-60. 
% e u e s Deutsch land . September 28, 1955* 
135 
that free elections held throughout Germany were mandatory as a first step 
leading to the ratification of a peace treaty. As long as the people had 
not freely elected a government there existed no legitimate signatory for 
1 
a peace treaty. This difference in approach was vividly revealed in dip-
lomatic negotiations carried on during the latter part of 1951* The East 
German parliament sent a note to the West German Bundestag on September 15 
urging consultations between representatives from both parts of the divided 
country on the subject of free elections and the ratification of a peace 
treaty. The West German government replied two weeks later with a four-
teen-point program for the free election of an all-German constitutional 
assembly and declared its intention to submit these proposals to the United 
Nations for approval. The East German authorities then drafted a somewhat 
similar program, but it lacked provisions for the international supervision 
of the proposed free election. In the meantime, a committee of the United 
Nations received the statements from both the East and the West German 
governments on this matter and finally recommended to the General Assembly 
the appointment of a special commission which would investigate the condi-
tions for free elections, jwember nations of the commission were Brazil, 
Iceland, rakistan, Poland, and the Netherlands. It was assured full coop-
eration and free movement in the West German Federal Republic, but the 
East German government refused this commission permission to even cross 
its boundaries. Therefore, the commission was forced to report to the 
United Nations on April 30, 1952, that there was no possibility of carrying 
Erfurt, p. 36. 
186 
out its assignment. If the support of the German Democratic Republic 
actually rested on a 99*72 per cent popular majority, as claimed by the 
National Front after the election in 1950,* there need not have been any 
hesitancy by the .Last German state to admit an impartial international com-
mission for the purpose of preparing for another free election. 
Besides rallying people around its proposed plan of reunification, 
the second important aim of the National Front was to secure participation 
2 
of the population in all East German elections and public referenda. The 
National Front functioned "as the main driving force in elections" and 
prepared a list -with a single slate of candidates in consultation with the 
Communist-dominated parties and mass organizations. By means of ballots 
with a single slate drawn up by the National Front it was possible to dis-
tribute "elective offices" in advance of actual elections. No election was 
held in October, 19^9, when the "provisional government" of the German Dem-
ocratic Republic was launched, but preparations were made for an election 
to be held in the fall of the following year. This election was to provide 
a popular ratification of the constitution and to place in political office 
a hand-picked group of men. During the intervening twelve months, the Na-
tional Front was invested with the responsibility of mustering support for 
the "provisional government" and its policy of German unity and peace. In 
order to win ecclesiastical support for the fall election, hundreds of per-
sonal letters were sent to pastors inviting them to attend conferences 
especially planned for them by the National Front. These invitations, 
1 o t a t i s t i s c h e s Jahrbuch der DDR. 1955a v o l . I , p . 8 7 . 
187 
signed by high-ranking government leaders, promised free transportation 
1 
and a reimbursement of all expenses incurred at the conferences. The re-
sponse must have been disappointing to the National Front. For instance, 
of the fifteen hundred clergymen in Brandenburg, a total of only twenty 
attended the conference held for their region on August 15, 1950. At 
that time they were presented with resolutions endorsing candidates spon-
sored by Communists; only nine of the twenty pastors present signed them. 
Nevertheless, East German newspapers proclaimed that the clergy of Bran-
denburg had enthusiastically approved the National Front*s program and 
2 
candidates. similar conferences for pastors were held in other provinces 
of the German Democratic Republic. 
The election on October 15, 1950, returned the expected overwhelming 
endorsement of the National front's ballot. No secret vote was permitted 
and the only possible way of casting a negative vote was to deface the 
ballot, which was likely to result in post-election reprisals. The offi-
cial reports thus indicated a 99*72 per cent majority aj^ proval of the Na-
tional Front and of its program. The open vote and ballots with a single 3 
slate were used during all subsequent elections. Moreover, if a person 
failed to cast his vote at later elections, he was invariably denounced as 
a traitor to the cause of the German Democratic Republic. It was not sur-
prising then that the National Front was able to announce again in 1954 
h j 1950, p . 125 f f . 
Solkstimme, October 16, 1950. 
3 H 1957. p . 174. 
188 
t h a t 99*46 per cent o f a l l votes i n that y e a r ' s n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n were 
1 
c a s t i n f a v o r of i t s program. 
Another important task of the Nat iona l Front was t o i n i t i a t e p u b l i c 
r e f e r e n d a rega rd ing v i t a l n a t i o n a l events and p a r t i c u l a r l y as they invo l ved 
West Germany. The a t t e n t i o n of the Nat iona l Front was e s p e c i a l l y f ocused 
on a p o s s i b l e rearmament of the Federal Republ ic . As tens ion between the 
E a s t and the West continued t o inc rease , h i gh l i ghted i n 1949 by the f o r -
mation o f the North A t l a n t i c Treaty Organization and the withdrawal of 
Chiang Kai -shek f rom the China mainland, the th rea t o f a t h i r d wor ld war 
loomed l a r g e . This p reca r ious p o l i t i c a l s i tua t i on was aggravated even more 
i n 1950 by the outbreak of the Korean War. In v iew o f these grave wor ld 
developments , the ques t i on of the f u tu r e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f West Germany t o 
NATO and to European de fense was pass ionate ly d i scussed by people i n both 
p a r t s o f the d i v i d e d Germany. When the rearmament o f the Federa l Republ ic 
became a r e a l i t y l a t e i n 1951* the country was r eve rbe r a t ing from a con-
v u l s i v e debate on t h i s s u b j e c t . Of course, the Sas t German government 
opposed the rearmament o f the Federa l Republic i n no uncer ta in terms. I n 
o rde r t o strengthen the stand of the East German regime on t h i s i s s u e , the 
N a t i o n a l Front was g i v en the task of ho ld ing a popu lar referendum on t h i s 
q u e s t i o n throughout Germany. 
The referendum was f o rb idden i n West Germany by the government o f the 
F e d e r a l Repub l i c , but i t was he ld on June 6, 1951» Sa s t Germany. People 
were t o vote on the q u e s t i o n , "Are you opposed t o the r e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n of 
Germany and i n f a v o r of a peace t r e a t y w i th Germany i n 1951?11 T^® 
\ S t a t i s t i s c h e s Jahrbuoh der DDR. 1955* v o l . I , p . 8 7 . 
189 
phraseo logy was such t h a t a negat ive vote would have h a r d l y been p o s s i b l e . 
An a f f i r m a t i v e vote on a peace t r e a ty meant s imultaneously a negat ive vo te 
on the rearmament i s s u e . These were r e a l l y two d i s t i n c t quest ions bu t they 
were p l aced b e f o r e the people as one. Voters were u rged t o c a s t t h e i r b a l -
l o t s openly as an i n d i c a t i o n of t h e i r wholehearted endorsement o f peace . 
I n s p i t e of t h i s t r a v e s t y of democratic procedures , the Na t i ona l Front r e -
po r ted tr iumphantly t h a t 96.31 per cent o f the vo te r s had dec l a red t h e i r 
support f o r the p e a c e f u l aims of Soviet Russ i a . * Another much-pub l ic i sed 
referendum was he l d i n June, 1954, when i t became obvious that the Western 
a l l i e s would terminate the occupation status and accept the Federa l Repub l i c 
i n t o NATO. People were to vote on the ques t i on , "Are you i n f a v o r of a 
peace t r e a t y and the wi thdrawal of a l l occupation t r o o p s , or the European 
Defense Community and the re tent ion of occupation t roops f o r f i f t y y e a r s ? " 
The a l r e a d y f a m i l i a r vo t ing procedures p r e v a i l e d aga in a t t h i s re ferendum. 
Moreover , no r u l e s had been e s tab l i shed t h i s time t o determine what con-
s t i t u t e d a v a l i d b a l l o t . Loca l e l e c t i on boards could even count b l ank o r 
s p o i l e d b a l l o t s I f t h e y wished . Never the less , i t was announced t h a t the 
peop le a t the p o l l s had f a vo r ed a peace t r e a t y by a m a j o r i t y of 93*5 pe r 
2 
cen t . Even though the r e s u l t s of these re fe renda d i d not prevent West 
Germany f rom j o i n i n g NATO, i t provided the regime i n Bast Germany w i t h an 
abundance of propaganda m a t e r i a l . On the other hand, the f a c t s t h a t the 
Democratic Republ ic had a l r eady mustered an impress ive army under the 
gu ise o f the Peop le * s P o l i c e be fo re the a c tua l r e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n of the 
* I b i d . . v o l . I , p . 8 8 . 
2 I b j d . . v o l . I , p . 88. 
190 
F e d e r a l Repub l ic , and that l a t e r i t became a par tner i n the Warsaw Pac t 
were exp la ined by the Na t i ona l Front as pure ly d e f e n s i v e measures a g a i n s t 
the " r evenge - seek ing f o r c e s i n West Germany."* 
The r e j e c t i o n o f the Na t i ona l Front by the church was made p l a i n i n 
numerous o f f i c i a l pronouncements i s sued by l ead ing b i shops and synod ica l 
convent ions , l-iany o f these statements e l uc i da t ing the church 's p o s i t i o n 
were r ead t o congregat ions a t t h e i r Sunday worship s e r v i c e s . The B e r l i n 
Cons i s t o ry reminded a l l i t s pastors of the b a s i c p o s i t i o n on p o l i t i c a l 
2 
a c t i o n taken by the church i n the l e t t e r of 1948 to Marshal Joko lovsk i . 
The churoh l e a d e r s h i p of saxony r e c a l l e d the Barmen Dec l a r a t i on dur ing the 
N a z i p e r i o d , i n which any int imat ion tha t the s ta te might use the church 
f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes had been emphatical ly r e j e c t e d as " f a l s e d o c t r i n e . " ^ 
The con t r i bu t i on of the church t o peace and u n i t y cou ld not be made w i t h i n 
the p o l i t i c a l framework of the Nat iona l Front ! i t cou ld be made on ly on the 
b a s i s o f the Gospel o f Jesus Ch r i s t . 
P r o t e s t s were a l s o vo iced by church l eade r s a g a i n s t the f l a g r a n t m i s -
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f democratic e l e c t i on procedures a t the p o l l s . They r e -
ques ted tha t the government i s sue a c l e a r statement d e f i n i n g a v a l i d b a l l o t 
and make the u se of booths ob l i g a to ry by a l l vo te rs so that those who w i shed 
t o use them would no t be looked upon w i th susp ic ion by pa r ty o f f i c i a l s . 
R e f e r r i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y to the d u p l i c i t y of phraseo logy i n the referendum 
q u e s t i o n s , they p leaded f o r a preservat ion of freedom of conscience! 
1GDR, p . 36. 
% J 1950. p . 114. 
3KJ 1950. p . 131. 
191 
Th© 'Yes" to peace should not be misused as a "yes" to other 
objectives which have nothing to do with the question of peace and 
which, properly understood, are a hindrance to it. The Christian, 
whose natural inclination would be to vote for peace, finds it very 
difficult to understand how a campaign for peace can be dominated by 
a propaganda for hate. Wherever hate is at work, peace is destroyed. 
For the sake of peace itself, which needs no propaganda, we plead 
that Christian men, who are obliged to love even their enemies, may 
not be forced to violate their consciences. 
One of the important principles determining the church's relationship 
with the National Front was formulated by the synod of the Evangelical 
2 
church in Germany at Serlin-Weissensee in April, 1950* The declaration 
issued by the synod contained earnest statements about the critical polit-
ical situation in the world and the ardent desire of the German people that 
war should be prevented. Instead of laying the blame for the threat of 
peace upon one nation or another, it was pointed out in the declaration 
that wars came about because of a disregard for the laws of God. There-
fore, the only way to an abiding peace was through repentance and acceptance 
of the will of God. The task of the church was to declare this message as 
the basis of world peace, even though men and nations might ignore it. 
The declaration further contained a statement about the church's respon-
sibility to warn men and governments against foroes which produce wars r 
hatred and injustice, terror and discrimination, and the creation of a 
climate of deceit and falsehood. These forces must be removed or all talk 
of peace among nations would be empty and futile. The occupation powers 
were urged quickly to conclude a peace treaty, to reunite the divided 
*KJ 1950. pp. 128-129. 
2KJ l g g O , P. 7 f f . 
192 
country, and to grant amnesty to the remaining prisoners of war. If the 
leaders of the National Front had hoped that the synod would issue a 
statement which could be used in support of their political designs, they 
were doomed to disappointment. The Meissensee declaration contained nothing 
which even remotely suggested an alignment of the church with the aspira-
tions of that organization. On the contrary, the appeal of the synod to the 
individual members of the churoh not to allow themselves to become instru-
ments of a peace propaganda, "which in reality is sowing hatred and pro-
moting war," constituted a plain rejection of the National Front. 
A negative reception was also given by the church to the World Peace 
Movement, an organization whose aims ware similar to those of the National 
Front. The preservation of peace was its avowed aim and it therefore had 
an emotional appeal to people who had experienced the horrors of World 
War II. The program of the World Peace Movement was dressed in a quasi-
religious appearance inasmuch as its leaders copiously quoted Biblical 
statements dealing with "peace on earth." It was argued that since reli-
gious people were interested in establishing "good will among man" they 
should eagerly welcome the opportunity of supporting the program of the 
Peace Movement. Clergymen were importuned to sign various peace resolutions 
and prominent church leaders were invited to attend peace congresses held 
periodically at raris, Prague, and Stockholm. In reality, the program of 
the World - eace Movement coincided with the political ambitions of the 
soviet Union and the policies of the Western powers were denounced as war 
schemes. Thus the so-called peace literature and petitions blanketing Sast 
Germany invariably proved to be propaganda material reflecting hatred of the 
United states. Day after day people were told that there existed two 
193 
dominant camps i n the wor ld today, the camp of peace and the camp of w a r , 
"The g l o r i ous camp of wor ld peace, which increased cons5.stently i n s t rength . , 
stood under the l e a d e r s h i p of the Soviet Union. The camp of war was l e d 
by the United states . . . whose aim was t o gain wo r l d domination b y means 
o f war waged a ga in s t peace - l ov ing people and c o u n t r i e s . " * The church a d -
v i s e d her c l e r g y and l a i t y not to s ign r e so lu t i ons o f t h i s k ind on the 
grounds that there e x i s t e d a g reat d i f f e r e n c e between the peace promised 
by Ch r i s t and that proclaimed by the World Peace Movement. The peace of 
God was s p i r i t u a l i n nature and compelled a person t o l ove h i s ne ighbor 
w h i l e the peace p r o f e s s e d by that o rgan i za t ion was p o l i t i c a l i n nature and 
2 
f i l l e d a person w i th hat red f o r h i s fe l lowmen. This p o s i t i o n was c l e a r l y 
enunciated by the Weissensee synod i n 1950* 
Neve r the l e s s , not a l l churchmen remained a l oo f t o the s ta ted aim of 
the World Peace Kovement. Several extremely i n f l u e n t i a l l e ade r s l i k e P a s -
t o r Mart in N iemoe l l e r of Hesse, He inr lch Grueber of B e r l i n , and the Swiss 
theo l og i an K a r l Barth were sympathetic t o i t s p r o f e s s ed goa l of p r e s e r v ing 
wor ld peace .^ Having observed the ravages of World War I I , they were v e -
hemently opposed t o the armament race between the S a s t and the "West and 
s p e c i f i c a l l y to the then Impending r e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n o f Germany. They f e a r e d 
the outbreak of another devastat ing war and wished t o do everything w i t h i n 
t h e i r power to prevent such a calamity f rom b e f a l l i n g mankind, even i f i t 
meant the endorsement of the a s p i r a t i o n s o f the Wor ld Peace Movement. 
*Lehrbuch f u e r den Gesch lchtsunter r icht ( 8 . S c h u l j a h r ) , p . 282. 
2KJ l o g o , p . 132. 
3KJ 1950. pp . 174* 214-220. 
194 
Apparently motivated by these considerations, they attended a number of 
peace congresses. 
The declaration of the Weissensee synod demonstrated, conclusively that 
the church as a corporate body was not open to any blandishment from the 
National Front. Consequently, leaders of the government resorted to the 
tactic of approaching individual x ^ a s t o r s , urging them not to be misled by 
their "reactionary" leadership but independently to support the National 
Front. It was asserted that most clergymen xrore ready to cooperate in 
local committees with the National Front, but that they had been hindered 
in their action by unconstitutional pressure and pronouncements from the 
church headquarters located in I Jest Berlin. Grotewohl averred that it would 
be a mistake "to throw all pastors in one pot with Bishop Dibelius. The 
Bishop does not represent the church."* However, only a very few clergy-
2 
men termed "progressives" responded to this appeal. The state assured 
them of its special benevolence by a promise to pay their salaries out of 
church funds in case the ecclesiastical, administration should cut off their 3 
income in reprisal for their political activities. 
Agitated by her obdurate resistance to the National Front's political 
courtship, the government promulgated three measures late in 195° designed 
to force the church into a state of submission. First, state subsidies 
would be paid to the church after January 1, 1951, only if her headquarters 
were moved from West 3erlin and established within the German Democratic 
1KJ 1950. p. 120. 
2KJ 1950. P. 125. 
3KJ 1950. p. 154. 
195 
Repub l i c , These subs id i e s were contractua l o b l i g a t i o n s dat ing back to the 
nineteenth century when church propert ies had been turned over t o the s t a t e 
i n exchange f o r pe rpetua l annual payments. They const i tu ted about f i f t e e n 
p e r cent of the church 's t o t a l income. Secondly, West German church o f f i -
c i a l s were f o r the f i r s t time denied entry permits f o r the purpose o f a t -
t end ing meetings i n the German Democratic Repub l i c . The meeting p lace had 
t o be reschedu led f o r West B e r l i n . Th i r d l y , the S a s t German par l iament 
passed on December 15, 1950* a law f o r the Defense of Peace. According t o 
t h i s new s t a t u t e , any a g i t a t i o n or negat ive express ion a ga in s t the Demo-
2 
c r a t i c Repub l i c or the Soviet b l oc could be punished by imprisonment. 
I t provided the b a s i s f o r the l a t e r a r r e s t and imprisonment of a number of 
clergymen and church workers , who dared to d i s a g r ee openly w i th government 
p o l i c i e s . I n a d d i t i o n to these r e s t r i c t i v e measures, Bishop D i b e l i u s was 
s i n g l e d out f o r a b i t t e r attack by Grotewohl, who s a i d D i b e l i u s was the 
r i n g l e a d e r o f r e a c t i o n a r y f o r c e s i n the church which sought t o d i s t u r b the 
peace i n Germany. Grotewohl accused him of having v i s i t e d Pres ident Harry 
Truman f o r the expressed purpose of secur ing advice on how b e s t to a s s i s t 
i n subvers ive American p o l i c i e s i n East Germany. He pointed to D i b e l i u s * 
l ongs tand ing oppos i t i on to Communism and charged him wi th having given 3 the blessings o f the church to the Naz is i n 1933* 
Bishop D i b e l i u s 1 r e p l y to these charges by Grotewohl was not long i n 
coming. Concerning h i s v i s i t t o the United S t a t e s , he po inted out t h a t 
1KJ 1950. pp . 146, 152. 
2SBZ von 1945 b i s 1954. p . 144. 
% J 1950. p . 120. 
196 
t h i s was s imply a b r i e f t r a n s i t v i s i t en route t o a meeting of the Wor ld 
Counc i l of Churches i n Toronto, Canada. The i d e a o f an American p r e s i d e n t 
g i v i n g counse l to a German bishop on p o l i t i o a l a c t i v i t i e s o f h i s church 
seemed t o D i b e l i u s s i n g l y preposterous , worthy perhaps o f a d e t e c t i v e 
n o v e l . As r e ga rd s the accusat ion that the church l e a d e r s of 1950 were the 
same ones who had b l e s s e d the weapons o f H i t l e r , D i b e l i u s d e f i e d Grotewohl 
t o f i n d a s i n g l e l e a d i n g churchman i n Germany who had not been a b i t t e r 
opponent of the Naz i reg ime. Such i r r e s p o n s i b l e a l l e g a t i o n s by government 
o f f i c i a l s were "monstrous propaganda l i e s and noth ing e l s e . " Asking pardon 
f o r u s i n g such b i t t e r l anguage , D i b e l i u s d ec l a r ed i t was d i f f i c u l t to " r e -
main q u i e t when one watches the b a t t l e a g a i n s t the church be ing c a r r i e d on 
w i t h such means . " ,rWho of u s , " he asked , "has f o r g o t t e n what went through 
our sou l s when the war began on September 1 , 1939? I n the f a c e of t h i s — w i l l 
someone say t h a t we b l e s s e d the weapons f o r H i t l e r 1 s war of plunder? A 
l i e has been spoken, and d e l i b e r a t e l y a t t h a t ! No prime min i s te r ought to 
be p a r t y t o such an open f a l s ehood as t h i s . " * 
Bishop D i b e l i u s a l s o denied tha t the l o c a t i o n o f the church headquar te rs 
i n West B e r l i n r e f l e c t e d an attachment to the "Western powers. He s t a t e d 
t h a t the headquar te rs had been l oca ted i n West B e r l i n f o r more than one 
hundred yea r s and t h i s f a c t had been accepted by the East German a u t h o r i t i e s 
i n 1948 when the church put her new cons t i t u t i on i n e f f e c t . Any attempt 
t o r e v i s e t h i s s i t u a t i o n would be regarded by the churoh as an i n f r i n g e -
ment o f he r r i g h t s . The churoh headquarters thus remained i n West B e r l i n . 
I n r e a c t i o n t o the church 's s tand , the s t a t e made good a t h r e a t t o 
*KJ 1950. pp . 121-123. 
197 
withho ld s u b s i d i e s . I n 1952 a l l payments t o the church were reduced by 
1 
30 per cent and s t a r t i n g January 1 , 1953 > they were cut o f f e n t i r e l y . With 
the adopt ion of the new course i n June, 1953» the government made amends 
and p a i d back i n f u l l a l l s u b s i d i e s i n a r r e a r s . At t h i s time West German 
church l e a d e r s a l s o a ga in r e ce i v ed permiss ion t o en te r the Democratic Re-
p u b l i c . The new course d i d not imply t h a t demands would cease f o r an e c -
c l e s i a s t i c a l acc la im of Sas t German p o l i t i c s . On the cont ra ry , requests 
were made w i t h i n c r e a s i n g f requency tha t the church demonstrate her l o y a l t y 
to the Democratic Repub l i c i n some concrete way. 
B. The L o y a l t y D e c l a r a t i o n 
A f t e r the f a i l u r e t o gain e c c l e s i a s t i c a l support f o r the Na t i ona l Front , 
the government r e s o r t e d t o the s t r a t e g y of a s s i d u o u s l y r epea t ing the charge 
t h a t the church was a t o o l of NATO. I t s t r e s s ed s imultaneous ly i t s own 
good w i l l t o the church and i t s d e s i r e t o honor the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l guarantees 
of r e l i g i o u s f reedom. As a p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r honest and genuine cooperat ion, 
p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s demanded tha t the church g i ve an o f f i c i a l p ledge of l o y -
a l t y t o the s t a t e . Such a d e c l a r a t i o n would remove a l l susp ic ions about 
e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d i s l o y a l t y and would r eassu re the government tha t the a l l -
German c h a r a c t e r o f the church was not be ing misused by the West as a cloak 
2 
f o r s e c r e t power p o l i t i c s . This r eques t was p l a c e d b e f o r e the church with 
g r e a t impo r tun i t y i n 19551 a f t e r the Fede ra l Repub l i c had been admitted to 
NATO and the Democratic Republ ic had become a s i g n a t o r y o f the Warsaw Pact . 
*KJ 1952. p . 217. 
2iiJ 1956. pp . 146, 169. 
206 
While the bishops of Sast Germany consistently expressed their readi-
ness to seek ways of easing tensions between church and state through dis-
cussions and agreements, they refused to make any pledge that would com-
promise the conscience and the witness of the church. They also vigorously 
rejected the insinuation that their unwillingness to make such a pledge 
suggested in any way that they were endorsing the political views of the 
West German government; it was not the mission of the church to lend her 
official support to the political position of either the East or the West. 
The church was obliged to fulfill the role of a watchman and, on the basis 
of the Word of God, to voice words of admonition and warning to her people 
1 
and, if necessary, to the state as well. Typical of this spirit was the 
forthright resolution of the synod of Jaxony which stated that the church 
can never become the tool of any political system. To render a pledge of 
loyalty to a government, which has "forcibly stopped the work of approxi-
mately one hundred railway missions of the church in East Germany and still 2 
holds pastors and church workers in prison, would be impossible." While 
taking this stand, church leaders sought to arrange for a meeting with 
Grotewohl in order to redress some of their own grievances. 
A final concentrated attempt to secure a pledge of loyalty from the 
church was made in 1956 by Deputy Prime Minister Otto Nusohke, leader of 
the Christian Democratic Union of East Germany. Nusohke was also in charge 
of the government's Department of Church Affairs. Being a member of the 
church himself, he sincerely believed that a declaration of loyalty would 
*KJ 1956. P . 147. 
^ J 1956. p. 177. 
199 
greatly mitigate friction between church and state. His characteristic 
approach to church leaders was one of friendly persuasion. In this vein 
ho pleaded for a promulgation of the desired declaration, assuring them 
that such an act would not necessarily imply an endorsement of specific 
governmental policies but would serve primarily as a guarantee of the church's 
1 
readiness to obey the laws of the country. Kuschke also alluded that if 
this pledge were given, a meeting could be arranged between Grotewohl and 
church representatives. This idea was reiterated by the editors of the 
Neue Zeit, the organ of the CDU, "In the light of Germany's division into 
two separate states, it is unbearable that the loyalty of the church should 
constantly be questioned. It would be a proper move for church leaders to 
declare that they respect our laws and that they separate themselves from the 2 NATO policies which seek to involve the church in the cold war." 
The discussion of the proposal of "coexistence based on loyalty" was 
carried on during the first part of 1956 while the frustration of church 
leaders Increased. The personal meeting with Grotewohl for which they had 
petitioned failed to materialize. Accusations of NATO subservience were 
regularly printed in newspapers along with demands for a loyalty declaration. 
Church authorities finally agreed among themselves to force a solution to 
this issue and decided to call for a special synod of the Evangelical church 
in Germany to be held in June, 1956, at East Berlin. 
The major address at the synod was given by Superintendent Guenter 
Jacob of Cottbus, East Germany. He stated that while patently the church 
1KJ 1956, pp. 1?0-174. 
%Jeue Zelt, May 17, 1956. 
2.00 
was Jcripturally bound, to recognize the institution of the government as a 
public safeguard against chaos, no special declaration of loyalty which 
might assuage the pangs of the state*s bad conscience would be forthcoming. 
Jacob conceded that the attitude of Marxism towards religion and the churoh 
was to a certain extent Justified. The church had often defended an obso-
lete way of living and discouraged the attainment of practical and material 
goals which underprivileged people had set for themselves. Regardless 
whether Marxists were right or wrong in their radical rejection of the whole 
of the Christian Gospel together with the structure of the organized church. 
Christians in the twentieth century must rediscover the mission of witness. 
As in the primitive Christian era, when the dominant social and political 
order was openly anti-Christian, the church must depend solely upon the wit-
ness of the individual believer and the congregation. Naturally every Chris-
tian would be expected to respect the political power under which he lived, 
whether in East Germany or in the Rome of Jt. Paul's time, but his first 
obedience is to the law of God. To this la.w, Guenter Jacob concluded, the 
Christian must adhere even if the state should violate it and demand that 
the individual citizen do likewise.* 
After Jacob*s keynote address, the synod discussed candidly and thor-
oughly the ramifications of a loyalty declaration. The delegates finally 
adopted a theological declaration based on the thirteenth chapter of Romans, 
recognizing the state as a part of the divine order In the mundane world 
regardless of the manner in which it came to power or the form of its 
*KJ 1956, pp . 9-17 
201 
political structure, This was the traditional position of the church and. 
the restatement of It could not be interpreted by Communist authorities as 
an endorsement of their policies* 
vtto Kuschke was overtly disappointed in the synod's decision. He 
understood that the church could not sanction any particular political or-
der, but he felt that the pronouncement of the synod had carefully avoided 
2 
a disassociation from Western propaganda and politics. Unsatisfactory 
though the theological declaration was to the state, the policy of "peaceful 
coexistence*1 was maintained towards the church until a political impasse was 
reached by the military chaplaincy issue of 1957• Charges of disloyalty 
were still reiterated during the remaining months of 1956, but the govern-
ment continued to profess its readiness to live on friendly terms with the 
church if only she would renounce NATO leadership and proclaim publicly her 
patriotic loyalty to the German Democratic Republic. 
C. The Military Chaplaincy Issue 
An intensification of the conflict between church and state was apparent 
early in 1957- It was partly caused by the Hungarian revolt and also partly 
by the frustration of the government in failing to win either a loyalty 
pledge or any substantial support for the National Front. However,the crisis 
was directly precipitated by the church's announcement of the agenda for the 
1957 synod of the Evangelical churoh in Germany scheduled to be held in 
Harch at Halle, Sast Germany. The merging of the church's welfare 
*KJ 1956. pp. 17-18. 
%eue Zeit, July 19, 1956. 
202 
organizations was supposed to be the most important work of the synod • 
Before the synod actually met. another item of more controversial nature 
was added, namely, a proposed agreement between the church and the Nest 
German government to establish a military chaplaincy service for the West 
German army. 
The government of the German Democratic Republic announced at once 
that the discussion of such a theme by the church x-jithin its territory was 
simply out of the question. The signing of a military chaplaincy agreement 
would be regarded as evidence that the church had become a collaborator 
with the NATO politicians of West Germany. Unless this item was withdraxm 
from the synodical agenda, no delegates from West Germany would be per-
mitted to enter the Democratic Republic. Unwilling to be intimidated by 
the government and refusing to admit that the signing of a chaplaincy 
agreement implied either approval or disapproval of Western policies, the 
church rescheduled the meeting place of the synod from Halle to West 
1 
Berlin* The signing of the chaplaincy agreement on February 22, 1957» 
by Otto Dibelius and Eonrad Adenauer, prior to its discussion and actual 
ratification by the synod, touched off one of the most lurid attacks upon 
Dibelius ever to appear in the OJast German press. 
When the synod convened on March 3* 1957, the chaplaincy agreement was 2 
ratified by a vote of 91 to 19; well above the mandatory two-thirds majority. 
Some dissenting voices were raised, such as that of Pastor Martin Niemoeller, 
xdio felt that an open discussion of that subject by the synod should have 
1 £ L i 2 5 Z . P - 9 . 
2KJ 1957, p . 40 
203 
preceded the actual signing by Dibelius and Adenauer. However, most dele-
gates looked upon the agreement simply as a confirmation of the church's 
right to carry out her spiritual ministry among those of her members -who 
happened to be serving in the armed forces. The unequivocal independence 
of chaplains from, governmental politics or intervention was clearly spelled 
out in the agreement. Article 4 specified that "the duty of the military 
chaplain was to preach the Word, administer the sacraments, and to engage 
in pastoral care. The military chaplain will be left completely free in 
the performance of this service . • . bound only to his church in confes-
sion and doctrine." Article 16 of the agreement further stated that "mili-
tary chaplains have a spiritual responsibility to discharge unimpeded by 
any state interference."^ - These articles made it quite clear that the 
chaplain could not arbitarily be misused as a political pawn in the hands 
of the government. 
negotiations for the ratification of this agreement had been carried 
on since 1954 when the West German government established its army and 
turned to the church with the request that she assume her pastoral respon-
sibility to the young men in the armed forces. 3ver since the beginning of 
these negotiations in 1954, the church had sought to hold parallel discus-
sions with the government of the German Democratic lie public. The church 
had repeatedly offered an identical treaty to the respective governments 
of iast and West Germany, dramatically demonstrating thereby her indepen-
dence from both political powers. By approaching the Sast German state 
about a chaplaincy agreement, the church was even prepared to take some 
% J 1957, pp . 41-42 
204 
risks in straining her relations with West Germany; heretofore, the ratifi-
cation of any treaty with the German Democratic Republic had always been 
answered by the Federal Republic with a unilateral break of its diplomatic 
relations with the signatory country. In her negotiations with the Sast 
German government the church took pains to point to the example of Poland 
where a military chaplaincy was organized by the Roman Catholic Church in 
a Communist-governed country. The citation of this precedent was of no 
avail, 
While not accepting chaplain:" in the army, the Communist indoctrination 
by the ,ZD was nowhere carried out as intensively as among the men in the 
x eople's Army.* As early as in 195^ the JED related to the commanding 
officers of the people's Police that the enlisted men were expected to 
sever their relations with the church. This objective was to be achieved 
in a subtle way without giving the impression that this was a directive f r om 
higher echelons. The men in the reople's Army were forbidden to own a Bible 
or a hymnal. They were not allowed to attend any religious services. O f f i -
cers were obliged to rescind their church membership* Those who married 
2 
in a church were punished by being discharged from service. Moreover, 
the military oath sworn by recruits of the People's Army enlisted their 
total physical energies as well as their unconditional ideological loyalty 
to the Jast German government and the cause of Communism! 
I swears at all times faithfully to serve the German Democratic Republic, my fatherland, and to defend it against every enemy upon orders of the Workers* and peasants' government. 
1GDR, pp. 37-38. 
^Dibelius, Ln the service of the Lord, p. 243« 
205 
I sweart b y the s ide of the Jov ie t Amy and the armies of the S o c i a l i s t 
count r i e s a l l i e d w i th us to be ready a t a l l t imes t o serve as a s o l -
d i e r o f the N a t i o n a l P e o p l e ' s A m y , t o de fend Soc ia l i sm a g a i n s t a l l 
enemies, and t o s take my l i f e f o r the winning o f v i c t o r y . 
I swear* t o be an honorab le , b r a v e , d i s c i p l i n e d , and a l e r t s o l d i e r , 
t o g i v e u n c o n d i t i o n a l obedience t o m i l i t a r y s u p e r i o r s , t o obey o r d e r s 
w i th a l l d e c i s i v e n e s s , and always c a r e f u l l y t o p rese rve m i l i t a r y and 
s t a t e s e c r e t s . 
I swears c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y to gain m i l i t a r y knowledge, to abide b y m i l i -
t a r y r e g u l a t i o n s , and i n every way to defend the honor o f our R e p u b l i c 
and i t s N a t i o n a l P e o p l e ' s Army. Should I a t any time v i o l a t e t h i s my 
s ac r ed o a t h , l e t me encounter the severe punishment of the laws o f 
our R e p u b l i c and the contempt of the working p e o p l e . 
To demonstrate once more that the proposed chap la incy agreement w i t h 
the West German government was not j u s t a c l e v e r p o l i t i c a l move, D i b e l i u s 
wrote on Feb rua ry 8 , 1957, a f i n a l l e t t e r t o W i l l i Stoph, Minister o f D e -
f e n s e of the German Democratic Repub l ic , i n d i c a t i n g the ardent d e s i r e o f 
the church to r each a s i m i l a r understanding wi th h i s government, i t oph 
r e p l i e d b r u s q u e l y t h a t h i s government had no i n t e n t i o n o f even f u r t h e r d i s -
cuss ing t h i s s u b j e c t w i th the churoh. I n a c y n i c a l v e i n he then in f o rmed 
D i b e l i u s t h a t t o the b e s t o f h is knowledge no t a s i n g l e member of the N a -
t i o n a l P e o p l e ' s Army had eve r expressed a d e s i r e f o r the s p i r i t u a l c o u n s e l 
2 
of a m i l i t a r y c h a p l a i n . 
The S a s t German government sought once more through p o l i t i c a l l e v e r a g e 
i n 1958 t o compel the churoh to revoke the m i l i t a r y chap la incy t r e a t y . I n 
v iew of t h e concentrated i ndoc t r i na t i on of c h i l d r e n w i t h Marxist d o c t r i n e s 
i n p u b l i c s choo l s and youth ded icat ion s e s s i o n s , the churoh f i r s t and 
l "Zum sow je t zona l en W e h r p f l i c h t s g e s e t s , H Herder -Korrespondena. XV I , 
N r . 8 (May, 1962 ) , p . 380. 
2KJ 1957. PP. 47 - ^6 . 
206 
foremost w ished t o d e a l w i th the problem o f educa t ion a t the 1958 synod of 
the E v a n g e l i c a l church i n Germany scheduled f o r A p r i l i n Sa s t B e r l i n . As 
soon as t h i s was made p u b l i c , a campaign o rgan ized b y the 5KD was s e t i n 
motion t o f o r c e a change i n the synod 's agenda. I t was a s se r t ed tha t edu -
ca t i on was the monopoly of the s t a te and was t h e r e f o r e outs ide of the j u -
r i s d i c t i o n of the churoh. Much more app rop r i a t e wou ld be a synod ica l d i s -
cuss ion o f the i s sue of atomic rearmament i n West Germany and a r e e v a l u a t i o n 
of the chap l a incy agreement. The ques t ion of atomic rearmament i n West 
Germany had become a burning i s s u e i n the e a r l y months of 1958 when the 
par l i ament o f the F e d e r a l Republ ic debated the mer i t s and demerits o f p e r -
mi t t ing NATO t o e s t a b l i s h atomic i n s t a l l a t i o n s w i t h i n i t s t e r r i t o r y . Very 
a r t i c u l a t e groups w i t h i n the church i n West Germany vo iced b i t t e r oppos i t i on 
to such a s t e p , p rov id ing s t rong support f o r the JSD fs i n s i s t a n c e tha t the 
coming synod p l ace the ques t ion of atomic rearmament on i t s agenda.* 
U l b r i c h t added the o f t - r e p e a t e d demand tha t the church demonstrate her 
independence f rom NATO by r e p e a l i n g the chap la incy t r e a t y of the prev ious 
y e a r . 
Immediate ly b e f o r e the opening of the synod, the Sa s t German press 
launched a massive a t tack a g a i n s t the church and h e r l e a d e r s . The a l l e -
ga t ion was r e i t e r a t e d d a i l y i n media o f mass communication t h a t the ''NATO 
wing o f the church , " c ons i s t i ng o f the Bishops D i b e l i u s and L i l j e , had 
f o r c e d the educat ion i s s u e upon the synod and had thereby committed a c l e a r 
p rovoca t i on a g a i n s t the educa t iona l endeavors o f the German Democratic 
Repub l i c . Any Eas t German de l ega te to the synod who accepted t h i s p rovoca t i on 
*KJ 1958. p p . 21 f f . 
207 
i n s i l ence would have to reckon w i th s e r i o u s repercuss ions a f t e r the con-
1 
vent ion . Threats o f t h i s nature were o f t e n repeated i n an attempt to 
in t imida te synod ioa l r ep r e s en t a t i v e s f rom Eas t Germany. 
At the opening day o f the synod on A p r i l 26, 1958, de l ega tes were 
threatened w i t h p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e i f educat ion was r e t a ined as a t op i c o f 
d i s cu s s i on on the agenda. Upon a r r i v a l a t the convention s i t e i n Sas t 
B e r l i n , they were g reeted by a mob of about two hundred r u f f i a n s . D e l e -
gates were warned not to take t h e i r sea t s i n the convention h a l l . Chanting 
choruses and u t t e r i n g t h r e a t s of "knocking the de l ega te s 1 b r a in s out , M the 
demonstrators marched around the convention h a l l and then through i t s c o r -
r i d o r s . I n the ensuing uproa r the synod was unab le to convene i n an o r -
d e r l y f a s h i o n . Not u n t i l a spokesman f o r the mob was permitted to p resent 
a demand f o r a change i n the synod 's agenda was i t p o s s i b l e to resume n o r -
mal pa r l i amenta ry procedures* The 3ynod r ece i ved h i s remarks as " i n f o rma -2 
t i o n " and then turned to i t s o r i g i n a l agenda . 
In the midst of t h i s confus ion D i b e l i u s gave h i s o f f i c i a l r epo r t as 
the c o u n c i l p r e s i d e n t of the E v a n g e l i c a l church i n Germany. Although he 
d i scussed a t l eng th the i s s u e of atomic power and l e f t no doubt that the 
church h e a r t i l y endorsed the out lawing o f atomic weapons by a l l n a t i ons , 
he s t r o n g l y opposed the use of the church ' s synod as a p l a t fo rm f o r p o l i t -
i c a l deba te and as a means o f governmental l e v e r a g e . He noted that a t h e i s t i c 
educat ion i n schoo l s sponsored by the s t a t e was the most t r y i n g problem f o r 
the church i n S a s t Germany and t h e r e f o r e ought to be given primary a t t e n t i o n 
*KJ 1958. p . 15. 
2KJ 1958. p . 15. 
208 
by the synod. In conclusion, Dibelius observed that it would be necessary 
to make a fresh beginning in the area of Christian education, reevaluating 
the nature of confirmation and stressing more the personal Christian guid-
ance of children and youth. 
After the stormy opening sessions, the synod settled down to a care-
ful consideration of its agenda. Apparently as a gesture of good will to 
the East German government, two major committees were appointed. One was 
to deal with the problem of education and the other with the issue of atomic 
rearmament and the chaplaincy treaty. Debates on the latter issue were 
lengthy and passionate. A common ground of agreement was finally reached 
by the synod in a reaffirmation of the World Council resolution against 
atomic warfare and in a plea to all great powers to undertake programs of 
1 
disarmament both of atomic and conventional weapons. This synodioal dec-
laration certainly could be interpreted neither as a political endorsement 
nor as a condemnation of a given nation and therefore fell far short of the 
Communists1 anticipation. Regarding the military chaplaincy agreement, the 
synod refused to revoke it and merely sought anew to allay all suspicions 
of the German Democratic lie public. It was pointed out again that the mili-
tary chaplaincy was purely spiritual in character and could not be misused 
for political gain by the West. The synod further stated that the treaty 
was binding only for the individual territorial churches in West Germany 
and affected neither the corporate Evangelical churoh in Germany nor the 2 eight territorial churches in East Germany. Through this subterfuge an 
1KJ 1958. p . 66. 
2 £J 1958. p . 93. 
209 
attempt was made to protect the territorial churches in East Germany and 
the church as a corporate body from the wrath of the Communist government. 
This line of reasoning was really neither cogent nor valid, inasmuch as the 
treaty was si/pied by Dibelius as head of the corporate church in Germany and 
it was ratified by an all-German synod representing the church in East and 
West Germany. If the church in East Germany was to be protected from ad-
verse repercussions and reprisals, it would have been wiser if the terri-
torial churches in West Germany had signed the treaty separately without 
involving the eight churches in the Eastern part of the country. The synod 
of 1958 apparently realized too late its mistake of the previous year and 
sought in vain to rectify it, for the East German government continued its 
attack with unmitigated force. 
An intolerable deadlock in the relations between church and state was 
reached as a result of coercive measures undertaken by the East German gov-
ernment. iJven though the synod of 1958 had sought to change this exigent 
situation by explaining the purpose of the treaty in detail, no noticeable 
amelioration took place. While the synod was still in session in 1957» the 
Democratic Republic announced the creation of a Jtate Secretariat for Churoh 
Affairs. Werner Eggerath, an uncompromising Communist, was appointed to fill 
the new position. Liaison between church and state had previously been 
maintained through Nuschke's now-dissolved Office of Church Relations. The 
establishment of Eggerath1 s office was an ominous omen foreshadowing a 
painful hardening of the government's policy towards the church. 
As the f i r s t i n a s e r i e s of r e p r i s a l s , the government outlawed D i b e l i u s 
f r om the t e r r i t o r y o f the Democratic R e p u b l i c . At no time since the synod 
convent ion i n 1957 has D i b e l i u s been a l l owed t o v i s i t h i s d iocese l y i n g 
210 
outside Berlin. Other leading churchmen too were soon denied entry per-
mits. As a matter of fact, an increasing number of church leaders from 
the West were now kept out of East Germany. The ultimate use of this 
weapon was made in February, 1961, when the entire synod representing the 
whole Evangelical church In Germany was kept from meeting in East Berlin. 
The government opined cynically that the logical meeting place for "NATO 
bishops** should be Bonn and not Sast German territory;2 the synod was there-
fore held in West Berlin, .ince East Berlin stood under joint Allied and 
Joviet control, any person was theoretically allowed to enter that sector 
without a permit. Yet when a number of leading churchmen from West Ger-
many sought to gain access in order to participate in a worship service 
in East Berlin on February 12, 19&1, they were bodily restrained from doing 
o 
so. Finally, the erection of the wall in Berlin on August 13, 1961, pre-
vented any further contact between East and West German churchmen. 
As a second measure of reprisal, the government announced in 1957 that 
it would have no further dealings with any church representative who was 
not a resident of the Democratic Republic. It took the position that by 
adopting the chaplaincy treaty the leadership of the church had chosen to 
side with NATO and thereby had disqualified itself as spokesman for the 
church located within East German jurisdiction, -hortly after his appoint-
ment to office, Werner Eggerath extended an invitation to all East German 
bishops calling for an open meeting "without fronts or demands.*' Neither 
*The Evangelical Churoh, p. 46. 
2KJ 1961. p. 16. 
3KJ 1961. p. 17. 
211 
Dibelius nor Grueber, the church's able plenipotentiary to the govern-
1 
merit, as residents of West Berlin received an invitation. Since these 
two churchmen were left out, the other bishops declined to accept the 
invitation. In order to overcome the ensuing deadlock, Mitzenheim was 
appointed spokesman for the churoh in the Democratic Republic. As an 
indigenous East German he proved to be persona grata to the govern-
ment. 
A number of leading churchmen were arrested and sentenced to pris-
on terms in 1957 as still another expression of retaliation for the chap-
laincy treaty. Only seven pastors were in East German penal institutions 
a-t -the beginning of the year, but their number rose to twenty-two with-2 
i n a few months after the ratification of the treaty. This was the 
largest number of clergymen imprisoned at one given time since the ter-
mination of the Kirchenkampf. Their prosecution and sentencing was 
-usually based on the Law for the Defense of Peace, which made it a crime 
t.o agitate or express negative sentiments against the Democratic Repub-
lic and the vSoviet Russian bloc. "Agitation to boycott democratic 
institutions1® became a familiar phrase in the indictments of church 
leaders and others who dared to disagree with government policies."^ 
^J 1957. p . 137. 
1957. p . 165. 
I^n.justice the Regime. Documentary Evidence of the Systematic Via, 
I tion of Legal Rights in the Soviet Zone of Germany* 1954-1958. eds. Fri^&rich 
Heller, and et al. (Berlin-Zehlendorf-West; Verlag fuer Internationalen 
Knlturaustausch, n.d.), pp. 125-131. 
2.00 
As an additional means of facilitating the prosecution of dissenting people, 
the Sast German parliament promulgated on December 11, 19571 an "Act Amend-
ing the renal Code." Regardless of the fundamental rights guaranteed by 
the constitution, the provisions of this new statute made not only the 
utterance of statements critical of the Communist regime a crime punishable 
by imprisonment but also the mere possession of literature and newspapers 
depreciative of the state, Jection 19 of the Penal Code read in part that 
"whoever instigates against the Workers* and Peasants* power . . . shall be 
punished by imprisonment with not less than three months* The same penalty 
shall be inflicted upon anybody who produces writings with provocative con-
tents or who imports and. circulates them with the intention of instigation." 
In keeping with this statute, some Roman Catholic priests were sentenced to 
prison terms in 1953 because church periodicals forbidden in East Germany 
2 
were found, in their homes by the police. 
The government's utter detestation for the chaplaincy treaty was also 
manifested in an intensification of the ideological onslaught upon religion 
and in an even closer surveillance of the suspected "NATO clergy" in East 
Germany. An avalanche of anti-religious literature unprecedented in German 
history began to cover the country in 1957 while the voice of the church's 
press was at the same time muffled through restrictive regulations and 
stringent censorship. The mail of most pastors was censored too and their 3 telephone conversations were tapped. In this vexed situation the government 
"^The Roman Catholic Churchy p. 57* 
2lbid., p. 57. 
-WcEoin, p. 239» 
213 
endeavored once more to exploit the church for political purposes, A mes-
sage was related to church leaders that the Kirchentag of 1957 scheduled 
to take place on East German territory could be held there only if govern-
ment representatives were given an opportunity to expatiate at that occasion 
upon the "peace policy*' of the Democratic Republic. This request was de-
nounced by bishops as an intrusion of the secular power in the spiritual 
domain of the church. This then was another reason why the meeting place 
of the Kirchentag was changed from Thuringia to Berlin. An already-familiar 
means of securing the services of the clergy for Communist gain was also 
tried out again at that time—secret police approached individual pastors 
with the request that they report regularly on activities of fellow minis-
2 
ters and on proceedings at church conventions •" These solicitations were 
either coupled with threats of personal privation or with promises of ma-
terial reward. Ecclesiastical authorities registered strong protests against 
this malignant practice and urged all pastors to bring such incidents at 
once to their attention. For obvious reasons it has not been made public 
exactly what number of clergymen actually consented to engage in espionage 
activities, which could constitute one of the most effective Communist means 
of surveillance over the church in East Germany. 
In order somehow to overcome the deadlock, a series of seven conferences 
was held in the summer of 1953 between church and state representatives. 
,-ince both Dibelius and Grueber were excluded, the church's committee was 
headed by Mitzenheim. The government was represented by Grotewohl and an 
%J 1957. p. 161. 
2x,J .1956, p. 165. 
214 
entourage of l e s s e r o f f i c i a l s . The f i n a l conference was he ld on July 21, 
1 9 5 8 , and l a s t e d f r o m e leven o ' c l o c k i n the morning u n t i l f o u r i n the 
a f t e r n o o n . Grotewohl presented the government 's p roposa l s f i r s t and 
Mitzenheim f o l l o w e d w i th a statement p repa red by the church committee. 
Not ing t h a t t h e r e were opposite v iews exp re s sed i n the two documents, G r o t e -
wohl suggested t h a t the government's p ape r be used as a b a s i s f o r n e g o t i a t i o n 
and that the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d e l e g a t i o n make whatever changes i t f e l t n e c -
e s s a r y . I n s t e a d o f r eques t ing another conference which he was a f r a i d might 
n o t be g r an ted , HLtzenheim agreed t o a one -hour recess dur ing which the 
church oommittee p repa red suggested m o d i f i c a t i o n s . The document was then 
brought back t o the conference and i s s u e d as a j o i n t communique7 by church 
and s t a t e . 
/ 
The church d e l e g a t i o n agreed i n the communique to withdraw the charges 
t h a t the government had v i o l a t e d the c o n s t i t u t i o n , and the s ta te r e i t e r a t e d 
i t s adherence t o the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l guarantees of complete freedom of f a i t h 
and conscience f o r e v e i y c i t i z e n . The government f u r t h e r consented t o r e -
v i e w compla ints made by the church about the fHinoonst i tut ionalh nature o f / 
educat ion r endered i n pub l i c s choo l s . The communique a l s o included the 
f o l l o w i n g statement 1 
The church serves the cause o f peace among the nations w i th the 
p a r t i c u l a r means a t her d i s p o s a l and , t h e r e f o r e , agrees fundamental ly 
w i th the peace e f f o r t s of the German Democratic Republ ic and i t s 
government. C h r i s t i a n s f a i t h f u l l y f u l f i l l t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as 
c i t i z e n s i n obedience to the l aw . They r e spec t the evo lut ion toward 
s o c i a l i s m and make t h e i r c o n t r i bu t i o n t o the establ ishment o f a 
p e a c e f u l way o f l i f e f o r the p e o p l e . 
/ 
The t r u e s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s communique was by no means c l e a r . The 
1 D i e K i r c h e . August 3 , 1958 
215 
churoh had won from the s ta te a r e a f f i r m a t i o n of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l guarantees 
which the s t a t e i n s i s t e d i t had never broken i n the f i r s t p l a c e . The s t a t e 
had obta ined a statement that the churoh would " respect 1 ' the development 
o f s o c i a l i s m . Inasmuch as t h i s was i n t e rp r e t ed by the Eas t German regime 
as an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l acc la im of i t s p o l i c i e s , some of the most r e s t r i c t i v e 
measures s t r a n g l i n g r e l i g i o u s l i f e were r e l axed but no concrete and l a s t i n g 
concess ions were made by the government. The communique had a t b e s t e s t a b -
l i s h e d an u n c e r t a i n t ruce between church and s t a t e . The ma jo r i t y of the 
b i shops l a t e r f e l t t h a t the church had been maneuvered i n t o an extremely 
embarrass ing p o s i t i o n . * The r e f o r e , they were hence fo r th ve ry c a r e f u l to 
a v o i d i s s u i n g any statement tha t could have been i n t e rp r e t ed a3 an a l i g n -
ment o f the church w i th Communism. 
D. Religious Forces Supporting Communism 
The S a s t German government had in va in sought t o ga in e c c l e s i a s t i c a l 
suppor t f o r i t s p o l i t i c a l program and the p l edge of l o y a l t y . In order t o 
have a t l e a s t one o f f i c i a l r e l i g i o u s group which would i n beha l f of the 
church endorse i t s p o l i t i c a l a s p i r a t i o n s , the government e s t ab l i shed i n 
1958 t h e League of E v a n g e l i c a l Clergymen. In r e a l i t y though, the s t a te 
a l r e a d y possessed a r e l i g i o u s f r o n t o r gan i za t i on i n one o f i t s p o l i t i c a l 
b l o c p a r t i e s , the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Union. 
1 . The C h r i s t i a n Democratic Union 
Founded on June 26, 19^5» as one o f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s approved by 
the J o v i s t l i i l i t a r y Admin i s t ra t ion , the Chr i s t i an Democratic Union dec l a r ed 
l r£± 1958. pp . 146-147. 
216 
in Its original statement of purpose that "democratic freedom in the new 
Germany could be achieved only if the moral and spiritual forces of the 
1 
Christian faith shaping society were taken into account*" Its apparent 
goal at that time was to carry on the traditional platform of the old Cath-
olic Center party which was prominent during the Weimar Republic. From 
the very beginning the leadership of the Christian Democratic Union found 
it difficult to maintain its independence within the bloc politics of the 
soviet Military Administration. Less than six months after the Democratic 
Union was called into life, its two chairmen, Andreas Hermes and Walter 
.jchreiber, were forced by the Joviet authorities to resign from their post 2 
because they opposed the arbitrary methods of land reform. the second 
pair of chairmen, Jacob Kaiser and Ernst Lemmer, stayed in office two years 
but were then compelled to resign because they favored East Germany's par-
ticipation in the Iforshall Plan and refused to take part in the Soviet-3 
sponsored People's Congress of December, 1947. More pliable than the early 
leadership of the Democratic Union was Nuschke, who ardently embraced the 
People's Congress and was promptly rewarded by the government by being elect-
ed as one of its deputy prime ministers. He retained this position until 
his death in December, 1957* Nuschke placed the full support of his polit-
ical organization behind the National Front, urging all Christians to become 
"fighters for peace" on the side of the Soviet Union. The last vocal 
ViBZ von 1945 bis 1954. p. 10. 
2^BZ von A M s Z, p. 67. 
^Ibid.. p. 67. 
^eue Zeit. October 21, 1951* 
217 
resistance in the Democratic Union was quenched through a thorough purge 
of its leadership in 1950- At a party rally two years later Nusohke pro-
claimed that his organization was an '•unconditionally Socialist party," 
and from that time on he played the undistinguished role of mouthing the 
propaganda line of the government. 
Most revealing of the ideological structure of the Christian Democratic 
Union were the "Meissen Theses on Christian Realism," a series of twenty-
two propositions prepared in 19.51 as a basis for its political program.* 
The propositions were written in order to justify the participation of the 
Union in political programs which had been initiated by forces committed 
to dialectical materialism. It was asserted in the "Meissen Theses" that 
cooperation between Christians and Communists in social and political affairs 
by no means involved a denial of the Christian faith. Special care was 
taken in the statement to reaffirm the church's cardinal doctrines of man's 
sinful nature and God's redemptive work in Christ. On the other hand, great 
emphasis was placed upon the responsibility of the Christian in society, 
a responsibility which, according to the "Eeissen Theses," the church had 
too often ignored. If Christians had truly copied Christ's genuine concern 
for social justice, the church would have retained the "progressive" impetus 
of her Founder. Jesus had repeatedly warned of the danger of riches and 
had opposed the exploitation of the helpless by the ruling social stratum. 
In spite of this warning the church failed miserably In her social obliga-
tions and especially so during the nineteenth century. While wealth 
*#lr diskutieren die ifeissener The sen, ed. Ost-CDU, 1951; also 
KJ 1951. p p . 139-147. 
218 
accumulated in the hands of a few and masses of people were reduced to mere 
cogs in the machine of the industrial revolution, the church joined forces 
with th© rich and powerful. The real hero of that time was Earl Marx, who 
analysed with astute insight the socio-economic ills of the nineteenth cen-
tury. He realized that there was no other way of eliminating the evils of 
capitalistic exploitation of man except through the destruction of the bour-
geois system itself. To this thesis, which called for an utter extirpation 
of capitalism as exemplified in the Soviet Union, the "progressive" Chris-
tians in East Germany were urged to commit themselves. The Christian Demo-
cratic Union concluded the "Meissen Theses" with a final appeal for a "con-
tinued fight for peace" as the "most urgent task of the present day." 
Two world wars, which have been caused try crises in the capitalis-
tic economic system, have destroyed the well-being of nations and the 
lives of many millions of people. The preparations now being undertaken 
by the government of the United states for a third world war force us 
to a clear decision. Whoever is not in favor of an imperialistic war 
must align himself with the World Peace Movement . . * There can be 
no true Christian who is not a fighter for peace, steeped in the con-
viction that peace can be secured when peoples of the world take their 
fate in their own hands* 
The "Heissen Theses" constituted an attest by the Christian Democratic 
Union to provide a theological matrix for the political-economic system of 
the Communist regime in East Germany.. Although its theology found only a 
very few supporters among the clergy, it was nevertheless the best example 
of the creed adopted by the "progressive" clergy. Their attempt to provide 
a theological justification for Marxism was somewhat analogous to that of 
the German Christians in relation to National socialism. 
Nusohke spelled out in detail the role which he expected the Christian 
*KJ 1951, p . 147. 
219 
democratic union to play in East Germany. He avowed that its special task 
was IJto win the cooperation of all Christians for the democratization and 
1 
economic reconstruction51' of the country. He committed the Union deliber-
ately to this task, being convinced that *fthe peaceful work of the German 
Democratic Republic was in keeping with the will to peace proclaimed in 
Christian teachings" and that "Socialism offered far better opportunities 
than earlier economc systems for the .fulfillment of mny Christian con-
cerns." Thus the 3ast German government possessed in Uuschk©1s organiza-
tion an instrument with great potential in soliciting under religious cover 
the support of Christian people for the political ambitions of the Communist 
movement. 
In keeping with its assigned task, the Democratic Union avidly sought 
to win the support of church people for the government1 s policies. Special 
campaign pamphlets were published in an attempt to interpret Bible stories 2 and the Ten Cormmndments in a manner favorabln to the National Front. In 
3 
one of the pamphlets, God's Law and Jtate Law* the story was related of 
King Sedekiah of Judah who had a pact with Nebuchadnezzar of Chaldea. 
Zedekiah wished to terminate this agreement and enter into a secret treaty 
with other nations in order to make war against his Chaldean friend. Nebu-
chadnezzar discovered this treachery in time and intended to destroy Judah 
completely. Thereupon Zedekiah turned for help to the Prophet Jeremiah, 
*KJ 1956. pp. 174-175. 
2 Die Christen waehlen den Frieden und die Preiheit (Flugblatt der 
N a t i o n a l e n F r o n t ) , Magdeburg, 195^* 
3 
Gottesgebot und i t a a t s g e s e t g , e d . Ost-CDU, 195^1 a l s o KJ 195*». 
pp. 126-130. 
220 
who replied "I have placed before thee a way of life and a way of death. 
If the people do not want to be destroyed by the sword., by hunger and 
pestilence, they must give up their deceitful plans and fulfill their agree-
ment with the Chaldeans. Then there will be life for them." The exepete 
of the story saw a "similarity between the position of Zedekiah and the 
men in ;3onn.{T Just as Nebuchadnezzar was once threatened by the sinister 
plot of Zedekiah, the Soviet Union was now threatened by "the secret mili-
tary alliance between West German and American imperialists." The conclu-
sion was drawn that the German people, too, were confronted "with a way of 
life and a way of death" and that they must decide which '*way they would 
go—either the way of war or the way of understanding with the Chaldeans." 
In close collaboration with the Sast German state, the leaders of 
the Christian Democratic Union sought to lend a semblance of religious 
support to many of the government's actions. Even the Communist youth 
dedication rite appeared to them reconcilable with the Christian faith. 
They encouraged church members to send their children to youth dedication 
sessions. Moreover, all the defamatory charges brought by the government 
against Dibelius were repeated by them without any apparent hesitation. 
The Union's official organ, the Neue Zeit. branded Dibelius as a "renegade 
i 
churchman and sinister NATO agent." 
With the passing of time the prestige and membership of Buschke's party 
declined greatly. In 19^7 it boasted a membership of 218,000 people. In 
1953 the number of its members had decreased to 155,000 and in 1955 to 
%eue Zeit, November 17, 1957; December 19, 1957. 
221 
a mere 100,000. Its leadership apparently also fell in disfavor with the 
government when it failed to make headway in obtaining any significant 
church support for the state's political program. The dissolution of 
Nusohke *s influential Office of Church Affairs in 1957 was a concrete in-
dication that his political organization had officially fallen into dis-
grace. Buschke's untimely death in December, 1957* complicated matters 
still more. The new chairman of the Christian Democratic Union, August 
Bach, was not as able a politician as his predecessor. In any case, the 
zenith of its ''effectiveness" as a religious front organization had long 
been past by 1953; the government's loss, however, was partly offset by the 
founding of the League of Evangelical Clergymen in that year. 
2 . The League of E v a n g e l i c a l Clergymen 
Throughout the postwar years there had always e x i s t ed a small band of 
" p r o g r e s s i v e " clergymen i n East Germany, whose l e f t i s t p o l i t i c a l p r o c l i v i t y 
made them sympathetic to s ov i e t p o l i c i e s . Their most i n f l u e n t i a l l e a d e r s 
were found among the newer p ro f e s so r s appointed by the government to the 
t h e o l o g i c a l f a c u l t i e s a t 3tate u n i v e r s i t i e s ; men l i k e r r o f e s s o r Hans f r i ed 
Mue l l e r a t the Humboldt Un ive r s i ty of Sas t B e r l i n , P ro f e s so r Kehnscherper 
a t G r e i f s w a l d , I r o f e s s o r s Christoph Haufe and Dedo Mue l l e r a t L e i p z i g , and 
the o ld mentors of t h a t group, P ro f e s so r s Emil Fuchs and Johann Herz, both 
a t the U n i v e r s i t y of L e i p z i g . The most ene rge t i c " p r o g r e s s i v e s " on the 
p a r i s h l e v e l were p a s t o r Kar l Kleinschmidt o f ochwerln and Pas tor Wol fgang 
C a f f i e r o f L e i p z i g . 
1JBZ von A b i s Z , p . 67. 
222 
Even though they had met intermittently over a period of years for 
consultation, it was not until July 1, 1958, that the "progressive" pastors 
banded together in a formal organization. On that day Pastor Caffier 
gathered about sixty clergymen from all sections of East Germany in a ho-
tel in Leipzig and called the League of Evangelical Clergymen into life. 
Claiming that the past failure of the church to speak to the socio-economic 
ills of society was responsible for the atheistic character of the Communist 
movement, Caffier proposed that the church should ::;:.ke amends and join the 
state in an honest effort to build a society in which working people would 
no longer be poor and oppressed.* Their ideological creed and political 
platform had already found succinct expression in the "Meissen Theses" of 
1951. 
The government had openly encouraged the "progressive" pastors to 
establish an official organization. Their meetings and activities were 
heavily subsidized by the state a long time prior to 1958. Frequently they 
had been called upon to make speeches over the state-owned broadcasting 
systems. Newspapers had given favorable and extensive publicity about their 
meetings and resolutions. As early as 195^ the government had licensed them 
to publish an attractive religious magazine entitled Glauben und Gewjssen 
which appeared on a monthly basis and was luxuriously printed on expensive 
paper. This occurred at a time when the government sharply curtailed the 
publications of the church on account of alleged paper shortage. After its 
formation in 1958 the League of Evangelical Clergymen was favored with a 
license for an additional paper called Das Svangelisches ifarrerblatt. 
%eue Ze i t . July 7, 1958. mmmmmmmm mmmmmmm m 
223 
which a l s o was l i b e r a l l y s u b s i d i s e d by the s t a t e . 
Through the columns of their two religious periodicals the "progressives" 
called upon their fellow ministers to join them in the League, and to p ledge 
w i t h them loyalty to the state and t o i t s program o f "peace" and iocialina-
tion. rastors were repeatedly implored by them to a f f i l i a t e with the N a -
t i o n a l i?ront and the do rid r eace Movement and to maintain watchfu l v i g i l a n c e 
a g a i n s t the "NATO - i n f l uenced " l e a d e r s h i p of the church. As s o l i d i n d i c a t i o n 
of its own unreserved commitment t o the iSast German government, the League 
o f E v a n g e l i c a l Clergymen e n l i s t e d a s a corporate body i n the Nat iona l f r o n t 
and s en t its chairman, Pas tor C a f f i e r , as a de l e ga t e to the var ious congresses 
of the N a t i o n a l Pront and the wor ld Peace Movement. As regards the o o n f l i c t 
be tween con f i rmat ion and youth d e d i c a t i o n , the " p r o g r e s s i v e " pastors i n s i s t e d 
t h a t t h e r e was nothing i n the Communist youth p ledge which i n any way v i o l a t e d 
t h e C h r i s t i a n ' s con fess ion of f a i t h . They a s s e r t e d tha t the pledge was mere ly 
a solemn promise to take pa r t i n the f u l f i l l m e n t of i n t r i n s i c socio-economic 
g o a l s and t h e r e f o r e was not a c o n f e s s i o n of Communist b e l i e f s . * With a s im-
i l a r l a c k o f l o g i c they argued t h a t the re e x i s t e d no c o n f l i c t between the 
C h r i s t i a n sacrament of baptism and the Communist r i t e of name-giving. I n 
a d d i t i o n the " p r o g r e s s i v e s " appa r en t l y sanct ioned many p o l i t i c a l moves of 
th© government. The c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e i n i960 was a case i n 
p o i n t — w h i l e the 4 a s t German b i shops without except ion protested aga inst 
t h e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , the league o f nivangel ioal Clergymen endorsed i t on 
" B i b l i c a l " g r o u n d s . C h r i s t ' s words "no one who puts h i s hand t o the plow and 
1958. p . 188. 
224 
looks back is fit for the kingdom of 3odn* were construed to mean that 
Christian farmers should not look back to their bourgeois days of private 
ownership of property but that they should much rather look forward to 
2 
collective farming in the German Democratic Republic. 
Diligent efforts were made to convey the impression that the League 
enjoyed the support of the vast majority of church members. The widespread 
newspaper coverage of its activities could have conveyed the false idea 
that this was one of the most influential and most important ecclesiastical 
groups in the country, Lmil ?uchs announced publicly to Ulbricht in 1961 
that the platform of the League enbodied the sentiments of the overwhelming 3 majority of Christian people. In reality its membership consisted at the 
4 
very most o f one hundred pastors, a number which represented about 2 p e r 
c e n t of the 5f00Q .Last German pastors. The program of the "progressive" 
pastors has been consistently disavowed by the church leaders in the Demo-
cratic Republic. The League was therefore compelled to work independently 
of the church and outside her official structure, jiven its financial support 5 
came directly from the state rather than through the channels of the church, 
with this in mind political leaders conceded privately that the efforts of 
this front organization in securing church support for their policies have 
1Luke 9562. 
2iCJ I960, pp. 179-180. 
1961. p. 112. 
1958. p. 175. 
^The S v a n g e l i c a l Church, p . 32* 
225 
net ted them thus f a r only meager results. Nevertheless, the League's en -
dorsement of the government's political program on behalf of the Christian 
faith has in itself supplied the Communist movement with valuable propa-
ganda material. 
By way of r e c a p i t u l a t i o n , i t should be pointed out aga in that one of 
the aims of Communism i s the e rad ica t ion of every t race o f r e l i g i o u s l i f e . 
One of the Ma rx i s t stratagems, which would enhance the r e a l i z a t i o n of tha t 
a im, cons i s t s o f an attempt to maneuver the church i n t o a pos i t ion of po -
l i t i c a l subse rv i ence . Under duress the church i s t o become a p o l i t i c a l i n -
strument of the Communist movement. This t a c t i c has been employed by the 
S a s t German government i n i t s attempt t o stamp out r e l i g i o n . Until 1958 
a l l r eques t s f o r an endorsement of i t s p o l i t i c a l program met with the 
chu rch ' s s tubborn oppos i t i on . Neither c a j o l i n g no r in t imidat ion moved 
church l e ade r s to a f f i l i a t e with the Communist-oriented Nat iona l Front or 
t o g i ve a p l edge o f l o y a l t y to the s t a t e . In 1957 the churoh signed a m i l -
i t a r y chap l a incy agreement with the West German Fede r a l Republ ic . This i n -
voked the wrath of the East German s t a t e t o a degree tha t i t s p o l i t i c a l 
l e a d e r s i n i t i a t e d a number of r e p r i s a l s designed t o s t r ang l e the churoh's 
l i f e . Under extreme duress the church then i s sued i n 1958 a statement i n 
suppo r t of the government's "peace e f f o r t s . " since the church proved to be 
r e s i l i e n t i n the f o r c e of p o l i t i c a l encroachments by the s t a t e , the govern -
ment encouraged the c reat ion of r e l i g i o u s groups which would aocept i t s 
i n v i t a t i o n to subse rv i ence . The Chr i s t i an Democratic Union and the League 
o f E v a n g e l i c a l Clergymen were w i l l i n g t o accept t h i s p o s i t i o n , and gave 
r e l i g i o u s s anc t i on to many of the p o l i t i c a l ac t ions of the East German regime 
226 
and the Joviet Russian government; the church in Sast Germany has almost 
fully maintained her integrity and defended her independence from secular 
authority. 
71. CCNFIN3 CHURCH LIFS WITHE? A GHETTO I 
JCCXAL CONCERN-v AND PRIVATE DEVOTION J 
Communist leaders b e l i eve tha t the an t i c i pa t ed co l l apse of r e l i g i o n 
w i l l be achieved in part by keeping express ions of church l i f e enclosed 
i n a w e l l - d e f i n e d s p i r i t u a l ghet to . They learned i n Joviet Russia that i f 
t h e r e l i g i o u s life of people is r e s t r i c t e d to merely a per functory p a r t i c -
i p a t i o n i n r i t u a l s , the resu l tant impact of the church upon the pub l i c 
s e c t o r of l i f e i s qu i t e n e g l i g i b l e . 
As has been noted e a r l i e r , the technique of f o r c i n g the church to r e -
s i d e w i t h i n wel l -marked bounds was used w i th much success i n the i o v i e t 
U n i o n . Much of the property owned by the Russian Orthodox community was 
c o n f i s c a t e d by the s t a te in 1917 and the church 's schools and i n s t i t u t i o n s 
o f mercy were taken over by the i o v i e t government. 3ome of the most impor-
t a n t means o f exe r t ing s p i r i t u a l i n f l u e n c e on soc i e ty and of p r ac t i c ing the 
C h r i s t i a n f a i t h i n conarete terms were thereby plucked away from the church. 
M o r e o v e r , a l though r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s could be performed with in church b u i l d -
i n g s , they were outlawed i n pub l i c p l a c e s . Khrushchev c l e a r l y re emphasized 
t h i s p o l i c y when he s a i d that the s o v i e t s t a t e w i l l "not meddle i n r e l i g i o u s 
a f f a i r s , bu t n e i t h e r w i l l the church 's i n t e r f e r e n c e i n p o l i t i c a l and secu l a r 
1 
a f f a i r s be t o l e r a t e d . " 
*Ado lph , p . 98. 
236 
liarl ^ ahron, minister of the Interior, informed tho .iast German peo-
ple in 1956 that the government "will do everything humanly possible so 
that the churoh might be able to discharge her religious service in ac-
cordance with constitutional guarantees. But meddling in state affairs, in 
economic problems and matters of education, could not be considered churoh 
1 
activities.1 This statement cast considerable doubt on the -willingness 
of the state to honor the church's rights and privileges provided for in 
the constitution. 
The church's ministry of mercy in Sast Germany was safeguarded by 
constitutional guarantees. Article spelled out the church's right to 
engage in pastoral care at public institutions and to conduct religious 
services in hospitals and prisons. The church's prerogative to operate 
her own private institutions of mercy was also recognized in the consti-
2 
tution. These gracious provisions may have been made by the state partly 
because the concept of the church's healing ministry was deeply ingrained 
in the mind and consciousness of the German people. Jor well over a cen-
tury the church had maintained some of the largest centers of healing in 
the world, thus affecting the lives of a multitude of people. 'George 
Forell, former religious affairs adviser to the United states Military Gov-
ernment in Germany, commented that ,fit is precisely through these institu-
tions of enlightenment and mercy . . . that the German churoh is most 
strongly connected with the people. The serving, healing, teaching, and 
*Neues Deutschland. February 14, 1956. 
%)okumente zur Jtaatsordnung. vol. I, p. 431 • 
229 
nursing church is valued mora by the masses than the preaching church/"1 
A sudden prohibition of these cherished institutions could have caused an 
outbreak of a storm of public Indignation. With this in mind llast German 
politicians may have deemed it expedient to acknowledge in "their constitu-
tion the church's right to continue with her work of mercy and healing. 
The Russian Orthodox church, by contrast, had traditionally maintained 
contact with people through her magnificent rituals and ceremonies and not 
so much through the expression of social concern. The jovieb regime was 
thus in a position to strip the Russian Orthodox church of her exiguous 
institutions of mercy without actually risking an outburst of public pro-
test.^ 
In spite of the constitutional guarantees, the church has found it 
increasingly difficult to continue with her work of meroy in Hast Germany. 
The constitutional provisions were partly set aside when the government 
sought in earnest to divorce the church from public life and to circum-
scribe religious activities within definite limits, -ome welfare services 
were halted abruptly through government intervention and a number of in-
stitutional centers of mercy were taken over by the state. A lack of fi-
nances caused by new stringent regulations gravely impaired the operation 
of the church's work of mercy. Finally, in its determination *to isolate 
the church, the state did not even hesitate to overstep the bounds of de-
marcation and to interfere with those rites and ceremonies -which belong 
exclusively to the cult of a religious community. 
1 Religious Affairs. August, 1946, p. 426. 
? ^Jacob and Berg, pp. 19-20. 
230 
A. The Forced >;..: Ttion of ocial ":Jolfare .ervlces 
Immediately after the collapse of the Third Reich in 19^ 5> the church 
1 
established a Relief organization designed to alleviate the extreme physi-
cal and spiritual suffering of the people; it "provided material aid for 
the starving and homeless, the evacuees and refugees, disabled ex-soldiers, 
returned prisoners of war, orphaned children, etc., without regard to dif-2 
feronces of race, nationality, or creed, simply on the basis of need." 
Heedy congregations were helped by that organization to rebuild their dam-
aged churches and parsonages and were provided with Bibles, catechisms, 
hymnals, theological literature * and bicycles for pastors and other church 
workers• 
The Evangelical Belief organization became also one of the most impor-
tant agencies for the distribution of food to destitute people. The food 
shortage which was menacing all parts of Germany during the first post-war 
years became crucial in the -ovist zone. The distribution of food took 
place on the basis of the physical energy expended by people in their var-
ious occupations. Those with the lowest food ration cards received no fat 
and meat at all and were entitled only to a monthly allotment of fourteen 
pounds of bread, fifteen pounds of potatoes, and eleven ounces of cereal 
produce, people in higher categories were supposed to receive eight to 
eleven ounces of fat and between five to six ounces of meat per month, but 
the actual amount which they were able to obtain was much lower. Conse-3 quently, thousands of people were dying of starvation every day, and it 
% a s H i l f s w s r k der Bvange l i s chen Klrche i n Deutschland. 
ZThe Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, vol. II, p . 1023* 
^Herman, p . 233. 
231 
was in this exigent situation that the Relief organization performed a 
herculean service. During the initial period of its existence, the organ-
ization "devoted more than nine-tenths of its time to the paramount ques-
1 
tions of food, clothing, healing and housing." By the end of 1948 it had 
already distributed among the destitute in Germany as many as 54,000 tons 
of material goods, contributed by Christian people throughout the world in 
an unprecedented outpouring of love and concern. This amount would triple 
2 
by 1957 • To be sure, the SED had also organized its relief agency and 
sought to alleviate the suffering of people, but the need for help was so 
great that not even the combined efforts of church and state could bring 
suocor to all needy people. At no time before 19^9 did political author-
ities interfere with the church's eleemosynary services. 
However, at a meeting of the SED's relief agency late in 1949$ it 
became evident that political leaders had drastically changed their atti-
tude towards the church's relief work. Christian Berg, the director of the 
Berlin office of the church's Relief organization, brought a greeting at 
that meeting emphasizing the imperative necessity of aiding all needy peo-
ple without regard for creed, race, or political affiliation. The overt 
indifference, bordering on hostility, with which Berg was treated by the 
oSD leaders bore witness to the shift in church policy which had taken 
plaoe in 1949. 
During the ensuing months important permits for relief supplies became 
more difficult to procure. Jome of the church*s shipments were delayed on 
*Ibid.. p. 204. 
2KJ 1957. p. 222 
232 
technical grounds. For instance, one twenty-ton shipment of used clothing 
from Switzerland was retained without a valid excuse for half a year at a 
i 
border check point. The decisive blow fell on December 12, 195°» the 
Itlnistry of the Interior ordered the confiscation of all relief supplies 
stored at Magdeburg for distribution among needy people. Any further en-
try of bulk relief supplies into East Germany was prohibited. The govern-
ment claimed that the shipments by the Relief organization were U3ed by the 
West for political propaganda purposes. 3ven though the rationing of basic 
food commodities was to continue for another nine years, the government as-
serted that the standard of living of the Cast German people had risen suf-2 
ficiently so that outside gifts were no longer needed. rrom this time on 
the Relief organization received permission to import food only at special 
occasions and seasons such as Christmas and iCaster and the distribution 
thereof was limited to the church's institutions of mercy. The former im-
portation and distribution of material goods on a mass basis was terminated 
once and for all. Vigorous protests raised by church leaders brought no re-
versal in the government's adamant stand in this matter, apart from the re-
lease of a portion of the confiscated supplies. 
I n t h i s despe ra te s i t u a t i o n a un ique arrangement was developed by the 
c h u r c h , which e f f e c t i v e l y r ep l a ced the s e r v i c e s p r e v i o u s l y rendered by the 
l ie l i e f o r g a n i z a t i o n . Each t e r r i t o r i a l church i n West Germany adopted a 
t e r r i t o r i a l church i n East Germany f o r the purpose o f maintaining s p i r i t u a l 
f e l l o w s h i p and of render ing m a t e r i a l a s s i s t a n c e . This p r a c t i c e was c a r r i e d 
von 194-5 b i s 1954. p . 144. 
2 * J W > p . 22fc. 
233 
over into individual congregations. The idea of sponsorship had received 
its impetus through the sending of packages to needy people in 2ast German 
congregations, and was later broadened to include visits by pastors, church 
elders, and youth groups. Congregations in the jJast thus received substan-
tial material aid from their sponsoring congregations in the West, while 
the latter received inspiration from their adopted congregations in the 
Communist territory. This arrangement made an inestimable contribution to 
i 
the strengthening of the church's bond of unity. 
Another blow designed to impede the church in the active expression of 
her concern for the physical and spiritual well-being of the people was 
struck on January 4, 1956. On that day the police unexpectedly arrested 
seventeen workers of the Railway Mission, the church-sponsored travelers' 
aid society which for nearly a century had offered its humanitarian ser-
vices and counsel to travelers in practically every major railway station 
in Germany* The Railway Kission "provided such varied services as accom-
modating travelers overnight, performing baptisms, hearing confessions, 
taking care of corpses, giving free meals, helping with children and trav-3 
eling school children, and arranging transportation for the sick." Press 
releases stated that the arrests were made because of alleged espionage 
activities by the workers of the Railway lission. They were accused of 
channeling information about East German train and troop movements to 
1957. pp. 226-227. 
2 Die Iiivangelische Bahnmission. 
3 The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, vol. II, p. 1048. 
234 
1 Vie stern military intelligence officers. Newspaper editors published 
charges about the Mission's "subversive activities," which they claimed 
2 
to have uncovered. They even described in detail a "formal espionage 
course given by Nazis" in West Berlin, which was mandatory for all church 
workers prior to their employment by the Railway Mission. iome "con-
fessions1'' by workers, whose arrest had allegedly brought them to realize 
the 
errors of their evil way, were also published. These "confessions" 
confirmed the government's charges that the Railway Mission had sheltered 
criminals wanted by the police, gathered military statistics for espionage 
purposes, and operated centers to facilitate the flight of refugees. The 
church was consequently ordered to terminate the services of the Ilission 
at approximately one hundred railroad stations which resulted in the com-4 plete disintegration of this phase of the church's welfare work. 
East German bishops expressed their profound regret over the action 
talc en against the Railway Mission. In a letter to the government they re-
futed all charges levied against the Ilission and interpreted this incident 
as further evidence of the state's determination to banish the church from 
her humanitarian work in public life.^ It appeared that the bishops were 
right in their observation, because by the end of April the last of the 
seventeen church workers were quietly released from jail and the entire 
%eues Deutschland. January 18, 1956. 
Neue Zeit. January 20, 1956* 
Neues Deutschland. January 20, 1956. 
4KJ 1956. p. 149. 
5KJ 1956. p. 145. 
235 
affair was dropped without a single person having been brought to trial. 
If only a fraction of the charges raised against them had been true, the 
persons involved would have swiftly been brought to justice and given 
severe prison sentences. Albeit, the work of the Railway Mission had 
for all practical purposes come to an end. It had suffered the same fate 
as under the Hazi regime in 1933 when its doors of humanitarian service 
were closed by a similar arbitrary decree. 
B. The Seizure of Institutional Building Complexes 
In its attempt to eliminate the church* s influence in public life and 
to reduce her activities to a mere enactment of rituals, the East German 
government proceeded with an outright seizure of some of the church's in-
stitutional building compounds. Many of these institutions were wall known 
throughout the world for their ministry to the sick and needy, the desti-
tute and homeless; they were the direct outgrowth of the great social move-
ment which had swept the church under the leadership of Johann Hinrich 
Wichern and Friedrich von Bodelschwingh in the nineteenth century. 
In her work of mercy the church in East Germany operated a total of 
6l hospitals and schools of nursing, 84 homes for retarded and handicapped 
people, 112 nursing homes for people recuperating from prolonged illness, 
19 nursing homes for mothers with infants, 33 children's homes, 75 boarding 
homes for school children, 325 day care centers for children of working 
mothers, 812 welfare centers with parish nurses, 332 old people's homes, 
11 low-cost hotels for needy people, 24 motherhouses for deaconesses and 
nurses, and 6 schools for deacons. The work at many of these institutions 
A^xine Jordheim, "Easter Comes to East Germany," The National Luther-
an, XXXIII, Mr. 4 (April, 1965), p. 6. 
236 
was done by voluntary Christian workers including numerous young people, 
who dedicated one year of their life to humanitarian services* The Com-
munist leaders realized that a seizure of these institutional complexes 
would greatly weaken the church's position in public life—they also knew 
that they would have to proceed with great caution so as not to cause the 
1 
outbreak of a storm of public indignation. 
The work of the church's charitable institutions was left undisturbed 
during the period of the Soviet Military Administration. Their eleemosynary 
services were desperately needed at that time. Aside from her 40,000 hos-2 
pital beds the church also had a dedicated staff of doctors and nurses; but 
even at that time there appeared the first signs of discrimination against 
these time-honored institutions and their personnel—members of the church's 
diaconal orders were gradually eliminated from positions in state hospitals 
and municipal health services, and the nursing schools operated by the dea-
coness mother houses survived only with ^ reat difficulty. Uurses and kinder-
garten teachers employed by secular institutions received better ration 
cards, with twice the allotment of food and clothing, than the deaconesses 3 
working in church hospitals and kindergartens. Almost all church hospitals 
and charitable homes experienced grave difficulties in securing adequate 
food supplies for their patients and inmates. The City Council of Rostock, 
for instance, "allotted the lowest possible ration cards to Christian 
* Religious Affairs. August, 1946, p. 426. 
2 
Jacob and Berg, p. 43. 
•^ Religious Affairs. August, 1946, p. 426. 
hospitals, observing that if they were insufficient the patients should be 
transferred either to the municipal or to the Communist hospitals."* Deyond 
these minor harassment.?, no serious attempts were made to force the church 
to surrender her institutions to the powers in authority. 
•/ith the creation of the German Democratic Republic the tolerant at-
titude manifested hitherto underwent a radical change. Disregarding con-
stitutional guarantees, a number of large institutional building complexes 
were taken ever by the new government. The Franckean foundation at Halle 
was the first institutional compound to be appropriated by the state, 
bounded during the first part of the eighteenth century by August Francke, 
this institution had for a long span of time been the world center of i rot-
es tant pietism and missionary activity, .uddenly in 1950 it was stripped 
of ecclesiastical control and adjoined to the University of Halle. The 
next seizures of a number of key welfare buildings occurred as part of the 
vehement attack upon the church early in 1953* The procedures preceding 
their seizure followed a fixed pattern which was first applied at the large 
i feiffer foundation in ,-iagdeburg. After an initial publication of critical 
articles in the party press, a committee appeared to examine account books, 
sanitary facilities, and the social conditions among employees. A f ew days 
l a t e r a second investigation committee appeared, accompanied t h i s time by 
agents o f the secret p o l i c e , which looked thoroughly a t some of the condit ions 
•which had been noted with a critical eye during the f i r s t v i s i t . Po s s i b l e 
complaints by patients and inmates about the i n s t i t u t i o n were encouraged, 
^Herman, p. 237. 
2KJ 1956. p. 24. 
238 
even those made by feeble-minded and mentally retarded people. When 
enough material had been gathered, the seizure was made on the super-
1 
ficial basis of the alleged mistreatment of inmates. Legal proceedings 
initiated by church leaders effected no change in this arbitrary capture 
of church property. 
The case of the Hoffnungstal welfare complex located near Berlin il-
lustrates most vividly the procedures followed by the state in its inves-
tigation of the "deplorable" conditions at the church's institutions of 
mercy. Hoffnungstal was one of the largest institutions in East Germany, 
established by Friedrich von Bodelschwingh in the nineteenth century. 
It consisted of hospitals and homes for the aged, schools for handicapped 
children, and rehabilitation centers for the mentally retarded. Operating 2 
its own workshops and schools, it functioned much like a small community. 
On the morning of May 18, 1953» about thirty automobiles and motor-
cycles roared through the main gate of the Hoffnungstal institutional com-
plex and to the astonishment of the staff and patients more than one hun-
dred persons, including fifty uniformed policemen, emerged from the vehi-
cles of the motorcade. Moving with military precision they blooked every 
acoess to the grounds as if they were occupying an armed and hostile for-
tification instead of a charitable institution for epileptics and retarded 
people. Without consulting any staff member, seven different commissions, 
each composed of between five to fifteen persons, fanned out to different 
tKJ 1953. pp. 144-146; KJ 1952. p. 218 
2KJJ£52, p. 145. 
239 
buildings in order to begin their investigation. They were partic-
ularly interested in talking with patients and inmates In order to take 
notes of possible complaints about their care and treatment. In kitchens 
and workshops they inquired if anyone was forced to work long hours. 
Those who expressed satisfaction with their work conditions were dismissed 
as being foolish. In one of the boys1 dormitories a member of one of the 
investigating commissions took a picture of a heap of potato peelings 
which perchance happened to lie in the kitchen. This picture appeared 
subsequently in newspapers as an illustration of the kind of food served 
to the boys at the dormitory. The quarters of two elderly men, a wheel-
wright and a shoemaker, who had asked for the privilege of sleeping in 
their shops, were photographed as examples of the inadequate housing fa-
cilities provided for aged people. In the main residence for epileptics 
and retarded people, patients were asked leading questions. They were 
urged to admit that they were being exploited by the institution inasmuch 
as they were not paid regular salaries for work performed as a part of their 
therapy. Frequent irreverent and provocative expressions were uttered by 
commission members in these conversations with people. Pious old folk were 
told, 'We* 11 soon break you of your habits of praying." Children in sohool 
were advised not to attend worship services. In one of the homes for men-
tally retarded boys the advice was given to the young inmates, "Hit your 
teachers in their fat bellies if they try to make you work." A police 
unit passing a group of patients working in a garden shouted loudly, "itaad 
where you a ret Anyone who tries to run will be shot immediately." This 
kind of investigation continued throughout the day before the entire caravan 
2k0 
finally left late in the afternoon. 
During the days following this investigation the press carried lurid 
pictorial descriptions of the "deplorable1' conditions at Hoffnungstal, 
foreshadowing a seizure of the institution by the state. However, before 
th© government actually carried out its plan, the Kirchenkampf had come 
to a sudden end. 
With the exception of the Franckean Foundation and a spiritual retreat 
house at liansfeld, all confiscated building complexes were returned to the 
church as a result of the new course.* However, the pause in the Commu-
nists 1 attempt to neutralize the church in public life proved to be of 
short duration. 1'lhen the crisis of the June uprising had passed, the state 
revealed again its resolute determination to strip the church of her wel-
fare institutions. Not the former practice of forcible seizure, but a more 
subtle method was used this time. They now sought to gain control of the 
2 
churoh*s institutions by way of their labor unions. Having secured ad 
hoc court injunctions, they proceeded to unionize the church*s labor force 
under a veneer of legality and thereby gained an important voice in the 
administration of the institutions. Sast German labor laws allotted to 
union representatives a preponderant share of the management of every pri-3 
vate enterprise including charitable institutions. In their influential 
managerial posts, these representatives carried out with docile obedience 
P. 179* 
2-KJ 1956. p. 24. 
^GDR, p. 108. 
241 
all tasks assigned to them by higher political circles. Firmly entrenched 
in the church's institutions through these strategically placed union men* 
Communist politicians sought now to effect their complete secularization. 
By 1956 thirteen eleemosynary complexes had fallen under state control 
through infiltration by the Communist labor union.* 
The church found it increasingly difficult to minister to people con-
fined in public institutions which were operated by the state. Nullifying 
a part of article 46 of the constitution, a new law in 1955 denied clergy-
men the right to conduct worship services and to administer the sacraments 
2 
in state-owned convalescent and old people's homes. This statute speci-
fied further that pastors could visit their parishioners only if expressly 
invited by them and even then regular visiting hours were to be strictly 
observed, -ince then it has happened that church members died without 
spiritual preparation even though they had requested a pastoral visit 
because the clergy was not permitted to enter the hospital except during 
regular visiting hours. These regulations were sometimes enforced even 
though the doctor in charge strenuously objected. Even Christmas services 
were forbidden in most hospitals. Worship services were banned al3o from 
all penal institutions, usually on grounds of an alleged lack of adequate 
space and facilities. In regular prisons pastoral conversations with in-
mates were permitted only in the presence of a guard. No pastoral ministry 
*KJ 1956. p. 169. 
2KJ 1956. p. 162. 
%undgebungen« pp. 268-269* 
242 
at all was allowed in detention prisons and jails for youth• These re-
strictive measures gravely impaired the church's ministry in state insti-
tutions • 
C» The Erosion of the Church's Economic Foundation 
From the very outset the new Sast German state displayed a resolute 
determination to undermine the economic foundation of the church. The 
evident purpose thereof was to weaken the work of the churoh in public 
life through a gradual diminution of financial resources. The church in 
Germany had traditionally derived her financial subsistence from four dis-
tinct sourcess state subsidies, public collections, church taxes, and 
freewill offerings. All these sources except freewill offerings were 
gradually choked off by the state. 
The state subsidies were actually based on contractual obligations 
dating back to the nineteenth century when the church had transferred some 
of her properties to the state in exchange for perpetual annual payments. 
Comprising about 15 per cent of the church's total annual income, these 
subsidies had regularly been honored by the Soviet authorities from 1945 
to 1949. As noted before, during the Kirohenkampf these subsidies were 
used as a means of political blackmail and were no longer paid at all by 
the German Democratic Republic. When the new course was launched, the 
government started again to make the payments hut simultaneously insisted 
upon retaining a 30 per cent reduction. Moreover, in 1956—apparently 
as a means of coercion—another million mark was arbitrarily sheared off 
1KJ 1953. p. 187. 
243 
the subsidies, leaving the church with less than 50 per cent of the orig-
1 
inal amount payable by the state. 
Another source of income for the church was her annual fund drives 
carried out by public solicitations on city streets and house-to-house 
visitations. The main beneficiaries of these public fund appeals were 
the church's schools and institutions of mercy. Although public drives 
for charitable and educational purposes were of a long-standing tradition 
in Germany, they were nevertheless subject to government review and ap-
proval each year. The 2ast German state agreed in 195° to retain this 2 
old custom and permitted the church to hold four campaigns each year. 
However, at the height of the Kirchenkampf the government acquiesced to 
only one street collection and disapproved of house-to-house appeals al-
together, while Gommunist organizations were permitted to engage in several 
public fund drives for their projects and programs. After 1953 the church 
was allowed to hold annually two street collections, but crippling impedi-
ments capriciously devised by local authorities made the successful execu-
tion of even these two solitary drives virtually impossible. For instance, 
the Magdeburg municipal government shortened by twelve days the period of 
time allowed for the drive; thus the campaign had to be carried out in two 
days, thereby drastically reducing the potential sum of money which could 
have been collected. Elsewhere local officials stipulated that solicita-
tions for donations were not to be made on main streets or in railroad 
stations where the largest number of people could be reached. In some areas 
*KJ 1956. p. 166. 
2KJ 1956. P. 167. 
244 
city politicians reduced to a third the number of ohuroh workers licensed 
to partake in the drive, again making it impossible to reach many people. 
In East Berlin the permission for the public fund appeal in 19 was de-
layed for so long that, when it was finally given, the church was unable 
to make the necessary technical arrangements in time. The amount of the 
church's income from the traditional fund drives was considerably reduced 
through these various machinations and the economic security of her char-
itable and educational institutions was gravely endangered. 
The most important source of income for the church was a tax placed 
on the earnings of each adult church member. According to old tradition 
and mutual agreement between church and state authorities, this tax had 
always been collected by the government and was then handed over to eccle-
siastical comptrollers. This arrangement was terminated by East German 
authorities in 1945. Ever since that time the church levied and col-
lected the taxes through her own administrative offices, but was still 
permitted to examine the government's tax lists to ascertain the appor-
tionment due from each wage-earning church member. As a matter of fact, 
article 43 of the constitution officially reinvested the churoh with this 
privilege. However, with the opening of the Kirchenkampf, government 
clerks manifested an increasing reluctance to place tax information at the 
1 
disposal of the church's officials. This constitutional provision was 
later completely revoked through a decree promulgated on February 10, 19 
by Hilde Benjamin, the Minister of Justice; she declared that all future 
1KJ 1954. pp. 11?-118. 
245 
payments of church taxes t-rould be entirely voluntary and that the enforce-
ment machinery of the state would no longer be made available to the church 
for collecting them.* Uith a single stroke this decree destroyed in Zast 
Germany one of the last significant remnants of the old church-state sys-
tem. Though for a -while the compulsion of custom and tradition might sup-
port this old system without the benefit of government assistance, it was 
generally anticipated that the church's income from this source would 
henceforth greatly diminish, t'iany church members were only nominal be-
lievers, who would not voluntarily continue to give a portion of their 
earnings to the church. 
This was not an easy prospect for the church which had for centuries 
depended upon a fixed and stable source of income for her work of mission 
and mercy. Therefore, it was understandable that some territorial churches 
in East Germany reacted with overt panic to the Benjamin decree. Leaders 
of the Lutheran church In ..axony decided to use measures of retribution 
against the members if they refused "voluntarily" to pay the customary 
church tax. Delinquent members were to be deprived of their rights to 
vote in congregational elections and to serve as sponsors at baptisms, and 
2 
they were also to lose the privileges of a Christian wedding and burial. 
It is not known at this time if these punitive measures brought the desired 
result; it might have been wiser if the church leaders in a^xony had ap-
proached their members on the basis of loyalty and devotion, rather than on 
* M 1956. pp. 191-192. 
2KJ 1956, p. 193. 
the basis of intie&dation and coercion. Although no reliable statistical 
data showing the extent of the decline of her income have been made avail-
able, th© church in i3ast Cemany was able to raise only ?0 per cent of tho 
I 
100 million marks needed for her work in 1956. 
l/ith the flow of income seriously disrupted by state intervention, 
the church was forced to revive in her congregations the Biblical prin-
ciple of voluntary giving to secure the needed finances. The right to 
collect one freewill offering per iunday at the worship services had at no 
time been challenged by the state, but unfortunately a strong stewardship 
program had never been an integral part of the congregational life either 
In East or .Jest Germany. Relying primarily upon income from church taxes, 
clergymen had never before found themselves in a position where they had 
to depend heavily on voluntary gifts for the operation of their parishes. 
Clergy and laity alike had to learn the meaning of Christian stewardship 
if the church's work was not to become completely paralysed by a lack of 
funds, -ome painstaking progress has been made in recent years as evi-
denced by the fact that 3.5 million marks in special gifts were collected 
by the church for the needy of the world during the Christmas seasons of 
2 
1959 and I960. Sven though it was urgently needed at home, this sum of 
money was given by church members specifically for the alleviation of 
suffering in the world. This was an impressive demonstration of their 
growth in stewardship and their apparent willingness to support the 
-olberg, p. 207. 
% J 1961. p. 96. 
255 
church*£ work on a voluntary basis. 
As a result of the deterioration of the church's economic foundation, 
many parishes became impoverished. The salaries of the approximately 
25,000 church workers (5,000 pastors, 10,000 catedhists, and 10,000 dea-
conesse3) were very meager, iome of the church's institutions would have 
been unable to continue operating if the nurses and teachers had insisted 
upon the same salaries as those paid by state institutions. Deaconesses 
working in church hospitals drew only half of the wages paid to nurses in 
2 
state hospitals. The income of the clergy was meager if compared to that 
of other people with an academic training. Depending on his years of serv-
ice, a pastor's monthly remuneration was between 400 and 700 marks while 
that of a university professor was between 2,000 and 4,000 marks. The 3 
average monthly salary of a teacher was 750 marks. During the periods 
when the church went through financial crises such as those in 1953 and 
1956, the salaries of church workers were in arrears for months or were 
not paid at all. 
A lack of funds also posed a real problem in the reconstruction of 
the many church buildings damaged or destroyed during World War U . In 
addition to hundreds of parsonages and parish halls, a total of 2,678 
houses of worship were either badly damaged or completely obliterated in 
xJacob and Berg, p. 50. 
2Eelifdous Affairs (August, 1946), p. 426. 
^Lohn und K&ufkraft in der Jow.ietzone. ed. Wirtschaftswis sen-
schaftliches Institut der Gewerks chaf ten (Koeln: Bund-Verlag, 1959) f P* 14. 
248 
East Germany. To be sure, the state subsidized to some extent the re-
building of edifices which were considered to be of historical or cul-
tural value, bat it actually obstructed the repair of church structures 
1 
which were primarily designed for worship services. Even if the church 
managed to set aside some money for the restoration of buildings, the 
state consistently refused to issue permits for the purchase of building 
materials. By 1956 only 1,400 of the 2,678 bombed-out church buildings 
had been repaired to the point that they could be used for worship serv-
2 
ices. "Many church ruins which could easily have been restored after 
five, seven or ten years, had finally to be abandoned." They were "al-
lowed to decay until they were ripe for demolition.""^ The difficulties 
encountered in providing an adequate income for church workers and in 
rebuilding war-damaged church buildings were illustrative of numerous 
problems in parish life caused by the financial straits of the church. 
The service of the Relief organisation proved to be of great value 
in mitigating the financial distress of the church in East Germany. 
Through its channels considerable financial assistance flowed annually 
from West Germany to the churoh in East Germany. The financial defi-
cits, which would have altogether crippled the church's work, were 
partly offset by annual contributions in the amount of between 30 to 40 
million marks from West Germany. Only once in 1956 was the flow of this 
1956. p. 168. 
2GDR. p. 41. 
^The Evangelical Church, pp. 26-27. 
249 
fiscal aid temporarily halted by orders of the East German regime.1 In 
1952 the Relief organization also devised an imaginative plan for the 
rebuilding of many bombed-out church structures. It designated biannu-
ally some metropolis as a "city of church reconstruction4' and collected 
gifts throughout Germany for the restoration of the church buildings in 
that city. The parishes in Dresden were the first beneficiaries of this 
unique plan and received 750,000 marks from the drive in 1953» the con-
gregations in Frankfurt at-the-Qder received 900,000 marks in 1955* and 
those in Magdeburg received 1,600,000 marks in 1957. The parishes in 
Rostock were the beneficiaries of the drive conducted In 1959. These ap-
peals gathered momentum and the amount of the contributions increased from 
year to year. But in spite of the availability of these funds, church 
leaders found it difficult to obtain permits for the purchase of building 
materials, and the reconstruction efforts of the Relief organization thus 
were hampered by sparse allotments of vital construction materials. 
Another bold step by the Relief organization was taken in 1953* when 
the church in East Germany was no longer able to pay the salaries of her 
workers. Arrangements were made at that time to equalize the wages of 
the clergymen in the niast to some extent with those in the West. Under 
the proposed plan West German pastors would voluntarily contribute a por-
tion of their income to the Relief organization, which in turn would dis-
tribute it as salaiy supplements to East German clergymen. This program, 
iKJ 1956, p. 194. 
21[J 1957. pp. 229-230. 
250 
appropriately called the "Brothers' Aid," was implemented In 1955 
brought 3 million marks in voluntary gifts during the first two years 
of its operation. It was continued every year with increasing response 
from West German clergymen and church workers, some of whom contributed 
as much as 25 per cent of their income. 
However, the aid program of the Relief organization was adversely 
affected by the different currencies used in Sast and West Germany. All 
financial aid from West Germany had to be exchanged at the rate of one 
to one, even though the actual purchasing value of the West mark before 
1961 was usually four times higher than that of the Sast mark. This proved 
to be a profitable business transaction for the German Democratic Republic, 
and It may have been one of the reasons for the government's permissive 
attitude towards the continuous flow of financial aid to the church. 
D. Impediments in Devotional Life 
In its attempt to debilitate the work of the church in public life, 
the Bast German state had halted the material assistance program of the 
Relief organization, had seized some of the church's eleemosynary institu-
tions, and had undermined her economic structure. In order to weaken fur-
ther the church's public influence, the government proceeded to circum-
scribe her devotional life through a number of rigid rules and to impede 
the observance of Sunday as a day of worship and rest* MThe life of the 
ghetto, within the tight-drawn limits of devotional life—this is what the 
Communist state had devised for the churches."^ 
*KJ 1957. pp. 227-228. 
^The Evangelical Churoh. p. 29. 
251 
A watchful vigilance was maintained by political authorities over the 
church's activities and meetings; the church was asked to confine her work 
within the limitations of "legitimate" religious concerns or a special per-
mit would be required for every meeting. In 1951 the government affirmed 
the rule established by Joviet officials in 19^7 which specified that all 
recurring meetings and activities of the church held in churah buildings 
or in rented quarters need not be reported to authorities. Church leaders 
in 19^7 had listed the following as "legitimate" and recurring expressions 
of church lifes worship services; Bible studies; religious instruction 
sessions; welfare services; and meetings of missionary organisations, the 
Evangelical Union, the Evangelical Women's organization, and the youth 
organizations. The government exempted these activities and meetings from 
the general rule by which every public meeting in East Germany required a 
special permit. Of course, all other meetings sponsored by the church had 
to be reported and were subject to approval by the authorities. 
However, starting in 1952 local politicians began to interpret this 
exemption quite narrowly. Police officers took it upon themselves to 
decide what constituted worship services and devotional meetings. Con-
sequently, a pastor in one village might be accused of violating this or-
dinance because he failed to report a series of Bible studies while another 
might be permitted to present a religious play without any question what-
ever. It happened with increasing frequency that clergymen were hauled 
before judges and compelled to pay heavy fines because they had failed to 
252 
procure permission to hold meetings which were not considered to be 
1 
strictly devotional in nature. They were even penalized, for discussing 
such topics as confirmation and the dedication of youth at meetings with 
parents—even though held in church buildings—because such discussions 2 
were judged to be political rather than religious in nature, iome local 
policemen forbade pastors to conduct worship services in halls not owned 
by the church. In small villages which were without church buildings but 
where services had been conducted in rented schoolrooms or in movie the-
aters, this simply meant that people were deprived of opportunities for 
worship altogether. Clergymen also occasionally conducted larger services 
of an inter-congregational nature, which could not be held in church build-
ings because of limitations of space. Over such services the authorities 
were able to exercise as rigid a control as they wished and numerous sched-
uled youth rallies and mission festivals had to be canceled because the 
necessary permits could not be obtained. All these measures were designed 
to exile the church from public life and to imprison her within the four 
walls of church buildings. 
Another effort by the government to restrict the free devotional life 
of the church was to be seen in the censorship of sermons. There were in-
stances even during the soviet period of occupation when Russian commanders 
ordered clergymen to submit to them in advance copies of their iunday 
sermons for review and approval. In the ioviet Union this was apparently 
1KJ 1958, pp. 154-157. 
2 Neuer Ta^, November 2, 1957» 
253 
i a well-established practice, which military officers sought routinely 
to establish in East Germany. Upon hearing this, Bishop Dibelius at 
once registered a protest with the Soviet Military Administration and sent 
a letter to all churchmen in his province declaring such a practice to be 
2 
wholly unacceptable. Dibelius observed that the Nazis, too, had at-
tempted to compromise the spiritual freedom of the church by their at-
tempt to censor her message, but that this intrusion had been denounced 
once and for all by the synod convention of 1934. If secular authorities 
were permitted to censor the sermons of the clergy, the church would become 
a mere instrument in the hands of the state. After this note of strong 
protest, soviet officials refrained from further attempts of censorship. 
It seemed that the East German government had learned a lesson from 
the experiences of the Soviet Military Administration and decided not to 
interfere with the homilies of preachers jn an overt way. At no time have 
government agents outright demanded that clergymen should submit their 
sermons for censorship. On the other hand, Communist informers have reg-
ularly been assigned to attend worship services conducted by pastors, who 
had manifested anti-Marxist sentiments, in order that they might take 
notes on their sermons. The content of their sermons was at times ana-
lyzed in newspapers to convince readers that the preachers involved were 
*1iAT0 supporters."^ It happened in several cases that quotations from 
4 
Hans Koch, Zur politischen Predigt (Muenchen* Carl Gerber, 1952), 
pp. 106-124. 
^ J 1945-1948. p. 51. 
^Neuer Tag. November 12, 1957$ Berliner Zeitung. November 10, 1957; 
Freiheit. November 13, 1957* 
254 
i 
sermons were used against pastors at court trials. This was a subtle way 
of "censoring" the content of sermons, inasmuch as it was made patently 
clear that homiletieal utterances meeting the disapprobation of the state 
could be used against the clergy. 
The state manifested less reservation in an effort to muffle the 
church's message at the Kirohentag, the huge rallies of lay people spon-
sored by the church. The idea of the Kirohentag was first conceived in 
1949 with the purpose of presenting an effective religious witness to mod-
e m society and of strengthening the faith of Christian people by way of 
2 
huge mass meetings. The first Kirohentag, which happened to take plaoe 
in Berlin in 1951* attracted 100,000 people from the East and 12,000 from 
the West. Thereafter, they were held with great regularity in West Germany. 
When the new course was charted the church received permission to sponsor 
a Kirchentag in the Democratic Republic; it was held in 1954 in Leipzig 
and was attended by 650,000 people from both parts of Germany. This rally 
proved to be one of the most significant religious events to occur within 
years in Sast Germany. The magnitude of its spiritual impact upon people 
was Inestimable. When churoh leaders, as previously noted, petitioned the 
government in 1957 for permission to hold another Kirohentag, the approval 
this time was coupled with the stipulations that state representatives be 
given an opportunity to elucidate the "peaceful policy" of the German 
Democratic Republic to the assembled people and that "NATO bishops" be 
*gJ 1953. p. 148. 
2Reinhold von Thadden-Trieglaff, "The Kirohentag in Berlin," The 
Scumenical Review, vol. IV, p. 45. 
255 
barred from preaching at the Kirchentag altogether. Rather than compro-
mise the integrity of their message and debase the purpose of the rally, 
church leaders decided to cancel plans for the Kirchentag in Erfurt. 
Another Kirchentag scheduled for East Berlin in 1961 was prohibited out-
right by the state on the grounds that this event constituted a "provoc-
ation by a militaristic church." The message of the Kirchentag and its 
far-reaching spiritual impact was thereby outlawed in East Germany and the 
limits of the church's devotional life were drawn tighter. 
The Communist state sought through devious means to keep people from 
attending worship services and from participating in the devotional life 
of the church. Even though Junclays and religious festival days were de-
clared to be official days of rest in article 16 of the constitution, 
this provision was flagrantly violated by the government. Ety establishing 
a "Country Junday" in rural areas and a "socialist unday" in urban dis-
tricts, efforts were made to strip that day of worship and rest of its 
intended purpose. An escalated seven-day work week, which was not even 
halted for such festive days as Christmas and Easter, was introduced in 
most industrial plants and coal mines. People were encouraged to make 
"constructive" use of their leisure time by forming "voluntary" labor 
brigades, which would take on special work projects in cities or would 
help out with field work on collective farms on Junday. Wide newspaper 
publicity was given throughout East Germany to those brigades and people 
belonging to them were depicted as heroic and selfless individuals, who 
1KJ 1957. pp. 160-161. 
256 
contributed much to the progress and glory of Communism. One newspaper 
editor extolled the thousands of laborers who In spite of beautiful vaca-
tion weather had "volunteered11 on several consecutive Sundays "to aooom-
2 
plish new Socialist deeds in honor of the fifth party rally" in 1958. 
The "Country Junday" was declared to be a day of honorary labor when 
"peace-loving" factory workers seised the opportunity of toiling In fields 
side by side with like-minded farm folk for the advancement of the Marxist 3 
cause. Church leaders protested in vain against this open breach of the 
constitutional provision. In their remonstrations they expressed profound 
regret not only over the obvious impediments devised by the state to keep 
people from places of worship but also over the disruptive influence in 
family life oaused by the unceasing work shifts.^ 
Another design to keep people from worship services was even of a 
greater affront to the church; many political meetings and rallies were 
intentionally held during the hour of worship on Jumday morning. Comnanist 
youth organizations in particular met regularly on Sunday mowing and at 
times held demonstrations in front of church buildings while services were 
conducted inside. Jome local authorities staged practice sessions of their 
volunteer fire departments during the time of churoh service. When one 
pastor dared to object to the time of the practice he was promptly 
%eues Deutschland. October 14, 1958. 
^Magdeburger Volksstlmme. July 15t 1958. 
%eues Deutschland. October 18, 1958 • 
1955. PP. 154-157. 
257 
denounced as an enemy of the people. It was argued that anyone even 
faintly interested in the safety of the community would welcome the prac-
tice sessions, irrespective of the hour of day, rather than oppose them.* 
According to German law and tradition all public places of amusement had 
always been closed on Good Friday and on other solemn church festivals. 
This tradition was officially honored in article 16 of the constitution, 
but the government made no attempt to enforce it. Public dances were 
permitted to take place on Good Friday without any interference by the 
2 
state. A particularly shocking example of public frivolity occurred in 
1956 in the city of Brandenburg. In the midst of a oaraival parade en-
couraged by Communist youth leaders as a kind of "folk festival," one blas-
phemous reveler among the laughing and applauding youth had masqueraded as 
Jesus Christ. A local Communist newspaper reported the incident approving-
ly. Church leaders were horror-stricken and issued a public denunciation 
3 
of the blasphemy. Realizing that the bounds of propriety had been sadly 
overstepped, the Communist mayor of Brandenburg apologized to the clergy 
for the incident. Nevertheless, the manifest policy to keep the people in 
East Germany from participating in the worship life of the church was not 
rescinded. 
*?reiheit. November 12, 1957* 
2KJ 1956. p. 163. 
3KJ 1956. p. 183. 
On May 1, I960, I personally experienced one of the irksome vexa-
tions which at time beset Sast German people when they wish to attend wor-
ship services. On that day I intended to participate in a worship service 
at the historic it. Maryfs church in Sast Berlin where Bishop Dibelius was 
266 
The Communist Rival Cult 
In its attempt to break the public influence of the church, the Sast 
German state overstepped the self-proclaimed line of demarcation and pene-
trated into the realm of the "legitimate" devotional concerns of the 
church. Not only were people openly discouraged from participating in 
church services but they were actually pressed to partake in a number of 
pseudo-religious rites developed by Communist authorities. The government 
had all along asserted that the proper activities of the church consisted 
in devotional exercises and rituals performed within the four walls of her 
buildings, but in due course it established its own rival rites which en-
compassed birth, dedication, marriage, and death. 
The creation of the Communist rites in the German Democratic Republic 
was probably influenced by the legacy of Leon Trotsky (1879-1940), the 
political rival of Joseph ^talin. Trotsky had as early as 1923 pointed 
out that through a subtle manipulation of the three great moments of 
life—birth, marriage, and death—the Communist party could greatly so-
lidify its hold over people. The human being, he noted, has an innate 
scheduled to preach the sermon. However, upon arrival I found all streets 
leading to the church building blocked off by the police who watched the 
column of people marching in the Communist May Day parade. The police 
told me that the particular route, at which they were standing guard, was 
closed for "security reasons" and that I should try the next access route. 
During the ensuing hour I walked in a circle around the church building and 
was turned back by the police stationed at every street leading to the edi-
fice. I found myself in the company of a sizable group of people who also 
wished to attend the worship service. When in spite of the warning by po-
lice one woman started to walk into the direction of the cathedral, she 
was bodily restrained by them. Bishop Dibelius, too, was stopped en route 
to the church building and was turned back to West Berlin. No worship 
service was held on that iunday at it. Mary's. 
*Leon Trotsky, Problems of Life, trans, by Z. Vengerova (Londont 
Methue/n & Co., 1924), p. 62. 
259 
©motional desire to have these three experiences in life enriched by-
solemn rituals; therefore, since even basically unreligious people turn 
to the church during those sublime moments, the Communist party should 
seek to replace religious rites with its own solemn ceremonies and there-
by strengthen its hold over the people. TSven though he was a political 
deflationist, ISast German politicians apparently relied upon Trotsky1 s 
insight and commenced to initiate Communist name-giving and youth dedi-
cation rites, as well as marriage and funeral rites. Of course, they 
also relied upon the precedent established by the Free-Religious con-
gregations and by the German Association of Free-Thinkers. 
With the exception of the youth dedication ceremony the three other 
Communist rituals were first applied on a large scale in Stalinstadt, a 
new East German city constructed in 1953.* With its 16,333 inhabitants 
• 2 in 1956 it was to serve as a model, of Communist life in East Germany. 
The construction of any church building in this city was prohibited. 
Ulbrlcht had been asked in 1953 whether any "towers" would be built in 
Stalinstadt. He replied that one tower would be erected for a city hall 
and another one for a house of culture but that beyond these two there 
existed no need for any "other tower in this dty of Socialism. To 
this very day the church has been unable to secure permission to build 
a house of worship or a church tower in that dty. For a long time it 
*In keeping with Khrushchev's revision of Stalin's personality 
cult, East German authorities renamed this city "Eisenhuettenstadt.* 
2,SBZ von A bis Z. p. 289. 
3MJ252. P-
260 
was ©von impossible for the church there to buy a piece of land on which 
to erect a crude barrack for purposes of worship or to secure the neces-
sary permit to rent a dwelling place for a clergyman. When Bishop 
Dibelius was to preach in Stalinstadt on Christmas 3ve, 1953, churchmen 
were unable to rent a hall in the city. People who wished to hear 
Dibelius had to gather in two empty restaurants in a neighboring village. 
It was logical then that this should be the first city in which the "sa-
cred" cult of the Communist religion was to be implanted on a large 
scale. A remarkable document appeared in 1953 in Stalinstadt which spelled 
out in detail the rites and ceremonies by which the lives of the inhabit-
ants would henceforth be ruled; it was announced that the "great moments 
of life" would finally be freed from the "yoke" of the church and that 
from now on these moments would form an integral part of the Socialist 
life of the city. 
Human birth, union of man and woman, and death were originally 
biological events, which have acquired great social significance 
with the progress of humanity. 
These events were jiven an idealistic-religious interpretation 
and an ecclesiastical-ceremonial form by the exploiting classes in 
order to restrain the people and subject them to the exploiters' 
rule. 
From the vantage point of the dialectical-materialistic phi-
losophy of life and with the help of the Socialist state, the 
working class and its leading party recognize birth, marriage, and 
death as solemn events i n the l i fe of the growing Socialist soci-
ety . 
The content of these ceremonies is Socialist humanism, which 
i s atheistic and recognizes no higher being than humanity that 
fights for peace, democracy and Socialism. 
I 
"Grundgesaetze und Erfahrungen bei der Gestaltung sozialistisoher 
Feierl ichkeiten M Geburt, SheSchlieSsungen und Tod i n Stalinstadt," 
Kirche in der Zeit . IX, Heft 2 (February, 1959), pp. 73-75. 
261 
Before each ceremony, whether name-giving, marriage or "burial, 
thorough preparatory conversations were to be held by a state official 
with the persons involved in order to make clear to them that the vows 
to be taken constituted a personal commitment to Communism. In his 
counseling sessions with new parents, engaged couples and relatives of 
deceased people, he was expected to stress particularly the following 
points• 
The ceremony for the birth of a child and its name-giving 
should effect the conscious union of the parents with the future 
struggle of the whole working class. It constitutes the solemn 
initiation of the child into human society. For the child's sake 
the parents must give a pledge to ensure his iocialist education. 
The festive form of civil marriage confirms the consent of 
husband and wife to the concept of the Socialist ethic. In addi-
tion, the couple must take the Socialist nuptial vow. Like the 
name-giving rite, this oeremony too must be held in public in 
order to emphasize the social significance of this personal event. 
The solemn funeral rite has as its purpose the praise of the 
good deeds of the deceased. The satisfaction to have been con-
nected with this man shall be a source of consolation to the mourn-
ing relatives. The death of this man must cause the relatives by 
even more energetic work to close the gap left by him in society. 
In addition to these guidelines for counseling sessions, the docu-
ment contained a number of addresses which were to be given by the ap-
pointed officials during the administration of the Communist rites and 
also several suggested pledges and vows which were to be given by the 
participants. 
One of the first name-giving rites was held in Altenburg on Christ-
mas day, 1957 # Eveiy effort was expended to make this event appear like 
the administration of the Christian sacrament of baptism. A special room 
ijbid., pp. 73-75. 
2 62 
W&3 used in city hall, equipped with an organ and lighted candles. The 
table before the presiding state official was festively decked with floif-
ers and in the background stood a flag-draped bust of vJilhem x-ieck. In 
order to lend solemn dignity to this occasion, an organist played Handel*s 
t;-.argo.u After the parents and sponsors had gathered in the "chapel," 
the S jp © <Si 1 i © i71 reminded them in his address that the Cor&uunist name-giving 
rite represented a confession of allegiance to the Workers' and Peasants* 
state and that the infant in their arias was now being initiated into the 
ranks of fighters for peace, progress and Communism* "lou should take 
care," stated the orator, "that from earliest infancy this child is 
trained as an enthusiastic Socialist. He is destined to experience not 
only the Socialist but also the Communist social order. To this end you 
must be his conscious mentor and guide, thereby continuing Lenin's work." 
After the parents and sponsors had given their pledge to raise the child 
in the spirit of Socialism, a savings booklet valued at 100 marks was 
presented to them along with a certificate of commemoration and written 
congratulatory messages from prominent political leaders. The sponsors 
were required to sign a document certifying their willingness to help 
raise the child in Socialism, just as they might have signed a baptismal 
certificate. As the organ music started again and the parents surrounded 
by well-wishers left the "chapel," they were greeted by representatives 
of the Communist youth organizations and were given bouquets of flowers. 
The outspoken atheistic character of the name-giving rite was 
seudosakrale Staatsakte in der Sow.ietaone. p. 6. 
263 
clearly revealed in numerous newspaper articles which expatiated upon 
the nature and purpose of this ceremony. 
.any people are probably wondering why the name-giving rite 
i s being performed and also what people are permitted to take part. 
Increasing numbers of our citizenry, especially members of the So-
cia l ist Unity party, had expressed the wish to have their children 
brought up in an atheistic way of life. Consequently, ceremonies 
of this kind became a social necessity. This begins with our in-
fant children, continues in public school and the youth dedication 
r i t e , and finds its climax in a festive marriage ritual administered 
by state officials.1 
The Communist marriage rite was also embellished by an air of fes-
tive solemnity. After the mandatory counseling session with a state of-
ficial, the bridal couple recited before an assembly of workers their 
marriage vows: "Being responsible to all working people, to ourselves 
and to each other, we vow to regard our marriage contracted this day in 
mutual love as a union established for life. E|y concerted efforts we vow 
to strengthen the achievements of Socialism as well as those of the Work-
2 
ers* and reasants* state • . • ." Should it be deemed necessary, a word 
of warning might be given in the wedding address lest the couple tend to 
view their marriage in any sense as having religious implications. "Re-
ligion is rejected as the basis of marriage," declared the wedding manual 
used in Stalinstadt, ,fbecause of the impotence of the church, the non-
existence of God, and the immorality of church leaders who approve of 
war as a means of divine rule and who place woman in a position subordinate 
to man." 
%reies Wort (Suhl), February 2, 1958. 
2"Grundges/etze," Kirche in der Zeit. IX, Heft 2 (February, 1959), 
PP. 73-75. 
3Ibid.. PP. 73-75. 
264 
Shortly after the inception of the Communist marriage rite, the 
District Court of Sast Berlin rendered a noteworthy decision pertaining 
to marital life, which could well serve as an important precedent for 
similar cases in the future. The Court decided that devotion to reli-
gion and an active participation in church life by one partner to a 
marriage constituted a disruptive influence, legally justifying the dis-
solution of the marriage and on these grounds a man was granted a di-
vorce from his wife. 
The applicant asserts that the originally happy marriage was 
disrupted by the respondent's joining the churoh in 1946. In the 
course of time she turned more and more to the churoh. Every Sun-
day morning she attended worship services and apart from that was 
at church functions twice a week. 
In our Workers* and Peasants* state a man who thinks progres-
sively cannot be expected to remain tied to a partner in marriage 
if that partner turns increasingly to the church. 
For this reason the Supreme Court decision of July 1, 1957t 
which makes it difficult to dissolve a marriage which has existed 
for decades, cannot apply. . 
The premises for the dissolution of this marriage thus exist.1 
Aside from the name-giving and marriage rites, much publicity was 
also given to the Communist burial rite. The latter ceremony was always 
rendered as grave and solemn as was befitting such an event. To that 
end political circles called into life an Association of Funeral Speak-
ers, whose sole purpose was to train Communist orators for that special 
task. The salaried orators, wearing a distinct garb at the hirial site, 
reminded the friends and relatives of the deceased that their loss was 
also the loss of all workers in the Socialist state. The achievements 
of the deceased in building a Socialist society were acclaimed with the 
1959. pp. 167-168. 
265 
purpose of instilling in the listeners greater zeal in their common 
"struggle against exploitation, militarism, imperialism, and fascism. ** 
The Communist orators never failed to exhort people at the burial site 
to close the ranks of the Socialist society and to move forward while 
keeping before them the good example of the deceased. 
Clergymen and party functionaries clashed at times openly when Com-
munist orators intruded in Christian funeral services with the avowed 
purpose of giving their own rehearsed speeches. Bishop Dibelius reported 
visiting a community of seven thousand people who were normally served 
by two pastors. He discovered that these two clergymen had to compete 
with five Communist funeral speakers, whose services were urged upon 
1 
people by the local newspapers. 
The introduction to these Communist rites in 5ast German communities 
was under girded by a vigorous publicity campaign carried on through the 
media of the press, radio, and mass organizations* Pictures and articles 
stressing the festive aspect of the name-giving and marriage rites were 
constantly held before the eyes of the people. Statistics were published 
which conveyed the impression that almost everyone in the country was 
taking part in these rites. Financial contributions were solicited from 
people so that generous rewards could be given to parents and children 
who participated in the name-giving ceremony. In some municipalities 
mayors sent congratulatory messages to the parents of new-born children, 
inviting them to present their infants at city hall for the festive 
*Qtto Dibelius, Report to the Evangelical Church in Germany (wil~ 
tilithed by the National Lutheran Counail, New York; n.d7T» P- 3# 
2 66 
name-living ritual. Unusually aggressive party functionaries made their 
rounds in maternity wards of hospitals, soliciting participation from the 
mothers of new babies. Hot all appeals were carried out in this straight-
forward manner. Factory workers and public employees were made to under-
stand that failure to bring their young children for the name-giving rite 
might prove to be a serious stumbling block In a job promotion. 
.Along with youth dedication discussed in an earlier chapter, the 
establishment of these pseudo-religious rites represented the efforts of 
the 3ast German regime to wean the loyalty of people from the churoh. 
Political strategists were aware of the fact that the connection which 
many Sast German people had with the church was based merely upon a tra-
ditional respect for the clergy and the ecclesiastical institution and 
crystallized in baptism, confirmation, marriage, and burial. If suitable 
rituals with a Communist content could be imposed upon people to replace 
the religious ones, the church would lose her influence over people com*, 
pletely. Obviously, this would take time, but with the government in 
control of all the mass communication media and of all educational and 
economic opportunities, the Communist politicians could well afford to 
muster some tolerance and patience while looking forward to the disap-
pearance of every trace of religious life in their society. 
Available statistical data indicate that in recent years a de-
clining number of people have made use of baptism, confirmation, and mar-
riage; however, funeral services conducted by the clergy have enjoyed 
the same demand in spite of the keen competition by Communist funeral 
orators. Since most of the Sast German territorial churches in recent 
2 67 
years have sub-iitted only incomplete statistics, it has been impossible 
to form a comprehensive picture of the extent of the decline in partici-
pation in the rites of confirmation and marriage and in the sacrament 
of baptism. However, the data provided, by the territorial churches in 
Saxony and Silesia could well be taken as representative statistics of 
the remaining church bodies in East Germany. In 1954 the Lutheran Church 
in Saxony had a baptized membership of 4,430,000 people and the Evangeli-
cal Church in ilesia 230,000 people.* A pronounced decrease in the 
number of baptisms and weddings each year is quite noticeable in the data, 
but the decline reaches larger proportions starting in 1959 when the 
Communist rites were being firmly established.' 
The Lutheran Church in Saxony The Evangelical Church in Silesia 
Number of: Year Number of: 
Ba ptisms Confirmands //eddines Baptisms Confirmands T,/eddin«s 
ik9m 27,45^ 1952 3,79^ 1,566 
59,485 70,376 22,986 1953 3,781 4,307 1,356 
55,226 60,422 20,477 1954 3,434 3,746 1,173 
52,407 59,965 20,151 1955 3,366 3,606 1,221 
47,162 50,269 17,590 1956 3,144 3,097 1,145 
43,411 47,132 16,629 1957 2,955 2,764 1,072 
34,415 46,004 14,351 1958 2,529 2,544 995 
29,257 17,160 12,814 1959 2,305 957 850 
24,950 12,829 12,161 I960 2,139 754 7552 
This statistical table reflects the rapid disintegration of the East 
German Volkskirche as an ecclesiastical institution to which almost every-
one belonged regardless of his personal convictions. In the Volkskirche 
many people made use of the sacraments and of the religious rites through 
force of habit. Since participation in the church*s rites and devotional 
^Brunotte, p. 8. 
1955. p. 404; KJ 1956. p. 3^5? KJ 1957. p. 258; KJ 1958. p. 389? 
KJ 1959. p. 361; KJ I960, p. 328: KJ 1961. p. 398. 
268 
life under the Communist regime no longer was a practice approved by 
society, but rather had become a confession of faith that could evoke 
possible governmental reprisals, increasing numbers of people refrained 
from taking part. "The bombardment of anti-religious propaganda has 
caused the traditions of the Yolks kirche to wane; participation in a bap-
tism or wedding, indeed even in a church funeral, has come to signify a 
personal confession of faith in many congregations." Some parents re-
quested that their children be baptised secretly by pastors, and at times 
they wont for that purpose to communities where they were unknown. On 
the other hand, for the sake of expediency many nominal members decided 
to sever their relations with the church altogether. Thus the Volks-
kirche or the people*s church has in recent years changed and become a 
confessing church, composed of only a few believers with deep faith and 
convictions • 
The decline in the number of participants in the church's rites does 
not necessarily Imply that all those who failed to take part accepted 
Communist rituals. liany people might have decided to abstain from both 
th© Christian and the Communist ceremonies. The singular exception tn 
this was Stalinstadt, where in 1958 68 out of 70 couples were married by 
o 
a Communist functionary. Ho data have been made available which would 
indicate the total number of Communist name-giving and marriage rites 
performed each year in other cities. In any case, it is reasonable to 
hi J 1959. pp. 220-221. 
%euer Tap:, August 22, 1958. 
269 
assume that these pseudo-religious rites have "been firmly established in 
East Germany and that an increasing number of people take part in them 
while the number maiding use of the church*s sacraments and ceremonies is 
obviously decreasing. 
The purpose of the Communist cult was astutely described in an encyc-
lical letter issued by East German Roman Catholic bishops to their con-
gregations on February 5, 1959* 
One knows what the church and her service, her sacraments, and 
her tradition mean to the Christian. Therefore, secular forms must 
now serve as substitutes* By means of sacred acts and vows men 
shall be led to forget God and the church, and to sell themselves 
solely to the world, to work and to society. All this is done to 
impose the heresy of self-salvation under an impressive mask upon 
the life of men. The rites of Socialist name-giving, Socialist 
youth dedication, Socialist marriage, and Socialist funeral are 
atheistic in nature and have recently been furthered to an ever-
increasing degree by state and party officials. The pressure to 
participate especially in the youth dedication program has grown 
to an intolerable degree.1 
Efforts were also made by political circles to lend a Communist ap-
pearance to Christian festivals such as Christmas. By order of the East 
German government, public schools were required in 1949 to center their 
programs during the Christmas season around the birthday of Joseph Stalin 
which happened to fall on December 22. After the death of .Stalin in 
1953, "Grandfather Frost" became the new symbol of the Christmas season 
in Soviet countries. Dressed much like the European St. Nicholas, he 
was depicted as a person who rewarded children for their participation 
in activities of the Communist youth organizations and for their good 
Cominunist behavior. The legend about "Grandfather Frost" has been told 
- "Die Lage der Kirohe in der Sow jet zone," Bulletin (Bonn: Presse 
und Informationsamt der Bundesreglerung), No® 142p p. 1413* 
2?0 
with dramatic effect doling every Christmas season in schools and politi-
cal youth rallies in order to give children a substitute for the Biblical 
story of Christ's nativity. Christmas vacation was renamed "winter vaca-
tion." Ebctracts from Ukrainian radio programs, which were designed to 
"enlighten" listeners about the true nature of such narratives as the 
nativity of Christ, were presented as a regular feature of the Christmas 
season on ISast German broadcasts starting January, 1958 • 
Like any other religious festival, Christmas is harmful not 
only because propaganda of a religious nature principally irrecon-
cilable with Marxism and Leninism is made during the festival, but 
also because it gives a new lease on life to the religious residue 
in the consciousness of some people . . . Jesus Christ is an imag-
inary person who, of course, never lived.1 
Louis Fuernberg in Sast Germany even wrote a "ChristmasH poem with 
a Communist content: 
An Old-New Christmas Song 
A child in a stable came to the world, 
Joseph the father *d no money to pay 
for a bed all white and a room. 
On straw the Mother Mary lay, 
and cry as she might in agony 
none but dull oxen and ass could hear 
her moaning and whimpering. 
Joseph looked out the stable door, 
but woe! the Three Kings failed to appear 
with gold and incense and ngrrrh. 
Mary held the Babe in her arras, 
her body must be the stove for His warmth, 
and instead of the milk that God pray send! 
was only the rust in the bowl. 
"Ah Joseph, dear Joseph mine, 
how sad I am for this child of mine . . . 
Ah Joseph, what's to become of us? 
You ask for work, and they leave you to stand . . . 
1 
Pseudosakrale Staatsakte in der Sow.jetzone. p. 11. 
271 
Ah Joseph, we must go and beg, 
Py Joseph, I can see no end 
to this earthly misery5" 
And as they squatted in stable cold 
and moaned aloud, they heard without 
in the yard a gladdening song* 
The door flung wide. In the lantern's light 
came many young shepherds within, 
to bring the parents and delicate child 
the message of goodness and joy: 
"We shepherds come from a far, fair land, 
the people there have banished their need 
when they redeemed themselves. 
The children there grow up in the light, 
and hunger and misery cannot exist, 
for none's in straits for a roof and bread. 
The meanest now are the great." 
"Oh lead us there!" sad Joseph begged, 
a star In the heavens rose aloft, 
red was the light it shed. 
That is the wonder-working Star 
of knowledge and courage that steels men's hearts, 
and if you know it, then you have well read 
the story the Bible told.1 
A number of new "sacred" days commemorating the heroic lives and 
deeds of Communist leaders were to replace all Christian festivals tra-
ditionally observed in East Germany. Prominent in the new Communist 
calendar were Lenin Day (April 22), Labor Day (May 1), Karl Marx Day 
(May 5), the Day of Peace (September 1), the Day of the October Revolu-
tion (November 7)» Friedrich Kngels Day (November 28), and Joseph Stalin's 
birthday (December 22). Sast German stores even carried greeting cards 
for some of these "sacred" days and occasions such as the name-giving 
rite, youth dedication, the Day of the People's Amy, Teachers' Day, 
*The Evangelical Church, p. 25. 
272 
1 
Railroaders * Day, ifiners* Day, and Freedom Day, 
Protests raised by church leaders against the introduction of the 
Communist cult in the country and the secularization of Christian festi-
vals were of no avail. On the contrary, the ideological campaign to win 
people for the Communist rites was carried on with an ever-increasing in-
tensity. Through pastoral letters churchmen continued to admonish their 
people to abstain from the secular rites. iVhether their admonition was 
heeded usually depended on the depth of faith and conviction of the indi-
vidual church member. 
Leaders of the church made it very clear that they would never vol-
untarily permit the church to be banished from public life and be forced 
into a private ghetto or to have her activities reduced to a mere per-
functory performance of certain rituals • They were determined to continue 
with the churchts charitable work in public life and to take a stand on 
important national issues. Theirs was a deep-seated conviction voiced 
on numerous occasions. It was probably best summarized by Quenter Jacob 
at the 1956 synod in Berlin when he stated that the character of the 
Gospel as "the good news of the incarnation, crucifixion and resurrection 
of Jesus Christ" would never permit its limitation either as a mere "cult11 
or as a purely personal and private matter separated from public respon-
sibility. In humility and obedience to God, he said, the church must 
regard the whole world as her work room in which she worships, witnesses, 
arid serves 
^"Namensweihe in Dresden," Frankfurter Allgemelne Zeitung. July 20, 
1959. 
2ICJ 1956. pp. 9-17 . 
273 
It should be noted again, by way of summary, that the utter ex-
tinction of religion is an ultimate goal of Communism which is to be 
achieved partly through an enclosure of the church within well-marked 
bounds and through an establishment of rival rites. This strategy has 
been used by the Sast German government in its attempt to stamp out the 
religious life. In order to weaken her influenoe in public life, the 
church was ordered by the government to discontinue some of her public 
welfare work. The material aid program of the Relief organization was 
outlawed in 1950 and the work of the Railway Mission was forcibly closed 
in 1956. Several of the church institutional building complexes were 
seized in 19539 and others fell under government control through subtle 
labor union infiltration in 1 9 T o make the operation of the ohuroh,s 
program as difficult as possible, the state undermined her economic 
structure. With traditional sources of Income substantially reduced and 
at times cut off, the church was forced to rely upon financial aid from 
Christians in West Germany. In its attempt to circumscribe the church's 
life as tightly as possible, the government permitted clergymen to con-
duct religious services only in church buildings. Special licenses had 
to be obtained for meetings which were not thought to be strictly "reli-
gious" in nature. The government then Initiated its own "religious" cult 
which resulted in a rapid decline in the number of people participating 
in the church's rites and sacraments, shattering the structure of the 
traditional Volkskirche. 
VII. XMDER THE COUP DE GRACE TO THE CHURCH: IDEOLOGICAL WARFARE 
Marxist leaders believe that the final obliteration of religion will 
be achieved through a dissemination of atheistic knowledge. Soviet Russia 
was the first country in which a systematic propagation of atheistic 
thought was initiated. With their revolution of 1917 Bolshevik leaders 
apparently still anticipated that in keeping with Marx's prediction reli-
gion would wither away and die a natural death. This did not happen. 
Even fierce persecutions after 1917 did not bring about the complete demise 
of the Russian Orthodox church and, although many people severed their 
relation with the religious community at that time, others were determined 
to suffer martyrdom rather than to abjure their faith. It was partially 
due to this situation that Lenin and Stalin were persuaded to change their 
course, thus persecutions abated in intensity and were now supplanted by 
anti-religious propaganda. In 1922 Lenin definitely concluded that infus-
ing people with atheistic thought constituted a better weapon in striking 
at religion than the use of brute force. 
Since 1922 the spread of atheism in Communist countries has been car-
ried out with rather consistent fervor, interrupted only by World War H . 
Like his predecessors, Nikita Khrushchev urged efforts to instill the 
people with atheistic ideas. In the aforementioned article of 195^, he 
gave new impetus to this ideological crusade by calling for a broader 
275 
development of soientific-atheistic propaganda" In Communist countries.* 
Khrushchev's position on this issue hardened even more after 195**; no 
words of amelioration were found in his address before the twenty-second 
Communist congress of 1961 when he called once more for renewed efforts 
2 
in the ideological battle waged against religion. 
East German government officials and party functionaries followed the 
directives of the Soviet leaders with great seal. They were bent on re-
shaping people as rapidly as possible in the Soviet mold of atheism. Soon 
after Khrushchev issued his directive in 195^ the first anti-religious 
books and pamphlets appeared openly on the book market of the German Demo-
cratic Republic. The avowed purpose of the Society for the Dissemination 
of Scientific Knowledge was to further these ventures in the field of pub-
lication and the volume of its anti-religious material has so far been sur-
passed only by that of the 3SD. The latter proved to be no mere "paper-
tiger" in the ideological onslaught. About half of all anti-religious 
books published came from the SED press, the Dietz book concern located in 
East Berlin. In 1958 the SSD established a committee for ideological en-
lightenment whose parpose was to supervise and improve the production of 
all atheistic literature in Sast Germany. Its goal was to publish every 
month about two pamphlets with atheistic contents in editions of 150,000 
copies each P 
1Pravda. July 2*f, 195^. 
\Teues Deutschland. October 18, 1961. 
3The Roman Catholic Churoh. p. 
276 
Party directives and government pronouncements advocating a system-
atic diffusion of atheistic knowledge were issued with increasing frequency 
beginning in 1954* They revealed the Communist theoreticians* apparent 
belief that the time had arrived for the spread of atheism on a wide scale 
in East Germany—the stage was set for an all-out Ideological attack upon 
the church. 
The anti-religious campaign in East Germany reached an intensity un-
known in any other Soviet-dominated country* Some authorities attribute 
this to an allegedly German trait of treating all philosophical and ideo-
logical issues with methodical thoroughness On the other hand, it might 
be more reasonable to assume that two aforementioned events—the launching 
of the Soviet sputnik and the signing of the military chaplaincy agreement-
were partly responsible for the nature and intensity of the assault* The 
seal with which the East German Communists undertook their ideological 
battle found expression in a startling increase in atheistic publications. 
According to the best information available, only four books of a defi-
nitely anti-religious cast came off the presses in 1955! six additional 
books were printed in 1956 and 1957 respectively. The publication of this 
type of literature increased to twenty-one books in 1958. 
A lesser number of only eight new anti-religious titles were published 
in 1959, but by no means did this imply an attenuation of the ideological 
charge. In actuality the total volume of copies had greatly multiplied 
since seven of the twenty-one books published in 1953 and four of the books 
1 M J 2 5 8 , p. 199. 
277 
printed in previous years had been reedited for the third or fourth time 
by 1959. For instance, 280,000 copies of the booklet, The Sputnik and 
1 Dear God, came off the press in four successive editions in 1958* The 
2 
pamphlet, life After Death?, was reedited three times within the span 
of a year at a volume of 200,000 copies. The total number of each re-
edited book was somewhere between 100,000 and 200,000 copies. In 1959 
several writers worked on new atheistic books which were to be published 
at a later date—Goetz Gode was preparing for print an anti-clerical nov-
el, The Unholy Shabuoth: Gottfried Herold was working on a novel to show 
how the old religious "nonsense" was slowly but surely being pushed aside 
by Socialism! Inge von Wangeriheim was writing a novel in which two people 
in love were struggling with the question of whether a person could be a 
nuclear physicist without rejecting religion and embracing dialectical 
materialisms and Alex bedding was preparing a book designed particularly 
to help children, who attended both confirmation and youth dedication 3 
classes, make a decision for Communism. 
A. Literature 
In 1953 the publication enterprise in East Germany was placed under 
the direct control of the Ministry of Culture, which henceforth issued all 
licenses for the operation of publishing houses as well as for the 
^Rudolf Rochhausen, Der Sputnik und der liebe Gott. 4th ed. (Berlin: 
Dietz Verlag, 1958). 
%rnst Haeckel, Gibt es ein rfeiterleben nach dem Tod?. 3rd ed. 
(Berlin: Diets Verlan;, 1958). 
^The Roman Catholic Churoh. p. ^1. 
2?8 
production of books and pamphlets. Licenses were to be granted above all 
for the publication of that literature which would contribute most to the 
solution of the economic, political, and cultural problems of the country.* 
Of 117 existing publishing houses in 1955> 106 belonged to the 3SD or to 
one of the subsidiary organizations of the government, while only 11 re-
mained in private hands. About 6.1 per cent of all publications in 1955 
were handled by private book concerns and 93*9 P©r cent came from the 
2 
state-owned presses. By far the largest publishing house was the Dietz 
Verlag in East Berlin which was operated by the SED. The Society for the 
Dissemination of Scientific Knowledge and the Free German Youth had each 
one large book concern, the Urania Verlag in Leipzig-Jena and the Neues 
Leben Verlag in East Berlin. 
The publication houses operated by the church were compelled to merge 
into one single book concern, the Evangelischer Verlag, in East Berlin. 
The volume of church publications was drastically limited by a "paper 
shortage."*^ However, the production of Bibles fell into a different cate-
gory—under a separate agreement between church and state a limited number 
of Bibles were printed by the Altenburg Bible Society and by the Central 
Evangelical Bible Society. 
The same mendacious accusations and derisive cavils were repeated in 
all anti-religious books. The church was always depicted as an "antiquated 
Neues Deutschland. May 3t 1957* 
2S3Z von A bis Z, p. 328. 
3KJ 1959. p. 202. 
279 
institution of exploitation and superstition" while the party was pre-
sented as an "agency of enlightenment and progress." ,?Faith and stupidity, 
church, and inquisition, roll-ion and mysticism, clergy and hypocrisy, monk 
and quack, nun and cudgel woman—all this was to coalesce like poison in 
i 
a feeling of shudder and horror in people." Clandestine references were 
made to the backwardness of people who took religion seriously. The goal 
was to imbue people with a resentment against religion and to cause them 
to relinquish their church membership. Heligious faith was to be replaced 
by a feeling of pride in the achievements of Soviet science. By the same 
token the content of certain religious books in some localities was held 
up for public ridicule. In one instance a window display of "filthy and 
trashy" literature sponsored by political agents in Naumburg included 
copies of the Old Testament and pamphlets written by West German theolo-
gians.^ 
A cursory perusal of tho atheistic literature published between 195^ 
and 1960 will reveal the nature and scope of the ideological attack 
launched upon the church. In some of the books, the nature of religion 
is discussed only in general terms while the acceptance of atheism is urged 
upon people. In another category of literature, religion is dealt with 
from a pseudo-scientific point of view. Finally, in a third category of 
books, the integrity and character of certain church leaders come under 
the blatant attack of protagonists of Marxism. 
1 Hermann Hartung and Gottfried Paulsen, gas liest die Jugend der 
Sow.jetsone? (Bonn; Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1959), p» 69. 
%olberg, p. 253. 
1. The Nature of Religion 
Precisely 8,321 new book titles were published in 1956 in Bast Geav 
xaany; 985 of them were translations from the Russian and other Slavic lan-
i 
guages. It was not surprising then to find that several treatises on 
religion written by Soviet authors were translated into German. Foremost 
mention should be made of F. N. Oleschtschuk's delineation of Atheism. 2 
"which was originally written for the Large Soviet Russian Encyclopedia. 
He contended that atheism was not just a flaccid negation of a supreme 
being, but much rather an aggressive force which would overcome every 
"remnant of religious superstition.H Almost an identical definition of 
atheism was given by Zebenko in his work, Atheism of the French Materi-
alists in the 18th Century.-* Similar convictions were expressed in three 
other Russian translations, Religious Superstition and its Harm. The c 
Rise of Religion, and The Inception and Class Structure of Christian-
ity.^ As might be surmised from their titles, the Mevilh socio-economio 
aspect of religion constituted the main subject of analysis in these 
books• 
1SBZ von A bis Z, p. 328. 
% . N. Oleschtschuk, Atheisms (Berlins Diets Verlag, 19 5 5 ) • 
^M. D. Zebenko, Atheismus der franzoesisohen Hateriallsten im 
achtzehnten Jahrhundert (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1956). 
^P. PawjolMn, Der religjoese Aberglaube und sefoe Sohaedlichkeit 
(Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 195**)• 
^J. P. Franzew, Die Sntstehung der Religion (Leipzig-Jena: Urania 
Verlag, 1959). 
6A. P. Gagarin, Die Entstehung und der Klassencharakter des 
Christentums (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1955). 
281 
Another translation, Kolonlzki's Gommanist and Religious Morality* 
was published by the Communist Youth organization as an aid in the edu-
cation of the Sast German youth* The author's classical Marxist thesis 
that religious ethics furthered slavery and exploitation while Communist 
morals strengthened liberty and progress has already been noted previ-
ously. He insisted that the phenomenon of religion was the result of 
manfs utter helplessness in his struggle against the ruling classes. 
Kolonizki denied that religion ever served as the foundation of morality 
and asserted that it was the basis of immorality. "Religion,1* he de-
clared, 'is the fountainhead of hypocrisy and lies* Everything which 
religion preaches is consciously false and contains not even a small ker-
nel of truth." The "so-called holy gospel" represents simply an accumu-
lation of spurious stories and fairy tales which were invented to divert 
the thoughts of workers from the realities of this life to a "fantastic 
heavenly salvation with a mythical life after death." Such superstition, 
stated Kolonizki, could never be tolerated by the Comraxnist movement* 
The main aim of his booklet was to confront people with a new concept of 
morality: "Whatever serves the cause of the people, the interests in the 
liberation of laboring people, and the creation of the classless Communist 
society—that is unconditionally moral. In contrast . • . whatever impedes 
the battle of Comnunism—is unconditionally immoral." Kolonizki believed 
that this principle of morality enabled the Soviet man to become a fearless 
fighter on behalf of the new Communist society and a free master of his fate. 
^Kolonizki, p. 9* 
282 
The Communist concept of morality propounded by Kolonizki became one 
of the basic motifs which was used by Sast German writers and playwrights 
in their literary activities. It was set forth with particular eloquence 
In The Measure, a stage production by Bertolt Brecht, a noted Bast German 
playwright. 
Whoever fights for Coamnnisia 
Mist be able to fight and not to fight 
To tell the truth or not to tell the truth 
To render services and to deny services 
To keep promises and to break promises 
Sxpose himself to danger and to avoid danger 
To be known and to be unknown 
Whoever fights for Communism 
Has only a single virtue: . 
That he fight for Communism. 
The new Communist standards of morality were also used by poets as 
a means to justify the erection of the Berlin wall in 1961. Heinz 
Czechowski in his poem "The New Age" sought to provide such justification: 
The New Age 
Requires a new morality 
We work, plan, co-rule— 
Rulers without number. 
We build industrial combinations, 
Improve an improved world. 
vie ask for peace 
That what we build may abide. 
As long as on the other side 
No friendly state exists, 
We learn the building of a wall, 
But how to shoot as well. 
The classical teachings of Marxism on religion were compiled and 
*The Roman Catholic Churoh. p. 51* 
2?ressespiegel der Sowr1etzone. No. 16 (April 1962), p. 3. 
283 
published in two separate works, i-larx-Sngels on Religion* and Lenin on 
Religion* An up-to-date interpretation of these teachings was given by 
the aforesaid Scheler in his booklet, The Position of Karxisia-Ienlnism 
Towards Religion. In it Scheler analyzed the official position of i'arxism, 
and therefore of the 33D, towards the church in modem East Germany and 
towards every form of religious life. From the Supernatural to the Natu-
ral was the first book published in a new series entitled signposts to 
3 
Atheism. The Harxist interpretation of fifty metaphysical concepts such 
as "truth"soul," "freedom," and "righteousness" was given in this vol-
ume. A brief explanation about procedures to be followed in the abroga-
tion of ohurch membership was also included. The authors assured the 
readers that additional volumes of this series would soon be forthooidng. 
The nature of the Christian faith was scurriously assailed in an 
anthology of satirical essays and poems published under the title Secrets h, 
of Religion. The apparent purpose of this work was to befoul even the 
most sacred teachings of the Christian faith. The book also contained a one 
of the farcical reflections on religion written by suoh veil-known authors 
as j£axim Gorky, tfladin&r Kajakowski, Giovanni Di Boooaocio, Francisoo 
*Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Ueber die Religion (Berlin: Dieti 
Verlag, 1958). 
I. Lenin, Ueber die Religion. 4th ed. (Berlin: Diet* Verlag, 
1958). 
^Guenter Heyden, Karl Mollnau, and Horst Ulrloh, V£a Jenaeitg 
Diesselts (Leipzig-Jena: Urania Verlag, 1959). 
^Geheimnisse der Religion, ed. R. Hoffman, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Heues 
Leben, 1958). 
2m 
D© Goya, and Mark Twain, Another publication with the identical design 
was the book, In the Name of God.* The author expatiated with much overt 
glee and sarcasm upon every misdeed committed in the name of God through-
out history* Derisive references to religion were also quite common in 
history books written for the "average* reader. For Instance, a whole 
section of Chapter H of World History^ consisted of poems by Erich 
Weinert who was the leading propagandist of atheism in Germany during the 
Weimar Republic• In one of his poems, "The Fable on the Divine World 
Order," Weinert described a potter who was well off as long as he sold the 
pots by himself, but whose fate changed when he agreed to have another man 
sell the pots for him. 
And since what the pots had yielded 
Grew into abundance, the man took 
Two people into his house, who were not eager 
To work, and said to them: 
"You will be well off, if you serve me, 
You are my priest, and you my hangman! 
You have heard the complaints of the farmers 
That this kingdom was unjustly earned, 
And even the potter has lost his love for work. 
You, Priest, will have to find a Law for me 
Proving the order I introduced 
Was made by God; and all disobedience 
Will invoke punishment by the Almighty. 
And you, my Hangman, shall be his companion 
Wherever he preaches. And whenever 
A grumble emerges, threaten with the sword!" 
The Landlord took land, and cattle, and cabins, 
And forced into servitude those becoming poor. 
And when they gathered to deliberate 
Th© Priest appeared and warned them 
Of resistance against the order of God. 
^Im Namen Gottes. ed. G. Heyden and H. Ulrlch (Berlin: Neues Leben, 
1959). 
^Kapitel H der Weltgeschiohte (Berlin: Diets Verlag, 195*0• 
285 
The socio-economic position of womanhood in the Christian religion 
4 
came under scrutiny in a book entitled Woman and Religion. According 
to the author, women had always been enslaved by the church, the Bible 
fostered polygamy and approved of harems, and the sexual exploitation and 
misuse of women by "pioust! men was nonchalantly tolerated or even encour-
aged. Throughout ages the church insisted that women should perform 
three tasks £ work in th© kitchen, pray in the church, and bear children. 
Communism changed the status of women and liberated them from this yoke. 
The bookfs content was vividly summarized on the front cover by a pic-
ture which depicted a Christian woman as a withered nun and a Communist 
woman as a young, fecund female blooming with health and happiness. 
Some polemical literature, which was written by deceased material-
istic thinkers, was published in new editions. For instance, selected 
writings of Ludwig Feuerbach, one of the leading materialistic philos-
ophers of the nineteenth century, were reedited and published under the 
titles Han Created God in His Image2 and The Nature of Christianity.^ 
Ernst Haeckel,s influential brochure, Life After Death?, was reissued 
three times in 1958. Haeckel, an eminent natural scientist, had sought 
to prove the irrationality of the belief that a corporeal being such as 
man should be endowed with an incorporeal substance such as a soul. 
%arl-Heinz Jesoer, Frau und Religion (Leipzig-Jena: Urania Verlag, 1959). 
^Ludwig Feuerbach, Der Mensch schuf Gott nach selnem Bilde. ed. 
Werner Schuffenhauer (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958). 
^Ludwig Feuerbach, Das We sen des Christentums. ed. Werner S chuffen-
hauer (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1956). 
286 
Even though some of his ethnological theories were completely overshadowed 
by the research of the last fifty years, Haeckelfs writings were reprinted 
without any comment in an obvious attempt to make capital of his famous 
name. The literary legacy of August Bebel, one of the earliest Marxist 
leaders in Germany, was also republished in several editions under the 
"title Is Relipjon Necessary for People?.* 
2. Soviet Science and Religion 
In a number of books and articles the Christian faith was attacked 
from the vantage point of Soviet science. The "pseudo-scientific" litera-
ture evidenced the convictions of the authors that religion would soon 
wither away and that the future belonged to Soviet man. One of the books, 
2 
Scientific Prediction—Religious Prejudice. was a case in point. Gurjew, 
its Soviet Russian author, asserted that faith in a supernatural being is 
actually harmful to man because it keeps him from developing his innate 
capacity for self-reliance and that miracles and prophecies originated 
through Ignorance or deception. Only Soviet knowledge, based on scientific 
social and natural laws, enables man to predict the future; scientific 
action by human beings rather than blind faith in supernatural beings will 
give rise to a new and bright world. In bourgeois society, Gurjew ob-
served, religion is a necessary evil which would be overcome with the defeat 
of capitalism. "In Socialist society, where exploitation of man by man is 
1 August Bebel, 1st die Religion fuer das Volk Woetig?. 2nd ed. 
(Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 195877 
2G. A. Gurjew, Wlssenschaftliohe Voraussicht—Religjoeses Vorurteil. 
2nd and shortened ed. (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958)* 
295 
non-end stent and everyone is assured of a happy future, the reason for 
the existence of superstition is removed*"* The same line of reasoning 
was followed, by other Soviet scientists in their works entitled Nature-
Man-Relifdon^ and The LVth of tlie 'oceul*? both of which were translated 
into German. In another book, Natural Science and Religion.** a survey of 
h istory was made to ascertain the nature of religious opposition to the 
development of natural science* The author concluded that Soviet science 
was the most advanced form of natural scientific knowledge, and since 
r e l i g i o u s faith and natural science were diametrically opposed to each 
other , the Christian religion would wane to the point of extinction while 
Soviet science would rise to unprecedented heights. In a work entitled 
I s the Bible Valid?, an attempt was made superciliously to refute the 
h i s t o r i c a l credibility of Biblical narrations and to prove that the Scrip-
tures had always been a major hindrance to progress. Similar efforts 
£ 
were made in the booklet Faith or Knowledge?. 
Some writers employed biological data in order to disparage certain 
* I b i d . , p. 91. 
2B. M. Kedroar, et al.« Natur-Mensch-Religlon (Berlin: Verlag des 
Ministeriums fuer Nationals Verteidigung, 1958)• 
^D. A. Birjukow, Der Ifrthos von der Seele (Leipzig-Jena: Urania 
Verlag, 1959). 
^Olof KLofcr, Naturwissensohaft und Religion (Berlin: Dietz Verlag , 
1958). 
%einrich Fuchz, Hat die Bibel Recht?, 3rd ed. (Leipzig-Jena: Urania 
Verlag, 1958). 
^Herbert Gute, Glauben oder Wissen (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958). 
288 
religious tenets. In the treatise, How life Originated on Earth.* the 
Darwinian theory of evolution was set forth as an undisputable scientific 
fact. No acknowledgment was made by the author of the fact that Darwin-
ianism is merely one of several "theories" by whioh an attempt is made to 
explain the riddle of life and the universe; the Biblical account of the 
origin of life was given no hearing. The thrust of the Darwinian theory 
2 
was also used in another booklet, Man Created by God?, in whioh the 
author ridiculed the Biblical account of creation. The tenor of the 
"scientific" methodology found in that booklet was vividly revealed on the 
cover picture where the "Creator" was depicted as an aged and stooped 
grandfather with a long beard and bald head. Caught up in the business 
of creating man, God holds a needle and measuring tab in His hands and 
a human skeleton partly covered with red flesh stands before Him on a 
chair. Pieces of human integument are sewn to the raw flesh by th© "Crea-
tor" and half-naked little angels with wings are seated on the ground, 
cutting pieces of human skin with huge scissors for the human skeleton. 
Another bewinged angel engages In the business of ironing out some wrin-
kles from a huge bale of integument. This brief description of the cover 
picture will suffice to reveal something about the "scientific" nature of 
that booklet, which through repeated printings attained the level of 
150,000 copies within a few months after its publication. 
^Jacob Segal, WIe das Leben anf der Erde entstand. 3rd ed. (Berlin: 
Di©tz Verlag, 1958)., 
^Guenter Ostmann and Harald Wessel, 1st der Mensch von Gott 
erschaffen? (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958). 
289 
Th© successful launching of the Soviet sputnik on October 1957, 
inspired some writers to contemplate the nature of religion from yet 
another "scientific1' point of view. The line of reasoning followed by-
most authors of the "sputnik literature" was usually identical; possibly 
the only variation was in the degree of sarcasm expressed in their book-
lets. The logic of such a brochure as Holy Heaven—Unholy Rockets* was 
typicals since the sputniks were unable to find any trace of God in the 
universe, he is non-existent. The author of the pamphlet, No Room for 
2 
God in the Universe, manifested the same conviction. In the booklet, 
The Sputnik and Dear God, the author stated in biting language; trIt is 
peculiar that dear God should permit those to penetrate into the universe 
who do not believe in Him, namely, the godless Comrcunists. His faithful 
shepherds spend much tine in fervent prayer, but aside from that they are 
unable to do anything but to send to heaven the odious stench of rockets 
exploding in utter failure. 
3. The Evangelical Church 
The ideological Communist attack upon the religious community in East 
Germany was focused especially on Bishop Dibelius. The editors of Neues 
Deutschland. the official organ of the SED, published in I960 a 
^Guenter Heyden and Horst Ulrich, Heilige Hlmmel—Unheilirr& Raketen 
( Leipzig-Jenas Urania Verlag, 1958). 
^Herbert Pfaffe and Karl-Heinz Haumann, Kein Platz fuer Gott 1m 
Weltall (Berlins Dietz Verlag, 1958). 
3 jRochhausen, p. 3* 
290 
"documentation" entitled Hero Speaks Dibelius.* Excerpts from his speeches 
and sermons taken out of context wore reproduced in that book, surrepti-
tiously interspersed with statements and pictures of leading Nazis of the 
former Third Reich. Some of Hitler*s utterances were used as a basis for 
interpreting Dibelius* horailios• With unfailing regularity the editors 
reiterated the charge that Dibelius was in collusion with the American 
imperialists just as he formerly was in collusion "with the Nazi regime. 
A summary statement read that "in word and deed Otto Dibelius misused his 
authority in the church • . . he supported politics of war and of German 
militarism • . • he prepared the way for the Third Reich • . . he justi-
fied the persecution of Jews in the Third Reich . . . he now defends an 
atomic war, the spread of an ideology of revenge, and a propaganda of 
hatred against the East."2 In order to support their claims with "co-
gent evidence," the editors introduced two pictures showing Dibelius in 
the company of Nazi leaders. The first picture was taken on March 21, 
1933$ when Dibelius and other clergymen greeted Paul von Hindenburg, who 
was then president of the Weimar Republic, in front of the Nikolai church 
3 
at Potsdam before a worship service, and the second picture depicted 
"Dibelius11 sitting in the chancel of the Garrison Church at Potsdam during 
an official ceremony at which both von Hindenlmrg and Hitler were the 
speakers. These pictures were to prove beyond a shadow of doubt that 
%ier ffpricht Dibolius--Sine Dokuraentation. ed. Nemos Deutschland 
(Berlins Ruetten & Loenlng, I960)1.' 
%bid.« pp. 130-135. 
3lbld., pp. 65, 73-
291 
Dibelius had indeed collaborated with the Nazis. A copy of Here Speaks 
Dibelius was sent to every clergyman in East Germany as a complimentary 
gift from the editors of Ileues Deutschland. 
In defense against those charges Dibelius retorted in his autobiog-
raphy that ills record under the Nazis spoke for itself. He was deposed 
from his church post as superintendent-general of the Kurmark in 1937 
by Nazi authorities and later stripped of every vestige of ecclesiastical 
authority because he had dared to uphold the freedom of the church,s con-
science under tlxe totalitarian government. He was affiliated with the 
Freiburg group which plotted the overthrow of Hitler—most members of 
that group were put to death after the unsuccessful attempt on Hitlerfs 
life by Goerdeler in August, 19*l4. Finally, at the risk of their own per-
sonal safety, Dibelius and his wife harbored Jewish people in their home 
to the very end of World War U . * With this in mind Dibelius wrote Hit 
was not altogether easy to get the congregations of my diocese to believe 
this [the Communist charges], for everyone knew how I had fared under Na-
tional Socialist rule."2 Regarding the photograph showing him and von 
Hindenburg in front of the Nikolai church, Dibelius declared "what the 
picture shoired was an elementary act of courtesy which is performed as a 
matter of course all over the world when the head of state takes part in 
a solemn service. This picture could hardly be interpreted as evidence 
of National Socialist leaningsConcerning the second pictorial print, 
^Dibelius, In the Service of the Lord, p. 166. 
2Ibid., 210. 
3lbid.. p. 210. 
292 
Bishop Dibelius averred that ,fthis picture showed a gowned clergyman 
sitting in the chancel behind Hitler. It was asserted that I was the 
clergyman, although it was plain at a glance that I was not present. It 
was pure fakery."^ 
2 
The author of another booklet, Cross and Federal Ea^le. dubbed 
Dibelius as the "Atom-Bishop," a villainous American warmonger blessing 
the atomic arsenals of the tfest. The author noted that even though it 
appeared that Dibelius was an "incorrigible fascist," the church as a 
whole need not fallow in the footsteps of the "Atom-Bishop*—the door to 
the World Peace Movement was open to the church and the community of 
believers was welcome to join forces with the German Democratic Republic 
to strive side by side for lasting peace and a better world for all 
people. 
In his autobiography Dibelius had the following comments to make 
about the often-repeated charges, such as was made in Cross and Federal 
Sarele. that he endorsed the possession and use of atomic weapons by the 
Wests 
Two years after the Evans ton conference [jl.95*31 It was suddenly 
alleged that I had said, at the conference, that the atomic bomb 
was really not so bad after all; it simply sent 100,000 people to 
heaven more speedily than usuall It was Impossible to find anyone 
who had actually heard such a statement with his own ears. On the 
other hand, those who had been at Evans ton stated one after the other 
that they had never heard me say any such thing. Nevertheless, the 
statement was reiterated in schools, at all Communist meetings, in 
all newspapers, for years on end. I kept receiving letters from 
1Ibjfl.« pp. 210-211. 
2Harald Vessel, Ireuz und Bundesadler (Berlins Dietz Verlag, 1958). 
293 
pastors saying that thero was talk of it in the congregations, and 
was there any truth in it? In the streets of East Berlin, along the 
autobahn and in riany other places, huge billboards showed the "Atom-
Bishop" with appropriate captions. When one of our leading clergy 
had it out with the Secretary of State for Church Affairs, saying that 
the authorities knew perfectly well that the story was pure invention, 
he was told-; "If it is against Bishop Dibelius, then any stick will 
do!"1 
In 1959 the central comriittee of the SED commissioned the writing of 
a book entitled rhilosophy of Clime. In it the church and her shepherds 
were assailed with a verbiage of abusive language. The specific charge 
brought against the church was that she had consistently contributed to 
the development of German militarism. Starting at a very tender age the 
church would teach children to hate the East and later she would provide 
for them a theological rationale whereby they would readily accept atomic 
weapons from the United States. Thus the church was in reality not teach-
ing a theology of God but a philosophy of crime. 
A somewhat similar accusation was hurled against the Evangelical ac-
ademies in a book called The Crusade of the Evangelical Academies Against 
3 
Marxism. The academies were said to break the proletarian will for rev-
olution in the Western hemisphere by rendering a false interpretation of 
Marxism to the labeling people and by applying the Christian faith to the 
daily life of the masses. 
Dibelius, In the Service of the Lord, p. 211. 
^Guenter Heyden, et al.« rhilosophie des Verbrechens (Berlin: VEB 
Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1959) • 
^Dieter Bergner and Wolfgang Jahn, Der Kreuzzug der evangelisohen 
Akademen y&rm den llarxismus (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, i960). 
302 
The Roman Catholic Church 
Although constituting a minority group In East Germany, Roman Cathol-
icism did not escape the scathing ideological attack upon religion. In 
one publication, The Vatican and flfeo-Fascism, the "dictatorial" hierarchy 
of the papal see was compared to that of the Nazi regime. The same posi-
tion was set forth in the work, The Criminal Record of Political Cathol-
2 
icism. when the author suggested that Roman Catholicism had always favored 
fascism because the pope was usually able to procure special privileges 
for his church from Nazi dictators. The present aim of the papal see was 
to Catholicize the United States with the greatest speed possible, changing 
it into a neo-fascist country. The author concluded that as a radical 
rightist bastion, the pope would then be able to deploy America against 
the Communist bloc. The "infamous" role of the Roman Catholic church in 
"furthering" the military objectives of the Nazi regime during World tfar 
II 
was the subject of analysis in a book entitled The Vatican in World 
War II.3 Certain Roman Catholic practices were accorded an uncommonly vulgar treatment by some writers• For instance, one author devoted his whole 
k 
book, The Holy Robe of Trier, to a discussion of the "utter absurdity" 
of a Catholic practice such as the veneration of relics. One of the 
*Ali^hierdo Tondi, Vatlkan und Neofaschismus. 5th ed. (Berlin: Dietz 
Verlag, 1959). 
%arl A. Mollnau, Aus dem Schuldbuoh des politischen Katholizisrnus 
(Berlins Dietz Verlag, 19557. 
M. Scheinemann, Der Vatikan im zweiten Weltkrieg (Berlin: Diits 
Verlag, 1956). 
Zschaebitz, Der Heilige Rook von Trier (Leipzig-Jena: Urania 
Verlag, 1959). 
295 
authoritative publications on philosophy in East Germany entitled 
1 
Jesuits—God—;:Matter was written by Professor Georg Klaus* The thrust 
of Klausf work was directed against the theological position propounded 
"by the well-known Jesuit scholar Gustav A. Wetter, The preface and con-
cluding remarks in particular were of a primitive and scurrilous natures 
Klaus opined that "the Jesuits have inherited nothing from the apostles 
but the purse and the kiss of Judas" and that Wetter had many things in 
common with the "infamous American warmonger J. F. Dulles." 
5. Anti-Re linious Novels 
The ideological campaign to undermine the religious faith of people 
•was carried out not only through "scientific-political" literature but 
also through the subtle use of fiction. A number of novels published in 
recent years with a definite anti-religious innuendo were written espe-
cially for children and youth. The plot which novelists often used either 
revealed the cruelty of religious fanatics to hapless young people or it 
depicted the uncanny support given by evil pastors and priests to de-
bauched bourgeois people. The obvious purpose of the stories was to win 
the sympathy of youth for the Communist oause and simultaneously to instill 
in them a deep dislike for the church. 
2 
A novel by Edwin Strittmatter called The Miracle-Maker was published 
with the purpose of unmasking the "fraudulent" character of religious 
miracles. It became the book of the month among the Free German Youth in 
1Georg Klaus, Jesuiten—Gott—Materie (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1957). 
^Erwin Strittmatter, Der Wondermaoher (Berlins Aufbau-Verlag, 1957). 
296 
1953. In on© of the scenes Stanislaus, one of the heroes of the story, 
a young schoolboy who already had his own naive bat clever thoughts 
about religion, related during a class session his own interpretation of 
the miracle of the raising of the young man at Nain.1 
Stanislaus tells the story about the young man of Main. The 
children began to pay attention. ". • . When he QjhrisiD cane to 
the gate of the city, behold a corpse was carried out. He was a 
youth. He had a mother and was her only son. His mother was at 
work. The son had stolen into the cellar, and there he found the 
preserves. So he started refreshing himself.*1 The class laughed 
• . . 
"He ate until he had devoured all. Then he got a belly-ache, 
and he was overcome with grief: fHeavens, what will my mother say 
when she comes home from work!* And his belly ached more and more, 
and he laid down on the sofa. When his mother came, he pretended to 
be dead." The children giggled . . . 
"The mother moaned: ,0h God, oh God, my dear son is dead.1 
The cellar would have revealed why he was dead." 
Mow the class began to get excited . . . Stanislaus continued 
his story: "When the Lord saw the corpse, he smelled the rat. 
He saw the boyfs blueberry snout and tickled him. The lord said 
to the mother; fBehold, woman, your son has a little belly-ache. 
I fancy, he has gobbled up your preserves.*" 
IIow the tumult becomes such that the teacher enters the room. 
He makes Stanislaus tell his story once more. 
Tills time the story had one more modification. Before his 
mother came, the youth smeared his face with chalk. He wanted to 
look genuinely dead. 
•Several writers sought to portray in their novels the struggle of 
the proletariat against bourgeois clericalism. Hans Maassen, a winner 
of the East German "Heinrich-Mann Literary Prize," depicted in his 
2 
Mass of Barcelo the tremendous accumulation of wealth by Jesuits in 
Spain and their approval of unjust social conditions at the end of the 
^Luke 7s11-17• 
%ans Maassen, Die Messe des Barcelo (Halle: Mitteldeutscher 
Verlag, 1956). 
297 
Spanish civil war. According to Maassen, the archbishop of Valencia was 
In the church after the upheavals of the civil war* Haas sen showed how 
a miracle was "fabricated" by the church so that people would again clinp 
4 
to the priests and bishops. A book by Jan Griwa, Beyond the Pyrenees. 
also had as its setting the civil war in Spain. It described the "sinister 
and evil machinations" which priests employed in order to keep their Cath-
olic people from joining the Communist side during the civil war. Ac-
cording to Griwa, the padres of Spain did not hesitate to kill their own 
parishioners , in order to prevent them from joining forces with the COHV-2 
raunist "liberators." The novel, The Crime of Pater Aaaro. sought to por-
tray the "clerical tyranny" which the Roman Catholic church exercised over 3 
the common people in Portugal. In his children's novel, Trini. Ludwig 
Renn colorfully depicted the powerful alliance between the clergy and 
reactionary landowners in Mexico against the poor and exploited peasants 
and farm hands. 'Whenever the village padre entered a hut of his peons 
he instinctively held his nose since the stench of the people's disease 
was so nauseating. For this work Renn received the East German "National 
literature I-rize." In Philip Bonosky's boys* novel, He Wished to be a k 
Saint, a young clergyman from a "good bourgeois" family sprinkles the poor 
people fs church with perfume each time he enters the sanctuary for worship 
. - £ 
Ijan Griwa, tJber don iyrenaen (Berlin: Verlag des MLidsteriums 
fuer Mationale Verteidigung, 1957)* 
2Eca de Queiros, Das Verbrechen des Paters Amaro (Berlin: Aufbau-
Verlag, 195&). 
^Ludwig Renn, Trini (Berlin: Kinderbuoh Verlag, 1956). 
^Philip Bonosky, Er wollte ein Heillfter sein (Berlin: Verlag Volk 
und Welt, 1955). 
298 
4 
services, /mother fictional story, castor lohkamp* deals with the 
churchfs support of rising capitalists and clerical condemnation of the ' 
laboring people during the industrial revolution in Germany. The same 
2 
theme was also used in the novels, The Heretic of Itemburg. and The 
Brother of the j&ecutioner.^ 
Another favorite theme of East German novelists was that of the al-
leged mistreatment of children and youth in Christian institutions. The 
story of a young boy growing up in a Roman Catholic orphanage was related 
in the book, In the Shadow of the Cross Old nuns demanded unconditional 
obedience from the unfortunate orphans on whom no love was wasted and the 
poor children were taught the extrinsic value of deception and fraud. The 
young boy finally managed to escape from the orphanage and later came to 
accept Communist ideals, leaving behind the "evil35 influences of religion 
once and for all. Quite a similar plot served as the basis for the novw 5 
el, The Wooden Rosary. Young girls were kept locked up like prisoners 
in a filthy Catholic orphanage where they gained an intimate knowledge 
of the impure desires and devious sexual life of their supervising nuns. 
%Ielmut Rohlfs, starrer Lohkamp (Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 
1955). 
%osemarie Schuders, Der Ketger von Naumburp: (Halle: Mittel-
deutscher Verlag, n.d.). 
%anna-lleide ICrazo, Pes Henkers Bruder (Halle: Mitteldeutscher 
Verlag, n.d.). 
^Burkhard Homolla, Jm Sohatten des Kreuzes. 2nd ed. (Berlin: 
Verlag Neues Leben, 1956). 
%atalia Rolleczek, Per hoelgeme Rosenkranz (Berlin: Verlag Neues 
Leben, 1956). 
299 
Th© orphaned girls were daily beaten with wooden rosaries whioh were 
otherwise used by the nuns for meditation and prayer. In his travelogue, 
1 
The Transformed Dragon. Arthur lundquist, a Swedish winner of the "Lenin 
Prize," observed that the Roman Catholics orphanages in China were "insti-
tutions of terror." In defending Mao Tse-tung's religious persecutions, 
Lundquist described among other things the alleged living conditions of 
the children in those orphanages. 
Clothed in rags and nourished with garbage, five-year olds had 
to work at hard labor at least eleven hours a day. Girls reaohing 
the age of seventeen were sold for fifty silver dollars as concubines 
and working slaves to anyone, not infrequently to sickly, senile men, 
sadists, and syphilitics. Each day, a certain amount of work was 
required, and whoever did not fulfill his quota was pushed. They 
had to kneel on stone floors for hours, were confined to dark rooms, 
and were struck on their named bodies. Diseases were not treated. 
Clergymen were presented in Communist fictions as incorrigible 
drunkards, sexual perverts, spineless neurotics, and selfish debauchees* 
The intention of the novelists was apparently to "hit the reader hard 
between his eyes" through mere shock and to undermine his confidence in 
the clergy. In Strittmatter's The Miracle-Maker young and Innocent 
Stanislaus, while hospitalized, came to believe In the kindness and purity 
of a nun until another patient in a neighboring bed disil lusioned him by 
saying: "Holy? But you should see her stare at ny genitals whenever she 
makes my bed." A classical example of this type of literature was Denis 
2 Diderot's Nun. Written about 150 years ago, this novel was translated 
1 Arthur Lundquist, Der ftsrwandelte Drachen (Leipzig: V.E.B. Brock-
haus Verlag, 1956). 
^Denis Diderot, Monne (Berlin: Volk und Welt Verlag, 1956). 
JV<J 
for the first time in 1956 into German and published in the German Demo-
or a tic Republic. The book jacket furnished by the publishing house, Volk 
und Welt, reads 
Here we experience the struggle of Suzanne, -who, by being ex-
posed to the sadism and pious injustices of nuns, is offered as a 
sacrifice for her mother*s premarital sins. Finally she comes into 
the monastery which is a Lesbian Eldorado where reception into the 
nuns* community consists of an attempted seduction by the mother 
superior. 
Ethel Lilian Voynich treated the familiar theme of clerical immo-
rality from a startlingly new angle. In The Cardinal*s Son a high-ranking 
Roman Catholic clergyman actually managed to become a "redeemed and decent" 
sort of human being because he separated himself from the church. Inter-
ested in the welfare of humanity, the cardinal* s life was spotted by only 
on© dark blot dating back to his youth, an illegitimate son. Believed 
to be dead, the son suddenly emerged as a revolutionary in the Vatican 
state in 1848. Placed under arrest and awaiting death by execution, the 
son finally confronted his father, the cardinal. How the son said: "I 
don*t want any more compromises, Padre . . . you must choose between the 
two of us. Do you want to offer me part of your love, one part for me, 
th© other for your Devil of a God? I don#t want the crumbs falling from 
his table. If you belong to him, you can*t belong to me.M Voynich drew 
th© ultimate conclusion of atheistic propaganda that if the "decent" 
padre was logical, he had to secede from God. The son continued, "What 
do you have to do with this dead world of priests and idols? They are 
covered by the dust of centuries, and corrupt, they*re rotten and false! 
%thel Lilian Voynich, Der 5ohn des Kardinals (Berlin: Verlag 
Neues Leben, 1957)* 
301 
Leave this church inflicted with plague—flee with us towards the light! 
Padret we are the life and the Xoutht" Iftth these "heroic" statements 
the son suffered a martyr's death because the weal: cardinal was still un-
able to make a decision for apostasy and flight. The weight of guilt 
almost drove the cardinal insane; with terrible blasphemies during a 
Corpus Christ! procession, he tossed the host away. A short while later 
the cardinal died as a "new" human being, but not without an intimation 
that the agents of the people had murdered him out of revenge. This novel 
was first published in 1897, readied ninety editions in the Soviet Union, 
and sold almost one million copies in China alone. It was translated 
into German and published in 1957 in the German Democratic Republic. 
The alleged subversive and sinister role played by clergyman as spies 
and warmongers, brought out so starkly in Here Speaks Dibelius. was used 
as the basis for clerical intrigue and cabale in several Communist novels. 
The novel, The Father's Doves.1 was a good example of this type of liter-
ature. In this work the author described how a priest misused the Roman 
Catholic confessional for espionage purposes and with his priestly bless-
ings actually drove the crew of a submarine to death. This work of fic-
tion was given an air of factual reporting; the place of this "event" was 
said to be Ostende during World VJar I. Even thou^i a Flemish journalist 
proved in detail that the author's account was of a purely fictional 
nature, some newspapers in East Germany published the story as if it had 
\illi Bredel, Des Vaters Tauben (Berlin; Verlag des Mnisteriums 
ruer National© Verteidigung, 1959 h 
302 
been an actual event* The author himself never took a stand on this 
issue 
In the light of the foregoing perusal of anti-religious literature, 
it is evident that the propagation of atheism in the form of literature 
has been energetically carried on in Bast Germany since 1957. I4any of 
these anti-religious books were reedited several times. The professed 
goal was to imbue people with atheistic convictions and to cause them to 
sever their relations with the community of Christian believers. 
B. The ifedia of Journalism and Broadcasting 
All newspapers in the German Democratic Republic were placed under 
the stringent censorship of the government press agenoy. Watchful po-
litical surveillance was kept not only over the secular press, but over 
religious periodicals as well. Already in 1951 the government made it 
quite clear that the avowed goal and purpose of the newspaper was "to 
educate the working masses, to strengthen their political consciousness, 
and to lead them to revolutionary action."2 In the hands of the SED the 
press proved to be a powerful tool for the political reorientation of the 
East Germans. Later it was used as one of the most effective means for 
the dissemination of atheistic knowledge. 
About ^00 magazines, 35 weekly periodicals, and kO daily newspapers 
were published in Bast Germany. Although the circulation of the 40 daily 
The Roman Catholic Church» p. 5°* 
%euer Meg. March 1951* p. 19. 
303 
i 
papers was kept secret, it was estimated at 4' million copies. Approx-
imately 60 per cent of that total circulation were papers, 20 per cent 
were papers of Communist labor unions and of th© Free German Youth, and 
the remaining 20 per cent represented papers of various subsidiary polit-
ical organizations and parties. Obviously, the p?«.p«r with the widest 
circulation was the official organ of the SED, Neues Deutschland* In 
addition, the SSD also had one paper in each of the five Sast German prov-
inces. 
Two popular papers, the Berliner £eltunff and the Berliner Abend-
zeitung. also enjoyed a tilde circulation. Hermann Leupold, the editor, 
imitated Western papers by using color headlines and eye-catching typo-
graphical and pictorial effects, but in content he followed the SED line. 
Another influential paper was Die Taesliohe Rundschau, issued by the 
Soviet occupation force. Die Jun^e Welt was the mouthpiece of the Free 
German Youth. Editorials and news releases in all papers wore structured 
after those iii Neues Deutschland. although in theory a few newspapers 
were to reflect the sentiments of certain "political minority groups." 
For instance, Die Jeue Salt was to represent the views of the Christian 
Democratic Union and Der T-torgen those of the liberal democrats or "bour-
geois** people. 
Of the eight territorial churches in East Germany with a combined 
membership of almost 15 million people in 1950, only four were permitted 
to publish a periodical and their total circulation outside Berlin 
%B2 von A bis Z, p. 
304 
i was limited to 65,000 weekly copies. licenses were also granted to the 
ohurch for the publication of another half-dozen religious periodicals, 
including one for youth, one for theological studies, and one for reli-
gious education | the total circulation of these six papers was limited to 
60,000 biweekly copies. Dibelius was granted a joint Russian and American 
license for a periodical, Die Kirohe a but this paper could be distributed 
only in Berlin and the circulation could not exceed 60,000 copies. Roman 
Catholics were without any religious paper until 1951 when they secured 
permission to publish a biweekly periodical with an allocation of 100,000 
copies Thus in 1951 the total circulation of all ohurch papers combined 
was around 285,000 copies issued on a weekly and biweekly basis. Even 
though a few more periodicals published in West Germany were received by 
East German parishioners via mail, it has been estimated that three times 
as many religious papers would hardly have sufficed to meet the barest 
h, , needs of the church in East Germany. By way of contrast, the 25 million 
Protestant ohurch members in West Germany received 4 million weekly and 
biweekly church papers. 
A number of parishes were fortunate in obtaining a license for the 
publication of a monthly congregational newsletter, but detailed 
^Solberg, p. 88. 
2Ibid.. p. 88. 
%bid., p. 88. 
4KJ 1956. p. 165. 
5KJ 1950. p. 453. 
305 
regulations affected tlie form and content of even this publication* The 
government specified that the only items allowed to be printed were two 
Bible verses- a iiyrjn stanza, the ministerial acts, and announcements per-
taining to the worship services and congregational meetings. Brief devo-
tional messages by the pastor or Bible commentaries} even if only a sen-
tence long, proved to be sufficient reason for the revocation of the 
license. 
The distribution of church periodicals was impeded by strict cen-
sorship, thus curtailing the freedom of religious expression. At times 
some issues of the periodicals did not pass the scrutiny of political 
censors and consequently were confiscated by the state. As an illustra-
tion, three editions of the Froehliche Botschaft were seized within a 
single month in 1953 on the grounds that certain statements were critical 
of the government.1 The edition of Der Sonntag published on November 30, 
195^, was confiscated because it contained the following words: "If one 
no longer believes in God, a substitute must be provided, because it is 
necessary to have some sovereign power for the prevention of complete 
chaos. Such a substitute may be found in Ideologies, in propaganda de-
vices, and finally, in force."2 The censor claimed that this sentence 
disparaged the Bast German government by implying that it was based oh 
a r b i t r a r y force. Several editions of Die Kirche were also seized by the 
3 state. On December 11, 1955, it featured an article appropriate for the 
1HJ25£> p. 165. 
%er Sonntag. November 30, 195^* 
3KJ 1956. p. 165. 
306 
Advent season on the subject of the "last judgment;M attention was called 
to the great interest shown by people In court trials and judgments of 
all sorts. Whatever night be the ultimate outcome of these trials* the 
author noted, whether just or unjust, it would be well to remember that 
God Himself would render the final verdict at the "last judgment." The 
censors declared that tills article was discriminatory in nature and that 
it represented a reproach against the administration of justice in East 
Germany. Of course, the entire issue was then seized by the state. In 
1953 two West German church periodicals, which had previously been per-
mitted to enter East Germany by mail, were stricken from the post of-
fice fs list. One of the papers outlawed in this arbitrary fashion was 
the Evan.^elis ch-Lutherische Kirchenzeitung* the official organ of German 
lutheranism, and the other was the churchfs welfare journal, the Innere 
•Mission. 
The distribution of church periodicals became even more difficult 
when on June 9, 1955, the government decreed an "Order for the Distri-
bution of Democratic .ubli cations." The new mandate kept bookstores and 
newspaper stands from selling religious periodicals; ohurch papers hence-
forth could be obtained only on an individual subscription basis via mail 
directly from the publishing house. In order to save in postage and to 
ensure a wide distribution of papers in the parish, the church had fol-
lowed the practice of sending religious periodicals In bulk to the pas-
tors. Now this practice too was prohibited by order from the government. 
A clergyman could now receive no more than four copies of a given paper 
307 
i 
or, in an unusually large parish, a maximum of ten oopies • Clergymen 
suspected that the aain, purpose of this new regulation was to enable postal 
employees to provide the government with a list of th® most faithful oliuroh 
members in each parish. The avenue of diffusing religious knowledge 
through tho press was almost completely closed to tho church while at the 
same tine atheistic propaganda campaigns were rampant. Moreover, when 
unbridled attacks were made upon the Christian faith in the SED press, 
there was no way for the church to reply. 
The only church journal exempted from this rigid new rule was the 
Theolordsche literaturzeitung which was classified as a professional jour-
nal with little ideological*' content—its direct sale by bookstores and 
magazine kiosks could continue. By way of comparison, the clergy in West 
Germany at that tine had access not merely to one, but to 646 professional 
2 magazines. 
Coirjoentaries and articles on religious life in Bast Germany were 
often printed in SSD newspapers, although they were usually unfavorable. 
One of the accepted editorial policies was to encourage people to send 
letters critical of religion to their newspaper offices for publication. 
Some people apparently responded, for invariably newspapers carried some 
comments by readers derisive of the church. 
Some editors published in their newspapers lengthy anti-religious 
stories in serial form. For instance, in the early part of 1959 the 
1KJ 1956. p. 166. 
23B2 von A bis Z, p. 359. 
308 
story 9 The jieavonly Ifalu. by the Soviet Russian A. Saparin appeared in 
Die Jun?:e h/elt. In this serial Communist scientists landed in a space-
ship on Venus and found the inhabitants living in the stone age period 
when their religious consciousness was just beginning to develop. The 
reader was then shown by the example of the indigenous people of Venus 
how his oxm religious history supposedly had developed, namely, how a be-
lief in God had r:rown out of man's ignorance of nature and fear of the 
elements. Saparin concluded in the final installment that it will be only 
a question of time and enlightenment before .man's belief in God will dis-
appear 5 just as with time and. knowledge the superstitions of the people 
of Venus will disappear. Other serialized anti-religious novels were 
iiirt-jin Strittmatter's The Mracle-Maker and Willi Bredel's The Father's 
i MnwinjiwiwiMip wiwrr —r Tnwn www mmmuimmmMm mirn$mmmmmmm 
Doves. 
Religious news releases in newspapers and magazines covered a wide 
range of topics, touching on such varied events as a visit by Billy 
Graham to West Berlin, the formation of the League of Evangelical Clergy-
men, or the "espionage activities" of the church's Xcrung Congregation. 
A news coverage of Billy Graham's evangelistic crusade in West Berlin 
will serve as an illustration of the kind of reporting on religious events 
found in those newspapers. The caption of the news release read, "A Prot-
estant Goebbels: Billy Graham 'sells the Gospel like soap'—Walls tree t 
pays•" 
We happen to know who the financiers of Graham are and that his 
proclamation consists of nothing else but the gospel of Wallstreet. 
We know that a man who places the Christian message on the level of 
advertisements for soap, can hardly be a trustworthy preacher. "Xou 
cannot serve God and mammon." 
309 
Ifhen Graham returned to the USA three years ago, he gave his 
report to i resident Eisenhower. His mission at that time was not of 
a religious nature, just as his mission at the present time is not 
of a religious nature. The aim of his mission is to misuse Christian 
people• 
It would be impossible to delineate all aspects of the ideological 
assault found In newspapers, but an intimation of its scope and nature 
might be gained by a discussion of articles dealing with church membership 
and with Soviet sputniks. 
1. Boutnik Articles 
jtfumerous articles and poems about Russian sputniks were published in 
newspapers, manifesting almost a "divine faith" in Soviet science. Karl 
iJaron wrote in 1957 that the technological feats performed by Soviet sci-
ence ought to make it clear once and for all that the future belongs to 
science and not to religion. A host of other Communist leaders joined 
in proclaiming the obsolescence of religious faiths their intention was 
to convince people that Soviet science would emerge victorious even in 
the fa.ce of stubborn opposition by forces of "blatant superstition** and 
"nebulous religious faith." Many sputniks articles and editorials were 
"written in a derisive tone, making religious faith appear quite ludicrous. 
One of the most exalting doxologies dedicated to Soviet science was 
"written by the editors of the Preie Welt. They asserted in glowing 
terms that Communism has now proven its ability to continue the creative 
work of God and to outdo him. With sputnik the eighth day of creation 
19, 1957. 
3io 
has begun; the Bible tells a fantasy about the seven other days of crea-
tion, but the eighth day of creation which has given earth a new satellite 
is a reality and a day of true Socialistic activity, and with such the 
Biblical account cannot compare.1 Another jubilant note of triumph ex-
tolling Soviet science was published under the title "Planetarian Mani-
festo." Johannes Becher imitated in this lengthy poem the style and 
form of Friedrich Schiller's well-known "Ode to Joy.M The following sam-
ples will illustrate the variety and abundance of the sputnik material 
published in newspapers. 
We teach truth. This truth is much easier to comprehend than 
certain other unimaginable nonsense. It must be clear to you all 
by now that the artificial earth satellite, launched in the universe 
by soviet scientists, does not circle around the globe merely to say 
f*hello" to a dear God or to angels, but that this greatest achieve-
ment of Soviet science shall help humanity to explore the universe. 
It is the human being who changes the face of the earth. It is 
the human being who puts to use the most secret and powerful forces 
of nature. Man is the mistiest of all beings, for there is none 
higher than he Is.3 
The sputniks have most convincingly demonstrated to the masses 
that the universe is left neither to the mercy o£ a God nor to that 
of any other supernatural or idealistical force. 
let the American spaetnik [play on words, i.e., late-comer^], 
if it ever manages to get off the ground, take up wireless communi-
cation with the Creator. In case of success, we shall be very-
happy to report in detail about it. 
%reie Welts quoted by Solberg, p. 24-2. 
o 
Neues Deutschland. November 16, 1957* 
%ouer Tag. October 21, 1957 • 
k 
Neues Deutschland. December 4, 1957* 
%3ues Deutschland. December 6, 1957• 
311 
Soviet satellites penetrated deep injo the universe, but even 
there no God or paradise were discovered. 
True ideas will be victorious. These ideas consist of a mate-
rialistic concept of tho world; every comrade may be convinced there-
of. Evidently though, some people perceive this and fear that their 
old, decadent, spiritual structure will disintegrate. Some old 
grandfathers, who do not wish to relinquish their belief in a super-
natural being, could take this amiss. But the era of the conquest 
of the universe has dawned upon us. It is not expected of those old 
grandfathers that they should board spaceships. Whoever believes that 
aside from the universe there exists a space in which God and other 
spirits dwell must be afraid to hit the gate of heaven with a space-
ship someday and thus evoke the wrath of spirits. 
whoever believes that his fate depends on higher beings stands 
in opposition to our rising Socialist society. 
Ify heart is filled with pride, 
Reverence and love 
For the chants of science, 
Who opened to humanity 
The door to the universe. 
And with me are millions, 
Who hope fervently, 
That this new lofty star 
Finally mil be able to fulfill 
What the star of Bethlehem promised in vain: 
The promise of peace on earth! 
heart is filled with gratitude, 
Love and devotion 
For the creature, which for us 
How circles in gigantic strides,,the globe, 
Conquering for us the universe.-* 
Man, 
Perhaps still impressed by events, 
Which were told him for two thousand years, 
Hears about ascension day 
And thinks, just another holiday. 
What occurred at that time? 
A man was killed 
For the human race, 
%eues Poutschland. December 1957• 
^Qstsee Zeitung (Stralsund edition), January 25, 1958* 
^Else Czech Kuckhoff, "Sputnik 2," Berliner Zeitung. November 15, 
1957. 
312 
As told so cleverly by old folk* 
That is called ascension day, 
In a Christian tray. 
What are they doing today? 
They use Christianity in a hypocritical my, 
And kill the human race •with atomic weapons. 
That is called ascension day, 
In a clerical-militaristic way. 
What has happened in our day and age? 
Sputnik three ascended to heaven. 
Its pip pip 
Is raueh louder than all the bells. 
A person urust really smile—ascension day-
Yes, but in a Socialist my. 
Man, 
Greatly impressed by events, 
Hears some signals from the universe. 
Astonished, h© listens—ascension day? 
0 yes, space travel.2. 
Since the sputnik material was to appeal to as many people as pos-
sible, East German writers used a variety of literary devices such as 
satire and ridicule, logic and reason. Smotions of love and devotion for 
Soviet science were to be evoked in the reader. The goal was to under-
mine the religious faith of people to the point where they would sever 
their relationship with the church. This was succinctly stated in a 
booklet prepared by the Society for the Dissemination of Scientific Knowl-
edges "In a practical way, the appearance of the sputniks in the fir-
mament has forced many still doubting people to accept the materialistic 
2 world view and has prevented them from wasting further thoughts on God." 
2. Articles on Church Membership 
Varied psychological appeals were made in newspapers and magazines 
•^ Ansin Greim, "Himmelfahrt 1958," Meues Deutschland. May 17, 1958 
%eili^e Mmmel-Unheili^e Raketen. p. 19. 
313 
encouraging people to relinquish their church membership. Above all, the 
fact was stressed that article 47 of the Bast German constitution made 
specific provision for the abrogation of church membership; according to 
that provision, a person merely had to make known his intention in written 
form before a local court, sparing him a last and possibly "distressing* 
interview with the clergy. Widespread publicity was given to a new law 
passed on July 13, 1950, which modified article ^7 and" made it still 
easier to rescind church membership. A person could now file his renun-
ciation papers either with a local judge or with a municipal clerk in oity 
hall free of charge. Newspapers urged people to make use of this new 
provision. 
Most news media suggested that a surrender of church membership was 
tantamount to a declaration of loyalty to I&rxlsm. Entire sections in 
newspapers and rmgazines were devoted to tills subject, importuning people 
to leave the church en masse. The Wochenpost featured periodically a 
page dedicated to the propagation of atheism, which consisted primarily 
of farcical roflections on religion and of delineations on the "intrinsic 
2 
benefits" to be gained by relinquishing ohurch affiliation. Articles with 
identical implications were regularly published in the satirical magazine, 
Bulenspie^el. The demand that people should break with religion and turn 
their backs on the church was voiced impatiently in numerous articles of 
the Tribuene. the organ of the Communist labor union. A relentless battle 
^Dokumente #ur Staatsordnung. vol. II, pp. 202-203. 
%ochenpost. Nr. 331 1958. 
314 
by the labor union against religion was announced in a special edition 
of the Tribuene in which the editor affirmed that wfrom time immemorial 
the battle of the laboring class has been connected with the acceptance 
of atheism and with the simultaneous expulsion of religion from all areas 
4 
of political life.<?x Still other newspapers publicized th© government's 
creation of special agencies in factories and public places, designed to 
process declarations of church withdrawals on the spot. These agencies 
were apparently established because Communist officials had learned that 
a surrender of church membership could be obtained more readily when psy-
chological pressure was applied in public rather than in a more relaxed 
atmosphere at home. One newspaper, for instance, informed the people 
about the exact location of these agencies in Rostock and advised them 
that the government's offices would be open at a late hour for the bene-
fit of those who, on account of their work, were unable to rescind their 2 
church membership during re^lar hours. 
A series of articles published in the Leipziaer Volkszeitunp; illus-
trates the psychological pressure applied by public news media in order 
to persuade people to withdraw from the churoh. The articles were entitled 
*The Robes of Comrade LoiTimatzsah" and started as a monologue by a person 
who tried to maintain his standing in both the Communist and Christian 
camps: 
" . . . now, comrades, as we come to the conclusion of the study 
course set up by our party, let me summarize briefly: The future 
1Tribuene. Nr. 75, 1958. 
2,rWIe ©in Kirchenaustritt erklaert wird," Gstsee-Zeitun^. November 
13, 1957. 
315 
belongs to Socialism. Through th© study of Marxism-Leninism, we 
know the laws of development in nature and in society. And on the 
basis of these we conclude that Socialism also gives the proper 
perspective for Germany!1* 
wAro there any further questions?" 
No one had anything else on his heart. So Group Leader Comrade 
Lommatzsch arose from his chair, proud that he had once more rendered 
a service for his party. That was on Monday. 
" . . . now, comrades, as we come to the conclusion of today's 
session of our shop management committee, let me summarize briefly: 
Our plant may well be called the 'black sheep,* but what more can 
we possibly do to expand production? I am of the opinion that under 
present circumstances we are producing at top level." 
"Does everybody agree? Are there any further questions?" 
Mo one raised any objections. So Shop Manager Comrade Lommatzsch 
arose from his chair, satisfied and proud that he had once more ren-
dered a service for the plant. That was on Thursday. 
" . . . now, Freida, let's be done with breakfast. Are you or 
are you not going with me to church? Usually you are there every 
Sunday but, for some reason, today you insist on working in the 
garden. Oh, well, give me the hymnbook then . . . . " 
And Private Citizen Lommatzsch arose from the table, proud that 
he had once more been able to do something for his soul's salvation. 
And that was on Sunday. 
" . . . now, comrades, this is my position: In the shop I am 
a Marxist and at home I am a Christian. That is all I have to say 
about the matter!" 
And since no one else had anything further to add, Party Member 
Comrade lommatzsch arose from the chair, satisfied that he had been 
able to conclude another party meeting. 
Comrades and readers are going to ask whether such a thing is 
actually possible. Yes, it is possible, and it actually happened in 
the Dimitroff Power Plant in Leipzig. In precisely this way, or at 
least very similarly, Comrade Lommatzsch, plant manager, propagandist 
for the party study course (recently relieved of this function), and 
zealous churchgoer, conducted himself. For a long time this Comrade 
has clung to a state of ideological coeo&stence. He supposed that 
he could speak about the unconquerable power of dialectical material-
ism and at the same time about the omnipotence of God. 
Let us be clear about this. It is a serious situation which 
faces us in the Dimitroff Power Plant. If this plant has been prop-
erly named the "black sheep," the reason is that until recently there 
was no real party activity "there. Half-hearted efforts toward col-
lective work by the plant management and party membership were tol-
erated, and the voice of the workingman was accorded, little or no 
attention. 
316 
Comrade Loraraatzsch is to blame for this* And he will bear this 
guilt just as loric as lie believes it is possible to wear different 
robes to fit different situations.1 
Before the opening of tho neoct party assembly, Lommatzsch did tender 
his resignation from church membership in written form to a 33335 secretary. 
But during the assembly itself, Lommatzsch declined to elaborate—dn spite 
of urging—on the teachings which he had thus far drawn out of the ide-
ology of the party. Under terrific pressure he had made a formal decision 
about his church membership, but apparently only to keep peace and quiet. 
Lommatzsch's case was indicative of the psychological pressure used in 
news media to force the issue of withdrawals from the church. An identi-
cal position was taken in a poem entitled "Are You Still in the Church?," 
•which was published in a number of newspapers at that time: 
I met a Communist and asked cane day: 
"You still a churchman? and he said: 
•You think I'd go to church and pray? 
Fine Communist I'd be, Iqy lad, pale red! 
Of courso, we haven't formally resigned, 
But that's a superfluity* the kind 
like marrying in church - (catch me!) 
At father's funeral no orat'xy 
Disturbed our woe. Too well the cloth's aware 
Of how we think—we're written off. 
And as for tithes—I only scoff 
At the collector—now he's never there.ftt 
"Now Comrade, let me ask, what's game? 
Tho parish register still shows your name! 
Your pastor stands and proudly tells his flock: 
•This Communist still clings to Peter's rock 
(A limn the hostile camp of state would claim), 
-^leipzlrer Volksseitun::. May 20, 1958. 
317 
Which proves, dear friends, that Christianity 
Is stronger far than CoiTomist profanity? f" 
"By Marx, I'd never thought of that! 
I must apostatize today - that's flat!*1 
3> Radio and Television urograms. Motion Pictures. and Stage Productions 
The news media to disseminate atheism in East Germany included the 
government owned and operated broadcasting system* A State Radio commit-
tee was established in 1952 to coordinate all radio programs; this cobj-
mittee was under the surveillance of the SEDfs Department of Agitation and 
Propaganda. The political control assured that only pro-Communist pro-
grams would be heard over the East German radio stations • Beginning in 
1952 all stations were reduced to three in number—the German Broadcaster, 
Radio Berlin, and the Radio of the German Democratic Republic. Radio 
broadcasts transmitted from West Germany were jammed. Since the broad-
casting system was controlled by the government, it could be used against 
religion and on behalf of atheism* 
During the period of the Soviet Military Administration, the church 
was permitted regularly to broadcast worship services on Sunday morning. 
The meditations were usually given by such leading churchmen as Bishop 
Krummacher and Pastor Grueber* Kith the end of the occupation period in 
19^+9, the new East German government decreed that these two churchmen were 
to be replaced by such "progressive" pastors as Jfehnert and Kehnscherper 
as the regular speakers on Sunday morning. When repeated protests 
iBrich Weinert, "Bist du nooh in der Kirche?" Wochenpost. Nr. 33, 
1958 • 
2SBZ von A bis Z, p. 2 6 7 . 
against this governmental fiat proved to be of no avail, the church de-
clined to lend its official name to any religious broadcasts given by 
those two clergymen. Therefore, religious programs were henceforth per-
mitted to be broadcast only intermittently and as a rule at unfavorable 
hours early in the morning or late at night. With the intensification 
of the ideological attack, the church was unable to secure radio time for 
2 
worship services even for such festive days as Christmas and Easter. 
Apparently as one concession to the church, the State Radio committee con-
tinued to broadcast the traditional performance of Bach's St. Matthew's 
Passion on Good Friday, but beginning in 1959 it was broadcast in a dis-
torted form only) the various parts of St. Matthew's Passion were on the 
air at different times during the day and even late at night while dance 
music filled th© intermediate periods of time, reducing the impact of 
Bach's message.-* For all practical purposes, the broadcasting system 
as a means of riass coi,]rmnication was closed to the church. 
On the other hand, anti-religious assaults were not uncommon on the 
radio, urograms of an unmistakenly atheistic nature were sporadically to 
be heard on Sunday morning. For instance, the Radio of the German Demo-
cratic Republic broadcast a program on September 14, 1958, entitled wAs-k tronomy Disproves the Fairy Tale of Creation;n its content dealt with 
-The Evangelical Church, p. 29 • 
%J19g9, p. 170. 
3&J 1959. p. 170. 
^Pseudosakrale Staatsakte. p. 14. 
319 
th© "superstitious nature" of the Christian faith and the "shady back-
ground" of certain church leaders. To cite another example, the German 
Broadcaster sponsored a program on June 1959* entitled "Church and 
Politics." The commentator, Karl Mollnau, presented a lengthy analytical 
lecture in -which he enunciated a relentless fight by all progressive 
people against "political clericalism with its militaristic-imperialistic 
i designs." 
At a meeting of the SKDfs Baltic district in 1 9 o n e functionary-
demanded that the state provide more than merely sporadic radio programs 
of an atheistic nature, but that it broadcast on a regular basis for the 
"edification" of atheists.2 He probably had in mind the consistency and 
regularity with which Radio Moscow beamed its anti-religious programs 
across Eastern Europe* 
In one of these broadcasts Radio Moscow castigated the sacrament of 
baptism as a menace to health. The radio announcer observed that "thou-
sands of babies die of pneumonia every year due to this senseless and 
•3 
dangerous rite." He declared that a high incidence of heart trouble re-
sulted from baptisms, and cited lengthy statistics to prove that under 
the czars the life expectancy of people due to this sacrament was only 
32 years. "But now," the commentator asserted, "life expectancy in our 
glorious Soviet homeland is up to 69 years—largely because of our health 
% J 1959. pp. 164-167. 
^Ostsee-Zeitung. January 16, 195&* 
^Armstrong, Religion Can Conquer Communism. 
320 
services end the fact that fewer baptisms take place," 
The church in East Germany was also besmirched by way of television 
programs. One particularly sinister program was the showing in i960 of 
a "documentary^ entitled *-Dibelius and tho Schnorr Case,15,1 which involved 
a deacon by the name of Schnorr who in 1927 in the parsonage had allegedly 
shot a person. Since no evidence of /^ uilt was available and malicious 
rumors about L'chnorr spread like wildfire, Dibelius in his capacity as 
superintendent-general of that area defended Schnorr publicly before his 
congregation. A day or two after Dibelius* defense, Schnorr assaulted a 
young servant ;-irl? the murder case itself was never solved. The "Schnorr 
Case" presented on television in i960 suggested that Dibelius, together 
with a reactionary and corrupt bailiff by the name of Frlese, had sought 
by every possible smn^ to protect a known murderer. The motive of 
Dibelius* action was supposed to have been cold political calculation. 
"The film was so riddled by outrages" that the church intended to sue its 
narrator for libel, but Dibelius disagreed with this action. He stated 
that CJI have never replied to all this propaganda—apart from answering 
questions addressed to me personally by letter. This propaganda, so far 
as I could see, did not hurt my church, and this was all that mattered." 
Foreign motion pictures derogatory to religion were regularly shown 
in East German movie theaters. Typical of these pictures were the Swedish 
film, Jhe Danced Only One Summer. and the French film, The Red and The 
Black; the latter film portrayed all representatives of the Catholic 
1KJ I960, p. 221. 
2Dibelius, In the Service of the Lord, p. 221. 
321 
church as corrupt and inhuman people. The Soviet Russian motion picture, 
Stinging Fly* and the Chinese picture, Claws of the Devil, depicted the 
leaders of th© church in a yet worse light . According to Claws of the 
Devi l , the bishops were secret agents of an imperialistic espionage net-
work; the dwelling places of the bishops and priests were stocked with 
weapons, and nuns served as operators of a concealed wireless commandca-
1 
tion system. Some Soviet films capitalized on religious rites and 
sacraments such as that of baptism. A brief description of one plot will 
i llustrate the nature and content of these Soviet-produced motion pic-
tures . 
The ,?hero" is named V . Myashnikov and his wife is Masha. They 
live i n a small town i n the Ural mountains. The husband is quite 
happy until he begins to suspect "something religious" In his wife 's 
frequent visits to her mother who i s an evangelical believer. 
%ashnikov , s suspicions . . . are confirmed when he cleans the 
house in anticipation of Masha1 s return from the hospital where she 
has given birth to a f i n e , healthy baby. He finds a Bible and a 
golden cross hidden behind a wardrobe. Here is ample evidence of 
the "criminal activities" of his wife? 
• . . Masha takes the baby to her mother1 s home. She returns 
to report that the baby has contracted "inflammation of the lungs." 
ifyashnikov is convinced that the baby fs illness is the result of 
christening—and how often have the people been warned that pneumonia 
follows baptismt To make matters worse, Masha takes the baby to her 
pastor for a blessing instead of taking the child to a hospital. 
Two days later the baby dies . The story ends when ^rashnikov sues 
for divorce on the grounds that religion has ruined their family 
l i f e . 
Stage plays were used for the same anti-religious purposes as motion 
pictures. Harald Hauserfs production, In the Heavenly Garden, was repre-
sentative of the atheistic stage plays written by indigenous East Germans. 
*Petrusblatt« August 7» 1955* 
^Armstrong, p. 159* 
322 
The setting for Hsuser's play was Tibet where a young "buddha" was dying 
in a monastery. A Tibetan monk was unable to save the "buddha" but a 
Chinese medical doctor was able to help him by means of an operation; 
however, the abbot of the monastery tried to prevent this because the 
Tibetan people would think that the supernatural rarer of the monks was 
limited. Of course, the "buddha" died without medical help. Through the 
example of backward Lamaism, Hauser "proved" in his play the hostility of 
religion to all progressive scientific work and he attached to religion 
irrational traits—repulsive at first sight—.that are necessary for ef-
fective propaganda. 
C. Anti-Relir-ious "Art" 
Another influential medium of mass communication which served poli-
ticians in fortifying atheism in East Germany was that of the graphic 
arts. Religious faith and church leaders were publicly vilified in car-
toons, caricatures, posters, and billboards. At times this was done In 
a crude and tasteless fashion. 
The East German government's propagation of atheism was undergirded 
through sporadic art exhibits sponsored by neighboring Communist coun-
tries. Some of the "art treasures" exhibited were nothing but derisive 
caricatures of prominent bishops and the pope; their titles read, "The 
rope Devours Dollars," "American Help for the Vatican," and "Truman 
Strengthens the Vatican." The exhibits were shown not only in large Bast 
German cities but were also taken to large factories and industrial com-
plexes so that as many people as possible could see them. Newspapers 
hailed these art exhibits as a "great help in the battle for the 
323 
preservation of peace* 
At the height of the debate about the military chaplaincy agreement 
in 195? gigantic posters designed to besmirch the character of Dibelius 
were erected in prominent public places* The picture on the posters de-
picted Dibelius as an angel with large wings and an impressive halo fall-
ing from the sky in the form of an atomic bomb* The caption of the poster 
read tf\fon Himmler hoch. da komm ich herl" which was an obvious word play 
on the ancient Gorman Christmas carol "From heaven above to earth 1 come" 
with the name of the infamous Uazi lieutenant Himmler used in place of 
0 
the German word "Hlmmel" ("heaven")* The message of the picture implied 
that Dibelius as the successor of Heinrich Himmler would in the name of 
religion favor an atomic war* On another occasion when Dibelius traveled 
to East Berlin to participate in a worship service, local parishioners 
hastily removed huge wall slogans, bracketing his name with that of a 
convicted sex maniac named Balluseck* Along with the sex deviate, the 3 bishop was decried as a notorious perverter of German youth. 
Some articles specialized in portraying the "vile militaristic" fac-
et of religion through newspaper cartoons. The 1957 Christmas issue of 
the Berliner Zeitung featured a caricature of Konrad Adenauer and Joseph 
Strauss, the former West German Minister of Defense, in the stable of 
Bethelehem* Adenauer knelt before the manger praying "Joe, please show 
%eue Zeit. March 23, 1951. 
% h e Evangelical Church* p* 9« 
^Solberg, p* 231* 
324 
m© the child, I too would like to worship Him." thereupon Strauss un-
1 
covered a rocket lying in the manger. The insinuation of this cartoon 
was that Adenauer ''worshiped1* the power of atomic weapons under the 
hypocritical mask of religion. A similar conclusion was to be drawn from 
a sketch of the Roman Catholic Cardinal Flings of Cologne with an atomic 
bomb hidden under his clerical vestments. The same idea was conveyed in 
yet another cartoon picturing a row of tanks with a clergyman kneeling 
before them. The tanks were all marked with the emblem of the cross, the 
traditional insignia of the German army, and a Bible was placed on one of 
the tanks. Vlhile prostrate before the Bible and the tanks bearing the 
symbol of th© cross, the clergyman uttered the words: "I vow, 0 Lord, 
that I shall servo Thee faithfully and Just* in th* sign of this croSs.«3 
The alleged intimate collaboration between military forces and the church 
was also implied in a sketch of four figures entitled "Four letters which 
may not be trusted." The first figure consisted of a Nazi storm trooper 
waving a flag on which the letter "N" was inscribed, the second figure 
depicted an atonic bomb marked by the letter "A," the third in this link 
of four statues was a clergyman holding a cross in the air thus forming 
the letter "T," and the final figure consisted of a huge cannon symboliz-
ing the letter "0." Obviously, the word formed by the four figures was 
^ATO."^ Its tacit message was that fascist and religious elements were 
4 
Berliner Zeitung. December 24, 1957. 
%ulenspie gel. Nr. 2? (1957)« 
3aulenspiegel. Nr. 25 (1957). 
^Volksstimme. November 29, 1957* 
325 
component parts of NATO. In still other cartoons the clergy were made to 
appear as "stupid" and "backward" people. This x^ras vividly illustrated 
in a caricature of an obese clergyman who tried to establish communication 
"with God. The clergyman, with his immense and flabby body squeezed into 
a chair, sat before his private wireless communication network. He lis-
tened intently to various signals and then muttered, "Is that the Russian 
spaceship or have I finally succeeded in establishing communication with 
God?"1 
Billboards were widely used in the propaganda drive against reli-
gion, and were particularly usod against the rite of confirmation. The 
sad face of a confirmand looking into a dark future while clinging to a 
Bible appeared on one half of such a billboard; the happy face of a Com-
munist youth facing a bright future while holding one of Marxfs books 
2 
was shown on the other half. The conclusion to be drawn from such bill-
board advertisements was quite clear: young people who wished to be on 
the side of ,!truth and light" were to join the ranks of Communism. 
Atheistic "art" was expressed in still another form. It happened 
occasionally that crude slogans like "HATG agency" and "blatant super-
stition" were splashed in huge letters on the walls of church buildings. 
Bulletin boards announcing congregational meetings were covered with 
swastika signs. Although those responsible for the wanton defacement of 
l & l a g f e a b June 1, I960. 
seudosakrale Staatsakte. p. 
3Kirche In der Sow.ietaone. p. 
326 
church property wore never apprehended, it was assumed that the Free Ger-
man Youth instigated these acts of vandalism. 
The preceding examples show that the graphic arts were used freely 
in attempts to advance atheism in Bast Germany and to lessen the churchfs 
influence on people* 
D» The Church's Reaction 
Protests against the avalanche of atheistic literature which started 
"to envelop East Germany in 195^ were voiced repeatedly by the church and 
2 
her leaders. Initially these deprecations seemed to make some impact 
upon the government, but with the opening of the full-fledged ideological 
assault all supplications by the church were brushed aside* 
Ko3.onialcif s booklet, Comsmnist and Religious Morality, published in 
1953 under the auspices of the Free German Youth, was a case in point. 
Its content was highly offensive to Christian people and it was one of 
"the first pieces of atheistic literature which appeared openly on the book 
market. Hot only did the Free German Youth distribute it from house to 
house, but it was also presented to hi$i school students and teachers and 
they were urged to use it in class as one of their textbooks. Erich 
Andler, who was in charge of the church's youth department, wrote a letter 
of protest to Erich Honecker, Chairman of the central committee of the 
Free German Youth. Andler equated the distribution of Kolonizki's booklet 
to a **most monstrous broadside attack on the church and her teachings yet 
1Ibid.« p. 
%irche im Kapf der Zeit. pp. 1 1 9 ^ » 178, 1B0. 
335 
perpetrated in the German Democratic Republic.H "The descriptions of the 
Christian church and her message contained in this pamphlet," said he, 
"are so co-aplotely false and so biased and unobjective that they scarcely 
merit attention. There is every indication that the author was not mo-
tivated by a desire to encourage intellectual discussion but was driven 
by burning hatred." Andler doubted that such rabid polemics as this 
would shake the faith of Christian people, but conversely would make it 
very clear that there existed no bridge of understanding between Christian 
faith and Marxist ideology, t&tzenheim wrote a similar letter to the 
municipal government of Srfurt, though his main purpose was to protest 
the use of the booklet as instructional material in the local high schools. 
These remonstrances brought about the tentative result that late in 1953 
Grotewohl intervened to suspend the mass distribution of this booklet. 
But It was introduced again in Sast Germany at a later and more favorable 
tine when the publication of atheistic literature had become the accepted 
norm rather than the exception.^ 
Through the government* s Ideological warfare the church suffered a 
heavy loss in membership. Under the force of subtle pressure and persua-
sion, many nominal Christians found it expedient to sever their relation 
with the church. In 1950 of the IB million people in East Germany only 
L , 7 per cent were without church affiliation, but in 1961 approximately 
% J 19.53* PP. 191-192. 
%irche im Kampf der Zeit. p. 19^. 
^Kund^ebungen« p. 301« 
^Brunotto, p. 17. 
328 
14 per cent were without church membership 
The increasing loss of adult members and a corresponding decline in 
the gain of new members by the ohurch in the 1950' s are vividly brought 
out in the statistical data furnished by two territorial churches, the 
Lutheran church in Saxony and the Evangelical ohurch in Silesia • Since 
the remaining six territorial churohes have not regularly submitted mem-
bership reports, it has been Impossible to draw up an accurate and com-
prehensive statistical picture of the church's overall membership de-
cline. 
The Lutheran church in Saxony The Evangelical church in Silesia 
Adult Membership Adult Membership 
Decline Gain Year Decline Gain 
6,201 £55? 
11,049 6,422 1947 318 339 
14,585 6,554 1948 470 310 
22,135 5,592 1949 928 279 
27,178 5,156 1950 1,394 258 
36,117 4,671 1951 1,827 252 
35,748 4,604 1952 1,973 212 
36,578 4,001 1953 1,960 177 
38,754 3,815 195^ 1,744 237 
50,693 3,743 1955 2,164 192 
42,806 3,397 1956 1,555 146 
^6,235 3,183 1957 1,159 166 
101,515 2,626 1958 3,576 145 
66J69a 2,059 1959 2,601 117 
54,838 1,892 I960 2,159 1232 
In 1954 the Lutheran ohurch in Saxony had a membership of 4,430,000 
1 "Protestant Population in the DDR," Sonntagsblatt. October, 1 9 6 1 , 
P. 11. 
2for 1946-1951, Zahlen aus dem kirchlichen Leben, pp. 42-45; for 
1952-1960, KJ 1955. PP. 436-43STKJ 1956. PP. 365-366. KJ 1957. pp. 273-
276, KJ 1958. pp. 404-405, KJ 1959. pp. 376-377, KJ I960, pp. 343-344, 
KJ 1961, pp. 428-431. 
329 
4 people and the Evangelical churoh in Silesia 230,000 people. In the 
light of the information provided in the table their annual loss in mem-
bership in the 1950*s must have been approximately 1 per cent, and it may 
have been even higher because these statistics listed only the decline of 
adult and not of child members. The combined membership of the eight 
territorial churches in the German Democratic Republic including East 
p 3 
Berlin decreased from 14,921,000^ people in 1950 to 13,000,000 in 1961. 
However, this does not necessarily mean that almost 2 million people re-
scinded their church membership as the result of ideological warfare. 
Just about 4 million people fled from East to West Germany between 1945 4 
and I96I and it may be assumed that the majority of these refugees were 
listed as numerical losses by the churoh in East Germany. Therefore, it 
is impossible to ascertain what number of people actually decided to with-
draw from the church as a result of the attack by militant atheism. 
By way of summation, it should be reiterated that the obliteration 
of religion is an unswerving goal of Marxism. One of the important 
strategies used by Communist leaders in their attempt to reach that goal 
has been a militant ideological assault upon religion, coupled with a 
vigorous propagation of atheism. In line with that aim, the government 
^Brunotte, p. 8. 
2KJ 1968. p. 431. 
^Sormtaflsblatt. October, I96I, p. 11. 
^"Inside East Germany—Story of a Red Failure,1* U.S. News and World 
Report. LI, Mr. 10 (September 4, 1961), p. 35* 
330 
initiated in 19 a systematic ideological onslaught on the church in 
East Germany. Its intensity was compounded in 1957 through the successes 
of Soviet science and the military chaplaincy agreement* Since 1957 this 
campaign has been carried out through all available media of communication 
with tho avowed purpose of rendering the coup de grace to religion* The 
people were urged to leave the religious community en masse* The church's 
freedom of expression was crassly curtailed through stringent censorship 
and a drastic reduction of paper allotment. This campaign has caused the 
church to lose approximately 1 per cent of her members each year since 
1950. 
V I H . SUMMARY REFLECTIONS 
I t has been shorn that Communism is not only a socio-political move-
ment but a modem religion as well . Communism has its own creeds, morals, 
aspirations , and promises of redemption; i t vies with old religions for 
the devotion and allegiance of man. Communist leaders have repeatedly 
stated that a collision between Christian faith and Marxist ideology Is 
inev itable . i-jarx and Engels predicted that religion would die a natural 
death in proletarian countries but, when Lenin and Stalin were confronted 
b y the fact of its continued existence in Soviet Russia, they tried vio-
l e n t means to bring about its demise. Khrushchev endorsed instead the 
u s e of i d e o l o g i c a l weapons as a means to put an end to religion. 
Communist church policy in East Germany was flexible and was dictated 
b y principles of expediency, but the goal of bringing about the extinction 
o f religion remained unchanged. German Protestantism, affected by its 
struggle with the Nazi regime, had a strong resolve to be obedient to God 
and thus was not xd.lling to accept the bid to political subservience 
issued by the Communist power in East Germany. 
The church fared reasonably well under The Soviet Military Adminis-
tration . This was due to the fact that churoh leaders and Communist 
332 
officials had a deep respect for each other, that the Soviet government 
was seeking to ingratiate itself with West German people by projecting 
a favorable image of Communism, and that the first stage of Socialist 
development called for peaceful relations between church and state. 
With the creation of the indigenous Communist government in East 
Germany in 19^9, a ruthless attack upon the church was initiated. It 
was caused by a waning of mutual respect, by a consolidation of political 
power In the SED, by a rapid Socialization of the country, by the refusal 
of the church to sanction the socio-political plans of the government, 
and by an alienation of West Germans. The attack on the church was ab-
ruptly ended in 1953 and a new course, allegedly on a friendly basis, was 
inaugurated by the state. 
The new course of the governments church policy in 1953 resulted 
in an ideological attack on the church which has been carried on with ever-
increasing intensity especially from 1957 on. This attack was triggered 
by a directive from Khrushchev, by the successes of Soviet science, and 
by the obdurate stand of the church towards the state's political over-
tures. These events bear out the fact that even though the church in East 
Germany has at times been treated with tolerance and even with "benev-
olence," the unswerving aim of the government has been to bring about her 
ultimate destruction. 
In order to eliminate the church's influence in public life, the gov-
ernment established a monopoly over public education; public sohools 
became seedbeds of atheism. Through the promulgation of the Lange decree 
in 1958, it became impossible for the church to continue with her religious 
333 
instruction in public schools. The education of theological students 
continued without too much interference by the government, but they were 
forced to sign a pledge of loyalty. The quota system apparently barred 
some students from entering schools of theology, and a shortage of clergy-
men resulted partly from it. 
In 1953 the government sought to eliminate the church's hold on the 
East German youth by ruthlessly attacking the church's youth organizations, 
but this assault ended in a fiasco. The state then Inaugurated in 1954 
pseudo-religious zites to oompete with the church for the devotion and 
loyalty of the youth and of people in general. This approach proved to 
be successful, and a growing number of people have availed themselves of 
Communist rather than Christian rites. Only about 10 per oent of the youth 
are still confirmed in the Christian faith, and the remaining 90 per cent 
pledge their allegiance to the Communist state. 
Repeated, attempts were made by the state to maneuver the church into 
a position of political subservience. Under duress the church was to 
become a political tool of the Communist regime. Until 1958 all requests 
by the government for an endorsement of its political program met with 
the church1 s stubborn opposition. Neither cajoling nor intimidation moved 
church leaders to affiliate with the Communist-dominated National Front 
or to give a special pledge of loyalty to the state. In 1957 the church 
signed a military chaplaincy agreement with the West German government. 
This invoked the wrath of the East German state to an extent that its 
leaders devised a number of measures of reprisal designed to strangle the 
church*s life. Under extreme duress the church then issued in 195B a 
334 
statement supporting th© government's "peace efforts." Since the church's 
resistance to the political encroachments proved strong, the government 
encouraged the creation of religious groups which would accept an invita-
tion to subservience: the Christian Democratic Union and the League of 
Evangelical Clergymen resulted* They have given religious sanction to 
many important political actions of the East German regime and the Soviet 
government, but the church as such has basically maintained her integrity 
and independence from the state. 
In order to weaken her position in public life, the church was or-
dered by the government to discontinue some of her public welfare work. 
The material aid program of the church's Relief organization was outlawed 
In 19$0 and the work of the Railway Mission was closed in 1956. Several 
of the church fs institutions of mercy were confiscated in 1953 and, al-
though returned to the ohurch, some fell again under government control 
through subtle infiltration by labor unions 5n 1956* To handicap the 
church's work of mission and mercy, the government undermined her economic 
structure. The traditional sources of income were largely eliminated and 
the church had to rely heavily on financial aid from Christians in West 
Germany, in its attempts to circumscribe the church's life as tightly 
as possible, the government would not allow clergymen to conduct worship 
services outside ohurch buildings* Special licenses had to be secured 
for meetings which were not thought to be "religious" in nature* With 
the devotional life of the church confined within her buildings, the state 
created its own pseudo-religious rites, which resulted in a rapid decline 
of the number of people participating in the church's sacraments, rites, 
335 
and devotional life. 
One of the important means used by Communists in their effort to 
destroy the church has been a militant propagation of atheistic knowl-
edge. A systematic ideological assault on the church began in 195^ and 
was intensified in 1957 through the successful launching of the Soviet 
sputniks and the ratification of the military chaplaincy agreement. 
Since that time the anti-religious campaign has been relentlessly carried 
on with the avowed purpose of rendering the coup de grace to religion; 
the church's freedom of expression was curtailed through strict censorship 
and limitations were imposed on the circulation of religious periodicals. 
The ideological onslaught resulted in an annual loss of 1 per cent of 
church members. 
The structure of the Volkskirche has largely been disrupted in East 
Germany. Participation In the life of the church and in her great 
rites and sacraments by the people is no longer simply a matter of tradi-
tion but has become an act of confession, impelled by faith in God. 
Many people x*ho had only nominal ties with the church rescinded their mem-
bership as a matter of socio-political expediency and pledged allegiance 
to a new god, the Communist regime. The dwindling number of participants 
in religious rites has indicated how shattering and extensive has been 
the collapse of the Volkskirche, the people's church in which almost 
everybody for centuries had automatically been baptized, confirmed, married* 
%einz Brunotte, "Landeskirche, Staatskirche, Volkskirche in 
Deutschland.11 Evanp;elisoh-Lutherlsche Kirchenzeitung. XI, Nr. l6l (August 
15, 1957), p. 
336 
and buried. This disintegration has oogently been manifested by the 
statistics of the Lutheran church in Saxony in 1953 the church had 
70,707* children in Sunday school and in i960 only 35,486;2 in 1952 par-
. 3 L 
ents presented 64,Wr infants for baptism and in i960 only 24,950; in 
1953 the church confirmed 70,376^ young people into the Christian faith 
and in i960 only 12,829;6 in 1952 clergymen joined 27,4547 couples In Q 
wedlock and in i960 merely 12,l6l. Ihiring the 1950*s the Lutheran church 
in Saxony averaged an annual loss of 50,000 adult members, that is, ap-
proximately 1 per cent of her total membership. Since participation in 
the rites of the Volkskirche was tradition-bound and was not necessarily 
determined by religious faith and convictions, many nominal church members 
left the Volkskirche with apparent ease and made use of the rites of the 
new faith, the Communist religion. 
An interesting statement was made in 1958 by Albert Norden, BED Sec-
retary for Agitation, that revealed the keen anticipation with which the 
party looked forward to an early collapse of the Volkskirche* Of those 
who still belonged to the ohurch, Norden ventured the opinion that at 
least 98 per cent were bound to the church only through the traditional 
ties of rites and ceremonies. These people, not really Christian by con-
viction, would easily be won for Communism by tact and patience. On the 
basis of party observations of church services and religious activities, 
h j 1955* p. 443* 2KJ 1961. p. 427* 3KJ 1955* p. 404. 
1961. p. 398. 5KJ 1955. p. 413* 6KJ l?6l, p. 405* 
7KJ 1955. p. 416. 8 k j 1961. p. 407. 
337 
about 150 out of ©very 10,000 persons were exceedingly loyal to the church; 
with this group Norden saw little hope of success. Norden further claimed 
that 90 per cent of the youth were already enlisted for Socialism, but he 
nevertheless warned his party associates to concentrate upon congregations 
where large numbers of parishioners still attended religious instruction 
and worship services. 
For the pastors Norden reserved his bitterest barbs. In the past the 
SED had approached the clergy with invitations, visits, and friendly dis-
suasion, treating them like "prima donnas." "For twelve years," complained 
Norden, "we have sought in vain to win them." Now such tactics were to 
be discarded. Atheistic propaganda had already unmasked these "pious 
hypocrites." The East German people had rejected the "fascist clericalism" 
which they propagated, and had made them objects of derision and laughter. 
Norden advised that they be left alone to putter about in their church 
buildings until the day would come when they withered away for lack of 
air and lack of money. "When in the next few years the last of the old 
women have died off, the pastors will have to weep their tears alone on 
the lifeless walls of their empty churches." Norden recognized it would 
be desirable to give eveiy possible encouragement to those pastors who 
manifested "progressive" tendencies. But unfortunately, he admitted, 
"one must look for them with lanterns, and they are mostly old men who 
are looking for a quiet and comfortable eve of life."1 
If Norden*s judgments were correct, by far the largest number of 
1Solborg, p. 269. 
346 
clergymen would have to be written off "by the SED as hopeless cases. 
Apparently the Communist regime had no expectation ox annihilating the 
church, by a frontal attack on the clergy. The Communists would rather 
wage a war of attrition, capitalizing upon the inherent weaknesses of 
the traditional Volkskirche. 
In its church policy the iiast German government has attempted to 
destroy the church's influence in public life, to use organized religion 
for political purposes, to circumscribe religious activities within well-
defined bounds, and finally to facilitate the anticipated demise of the 
church through ideological warfare. 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Tliis is a selected bibliography; materials which were not directly 
relevant for this study or were only remotely related to it have all 
been omitted. For the sake of greater clarity and comprehension, the 
bibliographical materials have been grouped together in large sections 
in accordance with their basic content and political orientation. 
I. BOOK0 
A. THIS COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY AND THE CHRISTIAN RSIIGION 
Eastern publications 
Bebel9 August. 1st die Religion fuer das Yolk noetic?. Berlin: Dietz 
Verlag, 1953. 
Birjukow, D. A. Der Kythos von der F?eele. Trans, by Harald Breyer. 
Leipzig and Jena; Urania Verlag, 195^* 
Bonosky, Philip. Er wollte ein Heilj^er sein. Berlin: Verlag Volk und 
We It, 1955. 
Bredel, Willi. Pes Vaters Tauben. Berlin: Verlag des llinisteriums fuer 
Rationale Veteidigung, 1959 • 
Feuerbach, Ludwig. Der Mensch schuf Gott nach seinem Bilde. Sd. Werner 
Schuffenhauer. Berlin: Dietz Verlaq;, 1953* 
. Das Jesen des Christentums. 2 vols., ed. Werner ? chuff enhauer. 
Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 195^. 
Franzew, J. P. Die Entstehung der Religion. Trans, by C. H. Ludwig. 
Leipzig and Jena: Urania Verlag, 1959* 
340 
Fuchs, Emtl. Marxismus und Christenglaube. Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 
1953. 
. Christlioher Glaub©. Hall©: VEB Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1958. 
. Christliche und marxistische Bthik. 2 vols • Leipzig: Koehler 
& Amelang, 1959. 
Fuchz, Heiniich. Hat die Bibol recht?. 3rd ed* Leipzig and Jena: Urania 
Verlag, 1958. 
Gagarin, A. r. Die llintstehung und Klassencharakter des Chris ten turns. 
Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1955* 
Gur jew, G. A. Uissenschaftliohe Voraussioht—Relirdoeses Vorurteil. 
Trans, by clilli Krause. 2nd and shortened ed. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 
1953. 
Gute, Herbert. Glauben oder Wissen. Berlin: Diets Verlag, 1958. 
Haeokel, Ernst. Gibt es ein Weiterleben naoh dem Tod?. 3rd ed. Berlin: 
Dietz Verlag, 1958. 
Heyden, Guenter., and Ulrich, Horst. Heilige Himraelp—Unheilifye Rake ten. 
Leipzig and Jena: Urania Verlag, 195&. 
. Ira Namen Gottes. Berlins Verlag Neues Leben, 1959. 
Heyden, Guenter., Hollnau, Karl., and Ulrich, Horst. Atheisms I: Vom 
Jenseits sum Diesseits. Leipzig and Jena: Urania Verlag, 1959. 
Hoffman, R., et al. (eds.) Geheimnisse der Relirdon. 2nd ed. Berlin: 
Verlag Neues Leben, 1958. 
Homolla, Burkhard. Im Schatten des Kreuzes. 2nd ed. Berlin: Verlag 
Neues Leben, 195^7 
Jesper, Karl-Heinz. Frau und Religion. Leipzig and Jena: Urania Verlag, 
1959. 
Redrew, B. H., et al. Naturw-Mansch~»Relirff.on. Berlin: Verlag des 
l-ftnisteriums fuer National© Verteidigung, 1958. 
Klaus, Georg. Jesuiten-—Gott—Materia. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1957. 
Klohr, Olof. Haturwissenschaft. Religion und Kirche. Berlin: Dietz 
Verlag, 1958. 
Kolonizki, F. F. Koimmanistische und relip;ioese I-loral. Trans, by Gottfried 
J. Wojtek. Berlin: Verlag Junge Welt, 1953. 
341 
Kraze, Hanna-Heide. Dos, Henkers Bruder. Halle: Mtteldeatsoher Verlag, 
1956. 
Lenin, WladinrLr Ilich. Ueber die Religion. 4th ed* Berlin: Dietz 
Verlag, 1958. 
Haas sen, Hans, IJie Messe des Barcelo. Halle: Mltteldeuts cher Verlag, 
1956. 
Marx, ICarl., and Engels, Frledrioh. Ueber Religion. Berlin: Dietz 
Verlag, 1958. 
Meisel, James H., and Koaera, Edward S. (eds.) Materials For the Study 
of the Soviet System* 2nd ed. Mohigan: The George Wahr Publishing 
Co*, 1953* 
Mollnau, Karl A, Aus dem Sohuldbuoh politischen Sathollzlsmus. Berlin: 
Dietz Verlag, 1958. 
Oleschtschuk, F* N. Athelsmos (Grosse Sowiet-Sngyklopaedle). 2nd ed. 
Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1955* 
Qstmann, Guenter., and Wessel, Harald. 1st der Mans eh von Gott era chaf-
fen?. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958. 
Pawjolkin, P. Der relisioese Aberglaube und seine Schaedligkelt. Berlin: 
Dietz Verlag, 1955* 
Pfaffe, Herbert., and Neumann, Karl~Heinz. Kein Plata fuer Gott im 
Woltall. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958* 
Quelros, Eca de. Das Verbrechen des Paters Amaro* Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag, 
1956. 
Renn, Ludwig. Trini. Berlin: Kinderbuch Verlag, 1956. 
Rochhausen, Rudolf. Der Sputnik und der liebe Gott. 4th ed. Berlin: 
Dietz Verlag, 1958V 
Rohlfs, Helmut. Pfarrer Lohkamp. Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 1955* 
Scheinemarm, 21. M* Jter Vatikan im zweiten Weltkrieg. Berlin: Dietz 
Verlag, 1955* 
Segal, Jaoob* das Leben auf der Srde entstand. 3rd ed. Berlin: 
Dietz Verlag, 1958. 
Stalin, Joseph V* Problems of Leninism* Moscow: Foreign Language Pub-
lishing House, 1953* 
342 
Strittmatter, Srwin. Der rfandermacher. Berlins Aufbau-Verlag, 1 9 5 7 . 
Tondi, Alighierdo. Vatikan und Neofaschismus. Trans* by Erich Salewski. 
5th od. Berlins Dietz Verlag, 1959. 
Trotsky, Leon. .'Problems of life. Trans, by Z. Vengerova. London: 
Hethuesn & Co., 1924. 
Vgolornvi Kodeks RSF3R. 2&scow, 1957. 
Voynich, Ethel L. Der Sohn des Kardinals. Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 
1957. ~ ~ ~ 
Zebenko, M. D. Athelgmus der franzoesichen Ifeterialisten im achtzehnten 
Jahrhundert. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1956 . 
Zschaebitz, G. Der hejlirte .Rook von Trier. Leipzig and Jena: Urania 
Verlag, 1959. 
Western ^Publications 
Banning, Willem. Der Kommunismus als politische-sogjale Weltreligion. 
Trans, by Paul Bamm. Berlin; Lettner Verlag, 1953. 
Barth, Karl. Community. State and Church. Ed. with an introduction by 
I'/ill Herberg. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., i960. 
Bonnet, John C. Christianity and Communism. New Xork: Association Press, 
1948. 
Berdiajev, Nikolai. Ifahrheit -und Luege des Komnunsimus. Trans, by J. 
Schor. Darmstadt and Geneva: Hollo Verlag, 1953. 
. Das Belch des Geistes und das Raich des Caesars. Trans, by 
Alice Sesemarai. Darmstadt and Geneva; Holle Verlag, 1952. 
BochensldL, Joseph M., and Niemeyer, Gerhart. Handbuch des Weltkommunismus. 
Freiburg-lluenohen: Karl Alber, 1958. 
Boehm, Hans, Die Kirche zwisehen Ost und l-fegt. (Heft 6, Oekumenische 
Relhe.) Berlins Christlioher Zeitschiiftenverlag, 194c. 
Bourbeck, Christine. Komimxnismus—Frage an die Christen. Nuernberg: 
Laetare Verlag, 1947. 
Briem, Efraim. Kommunlsmus und Religion in der Sowjetunion. Trans, by 
Edzard Schaper. Basel; Friedrich Reinliardt Verlag A. G., 19^8. 
343 
Curtiss 5 John B. Th© Russian Church and the Soviet State, 1917-1950* 
Boston? little, Brown Co., 1953. 
Dibelius, Otto. Grenzen des Staat©3. Tuebingen: Furche Verlag, 1949. 
^QQ^t. Berlin; I&chern Verlag, 1950. 
Diem, Hermann. Die politische Verantwortuna der Christen houte. (Heft 
35j Theolorjsche Existenz Heute.) Mienchen; Christian Kaiser Verlag, 
1952. 
Fein©, Hans Staat und Kirch©. (Reihe IV, Heft 1, Gchrlftenreihe der 
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Gollxdtzer, Helmut., and Lehmbruch, Gerhard. Kleiner We falser zum 
•Jtudium des Imrxisrms^ Leninisimxs. 2nd and expanded ed. Bonn, 1957. 
Gollwitzer, Helmut. . . . und fuehren whin Du nicht willst—Bericht 
einor Gef aniens chaf t. 4th ed. Mienchen: Christian Kaiser Verlag, 
1951. 
. Die christliche Gemoinde in der politischen tfelt. Tuebingens 
J. C. B. .iJohr Verlag, 1954. 
Hazard, John HI. The Soviet system of Government. Clilcago: The University 
of Chicago, 1957. 
Heidingsf elder, Georg D. Per Kampf zwischen Christentum und Koianunisraus. 
Goettingen: Arbeitskreis fuer angewandte Anthropologle e. V., 1956* 
Homes, Jakob. Kommunistische Ideolopqe und christliche Philosophie. 
4th ©d. Bonn: Bundeszentrale fuer Helmatsdienst, 1958. 
Karisch, Rudolf. Der Christ mid der dialektische liaterialisraus. 2nd ed. 
Berlin; Morus Verlag, 1954. 
Soehler, Hans. Christ^ntum^Kommnismus^Neutralismus. Bonn: Volksbund 
fuer Fried© und Freiheit ©. V., 1954. 
Lacroix, Jean., and Lubac, Henry de. Der Hensch in marxistischer und 
christlicher Schau. (Heft 1, Dokumente.) Offenbur^s Dokumente 
Verlag,, 19/18. 
Leonhardt, Wolfgang. Die Revolution entlaesst ihre Kinder. Koelnt Verlag 
Eiepenheuor & Wltsch, 1954. " 
Lepp, Ignace. Von Marx zu Christus. Trans, by Ludwig Reichenpfader. 
Graz-Wien—Koeln: Verlag Styria, 1957-
344 
Ideb, Fritz. W^r Christen und der Kommunismus. (Heft 31, Theologisohe 
Ebdstenz Heute.) I-faencheng Christian Kaiser Verlag, 1952. 
Liermarm, Hans. Klrchen und Staat. 2 vols. Hxenchen; Isar Verlag, 1955-
Lilje, Hans. Atheism. Humanism and Christianity. Trans, by Clifford 
Davis. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Augsburg Publishing House, 1964. 
iSaeSoin, Gary. The Communist War on Religion. New York: The Devin-Adair 
Co., 1951. 
Mlosz, Czeslaw. Verfuehrtes Denken. Trans, by Alfred Loepfe. Koeln: 
Verlag Kiepenhatyser & Wits oh, 1954. 
Mormerot, Jules. Sociology and Psychology of Communism. Boston: Beaoon 
press, 1955. 
Niemoeller, Martin. Reden. Darmstadt: Verlag Stitame der Gemeinde, 1957. 
Moth, Georg. Christentum und Kommunismus in der Weltwende. Stuttgart: 
Svangelisches Verlagswerk, 1954. 
Philip, Wolfgang. Religjoese Stroemungen unserer Gegenwart. Heidelberg: 
Quelle & myer Verlag, 1963 . 
Price, Frank M. Marx meets Christ. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 
1957. 
Reding, llarcel. Der politisohe Atheismus. Graz: Verlag Styria, 1957* 
Rich, Arthur. M s t l e c h e ^ ohrlstllohs Zuku^hoffhfan. (Heft 35, 
Kirchliohe 2eitfra p;en.) Zuerich: Zwingli Verlag, 195?. 
Schabert, Arnold. Per Bolsohewismus—eine Frage an die Kirche. Stutt-
gart: Colwer Verlag, 1957. 
Selmlz, Klaus-Peter. Luther und Marx im Spannfeld unserer Zeit. Stutt-
gart and Duesseldorf: Ring Verlag, 1956. 
Schrey, Horst. Die Generation der Entsoheidung. Jftienchen: Christian 
Kaiser Verlag, 1955. 
Sens, Walter. Die irreljgioese Sntwicklung von Karl Marx. Halle: Eduard 
Klinz Buchdruck Workstaetten, 1935* 
Sheen, Fulton J. Per Kommunismns und das Gewissen der westllchen Welt. 
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Shuster, George N. Religion Behind the Iron Curtain. New York: The 
l-Jacmillan Co., 1954. 
345 
Stepun, Fedur. Dor Bolsohewismus und die ohristliche Existenz. Ifaenchen: 
Koeser Verlag, 1959. 
Thimrae, ludwig. vJas 1st es mit dog ttoxismust. Marburg: Verlagsbuch-
handlung Hermann Rathmann, 195?>« 
Wendland, Hedna-Dietrich. Ohristliche und kommunistisohe Hoffnung. 
Tuebingen: J. C. B. llohr, 1954. 
Wetter, Gustav. Dialectical Materialism. Expanded and trans, by Peter 
Heath. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1958. 
B. CHURCH i m SEATS IN EAST GERMANY 
Eastern publications 
Bergner, Dieter., and Jahn, Wolfgang, per Kreuzzug der evangelisohen 
Akademien gegen Aen iiarxismns. Berlins Dietz Verlag, 19o0. 
Per floutsche Arbeiter- und Bauernstaat. Ed. Herbert Kroeger. Berlin: 
VSB Deutscher Zentralverlag, I960. 
Bie Christen waehlsn den Frieden und die Freiheit. Ed. die Ost-CDU. 
Magdeburg^ 1954. 
Die Ju'tendweihe in der Deutschen Demokratlschen Republik. Ed. Heinz 
Arnold. Berlin: VEB Deutscher Zentralverlag, I96I. 
Die Lage in der Bundes republik und der Kampf um Frieden und Demokratie. 
Ed. Parteikonferenz der KPD. Berlin: Neues Deutschland. 1959* 
Dokumente gur :taatsordnung der DDR. Ed. Guenter Albrecht. 3 vols. Ber-
lin: VEB Deutscher Zentralverlag, 1959. 
Fjodorov, 0. Die Religion in der UD9SR. Berlin: Verlag der Sow jetischen 
Militaerverwaltung, 1947. 
Fuer einen Friedensvertrag mit Deutschland. Ed. Ausschuss fuer Auswaertige 
Angelegenheiten der Volkskammer der DDR. Berlin: Ruetten & Loening, 
1959. 
German Democratic Eepublic. 300 Questions—300 Answers. Ed. Committee 
for German Unity. Berlin? Verlag der WIrtschaft, 1959. 
Gottes^abot und Staats^esetz. Ed. Ost-CDU. Magdeburg, 1954. 
346 
Grotewohl, Otto. Im Kampf um Deutschland. 4 vols. Berlin; Dietz Verlag, 
1959. 
Hackenthal, Ajartin. Droi Freunde. Sine Srzaehluna ueber die <Jugendweiho. 
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Heyden, Guonter., et al. Philosophic des Verbrechons. Berlin; VEB 
Deutscher Verlag der Wi s s ens chaf ten, 3.959. 
Hier 'uricht Dibelius—Sine Dokumentation. Sd. Neues Deutschland. Ber-
lins Ruetten & Loening, I960. 
Jureendi-ieihe. ^onderhoft fuer die Eltern. Sd. Zentraler Ausschuss fuer 
Jugendweihe in dor DDR. Erfurt: Druckerei Fortschritt, n.d. 
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tichen lebensfeiem. Ed. Uwe Franke. Magdeburg: Druckerei Volks-
stintae, n.d. 
iieck, Wilhelm. Reden und Artikels. 2 vols. Berlin, 195° • 
ocheler, Hermann. Die jtellung des Ikpismus-Leninisms zur Religion. 
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• Zur Geschichte der neuesten Zeit. Berlin; Dietz Verlag, 1955. 
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Vorschlaenre fuer die Ausgestaltung von Ju^ondweihe-Fj^efa. 19$9. Ed. 
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'deltall—Erde—liensch. Eds. Gisela Buschendorf-Otto, Horst ^ olfgramm, 
and Irmgard Radandt. 8th ed. Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1959. 
347 
Wessel, Harald. Kreuz und Bundesadler. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1958. 
k/hite Book on tho American aftd British Policy of Intervention in West 
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Western lUbli cations 
Adolph, Walter. Atheismus am Gteuer. Berlin: Morus Verlag, 1956. 
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. Brief an einen Pfarrer in der DDR. Basel: Zollikon Verlag, 
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348 
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is chen Resatzungszone. Koeln; Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1955 • 
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. Das Zeufsniss der Verhafteten, Berlin, 1953* 
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Gollwitzer, Helmut. Die Christen und die Ato.waffen. (Heft 6l, Theolopdr- • 
ache Ebdstenz Ileute.) ISuenchen; Christian Kaiser Verlag, 1957* 
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Gutschke, Heinz. Die Erwachsenenbildung in der so&detischen Besatsungs-
zone Deutschlans. Bonn: Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1958. 
Hamel, Johannes. Christ in der DDR. 5th ed. Berlin: Kaethe Vogt Verlag, 
195?. 
. Cliristentum unter laarxistischer Ilerrschaft. Berlin: Kaethe 
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Hartung, Hermann., and Paulsen, Gottfried. Was Host die Jugend in der 
QOI-I.jetzone?. Bonn; Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1959. 
Hat die Kirche '•eschwie^ en?. Das oeffentliche Wort der Evangelischert 
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Berlin; Jottner Verlag, 19587 
349 
Herroan, Stewart W. The Rebirth of the Germn Church. New York and I*on-> 
don: Harper & Brothers Publishers* 1946. 
Herrmann, E. M. Die Presse in der sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deirtschlands* 
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Friedrich Heller, and et al. Berlin-Zehlendorf-¥est: Verlag fuer 
Internationalen Kulturaustausch, n.d. 
Jacob, Guenter. Das Iioht scheint in der Finstemiss. Zguggj^ge ailf 
zweiten Kirchenkampf. Stuttgart: Evangelisches Verlagswerk, 1954, 
Jacob, Guenter., and Berg, Christian. Evangelische Kirche Jenaej-bs d e r 
Zonengrenze. 2nd ed. Berlin: Lettner Verlag, 1958. 
Jeremias, U. Die Jugendweihe in der Sow.jetzone. 2nd and expanded ed. 
Bonn: Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 1958• 
Kersten, Heinz. Das Filmwesen in der sow.ietisohen Besatgongazone . Bonn: 
Deutscher Bundes-Verlag, 195*1. 
Kirche in der Sowjetzone. Bd. Presse- und Informationsstelle Berlin des 
Bundesministeriums fuer gesamtdeutsche Fragen. 3rd ed. Berlin, 1958. 
Kir die im Kampf der Zeit. Ed. Guenter Heidtmann. Berlin: Le-ttoer Verlag, 
19557 
Kirchliches Jahrbuch fuer die Evangelische Kirche in Deuts chland r 194-5— 
1961. Vols. 72-837 Guetersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1950-1962. 
Kludas, Hertha. Zur Situation der Studenten in der Gowjetaone. Bonn: 
Deutscher Bandes-Verlag, 1957 • 
Koch, Hans. Zur politis chen Predigt. Mienohen: Carl Gerber, 195a. 
Koch, Hans-Gerhard. The Abolition of God. Trans, by Robert W . F e n n . 
Philadelphia: The Fortress Press, 19o3. 
Koehler, Hans. Christentum und Jugendweihe. 2nd and enlarged, ed. Bonn: 
R. W. Gruna Druok, 1958. 
• Zur geistigen und seelisohen Situation der Mens chen in der 
Sow.jetzone. 2nd and enlarged ed. Bonn: Deutscher taide s-Verla^„ 1954 
350 
Koenip;, Helmut. Rote Jterne piluehn—lieder im Pienste der So 
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III. OTHER ':QtIRCE~s 
East Berlin, i ersonal Interview with Representatives of the Society for 
tho Dissemination of Scientific Knowledge, January 10, i960. 
Hanover, Germany. /ersonal Interview with Heinz D. Brunette, Chancellery 
i-resident of the Evangelical church in Germany, !fay 27, 19&0. 
tfest Berlin. Personal Interview with Bishop Otto Dibelius, Council Pres-
ident of the Evangelical church in Germany, November 23, 1959*