RESTAURANT GROWTH IN LAWRENCE, KANSAS, 1950 TO 2007 
 
BY 
 
Copyright 2009 
Jennifer L. Brackhan 
 
 
 
Submited to the graduate degre program in Geography 
and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas 
in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degre of 
Master of Arts 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
         ___________________________  
           James R. Shortridge, Chairperson 
 
 
   Commite members     ___________________________  
           Tery A. Slocum 
 
 
   ___________________________ 
         Stephen Egbert    
 
 
     
       Date defended: January 22, 2009 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
The Thesis Commite for Jennifer L. Brackhan certifies 
 that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
RESTAURANT GROWTH IN LAWRENCE, KANSAS, 1950 TO 2007 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Commite: 
 
 
 
         ___________________________  
           James R. Shortridge, Chairperson 
 
 
       ___________________________  
           Tery A. Slocum 
 
 
    ___________________________ 
         Stephen Egbert    
 
 
     
       Date approved: January 22, 2009 
 ii 
ABSTRACT 
Jennifer L. Brackhan 
Department of Geography, May 2009 
University of Kansas 
 
Data gathered from city and telephone directories provide a frame for 
understanding changes in types of restaurants and their geographic paterns in a 
Midwestern university town. I display this information using GIS at ten-year 
intervals and add a personal dimension via interviews with longtime community 
members and restaurant owners. Population increase and a general trend of eating 
outside the home explain the general restaurant growth. Through time, diversity in 
ethnic restaurants increases and chain establishments expand rapidly. Restaurants 
always have been concentrated along or near arterial strets. Most were at downtown 
locations in the 1950s. Then came a move toward the periphery followed by a recent 
revival of the central busines district. Changes in Kansas liquor laws in 1987 that 
alowed establishments to sel liquor by-the-drink and proprietors to open 
microbreweries bolstered the local restaurant busines. 
 iv 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
  I would like to sincerely thank Pete and Barbara Shortridge for their valuable 
advising and editorial guidance, continuous patience, and endles encouragement in 
my years as a master?s student. I fel honored to have worked with them both. I 
would also like to thank Tery Slocum and Steve Egbert for serving on my commite 
and providing constructive critiques and support for this project. The University of 
Kansas Geography Department staf and faculty offered behind-the-scenes asistance, 
for which I am extremely appreciative. My felow geography graduate students, and 
friends, offered motivation and enthusiasm, both inside and outside of Lindley Hal. 
This thesis was enriched by personal stories of Lawrence restaurants, photographs, 
and data for mapping, for which I would like to thank: Subarna Bhatachan, Toni 
Bresler, Duane Buck, Jean Collins, Ang Gray, David Guntert, Rita Haugh, Rhonda 
Houser, Pat and Norm Kedhe, Helen Krische, Chuck Magerl, Phil Minkin, Garth 
Myers, Mick Ranney, Joe Reyes, Xanthippe Wedel, and especialy, Brandon Woods 
Retirement Community, Drury Place at Alvamar, Pioneer Ridge Retirement 
Community, and Prairie Commons Apartments. I would like to thank my parents, 
Doug and Bety Brackhan, for their support always. And finaly, many thanks and 
much love to my fianc?, John Young. Among many things, thank you for moving to 
Lawrence. 
 v 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
Abstract ii 
Acknowledgements iv 
List of Figures vi 
List of Tables vii 
1. Introduction    1 
2. Simple, Homemade Food: 1950-1979  12 
3. Ethnic Cuisine Boom and Changing Liquor Laws: 1980-1999  44 
4. Restaurant Expansion: 2000-2007  70 
5. Final Thoughts 89 
Bibliography 95 
Appendix  100 
 Labeled Restaurant Maps 
 vi 
LIST OF FIGURES 
 
1.1 City of Lawrence Before 1950 to 2008 6 
2.1 Lawrence Restaurants, 1950 13 
2.2 Gemel?s Caf? 13 
2.3 Dine-A-Mite Inn 14  
2.4 Dine-A-ite Inn Customers 14 
2.5 Shamrock Gril 15 
2.6 Jayhawk Caf? 15 
2.7 Chateau Drive-In 16 
2.8 Blue Bucket Shop 17 
2.9 Lawrence Restaurants, 1960 18 
2.10 Rock Chalk Caf? 21 
2.11 Blue Hils Drive-In 21 
2.12 Lawrence Restaurants, 1970 23 
2.13 Lawrence Restaurants, 1970 Insets 24 
2.14 Gas Light Tavern 25 
2.15 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 1950 26 
2.16 DeLuxe Caf? 27 
2.17 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 1960 28 
2.18 Southern Pit BQ 29 
2.19 Southern Pit BQ Employees 29 
2.20 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 1970 31 
2.21 El Matador Caf? Painting 34 
2.22 El atador Caf? 34 
2.23 Sandy?s Drive-In 37 
2.24 Red Lion Statue 40 
2.25 Red Lion Sign 42 
3.1 Lawrence Restaurants, 1980 45 
3.2 Lawrence Restaurants, 1980 Insets 46 
3.3 Pentimento 47 
3.4 West 23
rd
 Stret 48 
3.5 The Hawk?s Crossing 49 
3.6 Lawrence Restaurants, 1990 51 
3.7 Lawrence Restaurants, 1990 Insets 52 
3.8 Paradise Caf? 53 
3.9 Herbivores 53 
3.10 Yelo Sub 55 
3.11 The Glas Onion 55 
3.12 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 1980 57 
3.13 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 1990 58 
3.14 Applebee?s, Chili?s, Old Chicago 63 
3.15 Fre State Brewing Co. 68 
4.1 Lawrence Restaurants, 2000 72 
 vii 
4.2 Lawrence Restaurants, 2000 Insets 73 
4.3 Mas. Stret Deli 74 
4.4 West 23
rd
 Stret, 1977 74 
4.5 est 23
rd
 Stret, 2008 74 
4.6 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 2000 77 
4.7 Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants, 2000 Insets 78 
4.8 On the Border Mexican Gril and Cantina 83 
4.9 La Parila 84 
4.10 Zen Zero 85 
4.11 Genovese 86 
5.1 Lawrence Population per Restaurant 90 
 vii 
LIST OF TABLES 
 
1.1 Lawrence Area, Population, and Population Density  6 
3.1 Multiple Franchise Restaurants, 1980 61 
3.2 ultiple Chain and Franchise Restaurants, 1990 62 
4.1 Multiple Chain and Franchise Restaurants, 2000 82 
5.1 Lawrence Population per Restaurant 90
 ix 
 
?[Lawrence,] a city recently described by Johnny Carson as having more restaurants 
per capita than any other city in America. . . .? (Johnson, 1982) 
 
 1
CHAPTER ONE 
 
Introduction 
 
Restaurants across the United States have grown in number and type since the 
middle of the twentieth century, reflecting both technological advances and altered 
lifestyles. Automobiles changed the way citizens could aces restaurants, and as a 
result, drive-in and chain restaurants soon spread across the country (Jakle and Sculle, 
1999). Quick service and the ease of driving to dinner were appealing to families in 
which both parents worked; so was afordability. Currently, the convenience and 
availability of fast food have become an expectation, even a necesity for many 
people.  
Casual dining restaurants serve as the family dinner table more frequently 
now than in the past. With fewer people cooking at home, and more spending money 
available, eating out is a common occurrence for younger generations, whereas it was 
more of a treat for families in the 1950s. The National Restaurant Asociation 
reported that in the year 2000, Americans were ?spending more than 45% of their 
food dollar at eating-and-drinking places, up from 25% in 1955. By 2010, Americans 
are expected to spend more than half of their food dollar at anticipated one milion 
eating-and-drinking places? (National Restaurant Asociation, History, 2008).  
Variety of restaurants has increased along with total numbers. Ethnic cuisines 
such as Chinese, Mexican, and Italian have become so common that they no longer 
are considered ?exotic? (Zelinsky, 1987; National Restaurant Asociation, Mils, 
2000; Dilon, Burger, and Shortridge, 2006). In addition, les common ethnic 
 2
cuisines of the past such as Indian, Vietnamese, and Thai have become popular. A 
survey conducted by the National Restaurant Asociation in 1999 indicated that, 
although the frequency of eating out has grown among al age groups, younger 
generations are more likely to visit ethnic restaurants as compared to older 
generations. Acording to Steven C. Anderson, president and chief executive officer 
of the group: ?Today?s young consumers are continualy seking bolder, more exotic 
tastes from a variety of cultures. By establishing a taste for a wide variety of cuisine 
now at a young age, those in ?Generation X and Y? ensure that ethnicaly-diverse 
restaurants . . . wil continue to grow in years to come? (National Restaurant 
Asociation, Generations, 2000).  
The interplay of food and culture has been studied from the perspectives of 
folklore, sociology, anthropology, and geography. Geographicaly, researchers have 
found ethnic cuisines asociated most with ?cosmopolitanism? or locations with high 
flows of tourists, profesionals, or busines visitors (Zelinsky, 1985; Bel and 
Valentine, 1997). As a caveat, however, Zelinsky added that ?state capitals and some 
of the larger college communities may have more than their share of exotic dining 
places? (1985, 60).  
Regionaly, Zelinsky?s research displayed Mexican as the dominant ethnic 
restaurant cuisine for the Southwest and much of the Midwest, including the state of 
Kansas, circa 1980. More recent study by Dilon, Burger, and Shortridge (2006) of 
Mexican restaurants in Omaha, Nebraska, indicates that their growth did not correlate 
with Mexican or Hispanic population growth in that city. 
 3
As of this time, no municipality data are available to test Zelinsky?s asertion 
that college communities show great diversity in ethnic cuisine. In fact, community 
restaurant studies of any type are rare. I offer here a case study that begins to fil this 
gap. It looks at the historical geography of restaurant growth in Lawrence, Kansas, 
over the past half century. As a college town, Lawrence is relevant to Zelinsky?s 
claim above. In addition, the study provides a test of the findings presented by 
Dilon, Burger, and Shortridge (2006) regarding the lack of corelation betwen 
ethnic growth of the population and difusion of ethnic cuisine. 
Lawrence is the seat of Douglas County and home to the University of 
Kansas. Preliminary research suggests that it is also richly endowed with restaurants. 
In 2006, fiften percent of al Douglas County employees worked for food service 
and drinking places, compared to eight percent nationaly (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
2008). Another measure of this concentration, the location quotient (LQ), which 
compares a regional economy to the national economy, shows a similar result. 
Calculated with the following formula:  
 
the location quotient for food service and drinking places in Douglas County is as 
follows:  
 
 4
A LQ value of 1.0 would demonstrate regional industry employment equal to the 
national average. The total value, 1.9, indicates that in 2006 employment in 
restaurants and bars was almost twice as important in Douglas County as it was 
nationaly (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2008). 
My research is historicaly based, focusing on questions related to the growth 
rate of restaurants compared to that of the population, spatial paterns of restaurant 
types, and periods that experienced noticeable growth in the number of 
establishments. I emphasize ethnic restaurants, including when specific cuisines were 
introduced to the community and when individual establishments began serving 
multiple ethnic cuisines, for example, Chinese/Thai and American/Grek/Italian, as 
opposed to strictly Italian or solely Grek. I refer to these multiethnic cuisine 
restaurants as having ?blended? cuisines. To beter capture the mood of the times, I 
highlight for each period a representative establishment or group of restaurants. 
These restaurants provide a snapshot of the diversity Lawrence has experienced over 
the years. They were selected based on frequent mention during interviews with 
community members as wel as their innovative qualities or enduring characteristics. 
Lawrence Background 
 The city of Lawrence was founded in 1854, twelve years before the University 
of Kansas opened its first semester of clases (Dary, 1982, 154).  The university?s 
initial role in the town was smal, but grew rapidly after World War I as college 
enrollments soared. Enrollment in the 2006 fiscal year stood at 25,423 on the 
Lawrence campus. This figure represents twenty-nine percent of the estimated 2006 
 5
total Lawrence population of 88,605 (U. S. Census Bureau, 2008), a strong indication 
that the university has a major influence on the city?s demographics and culture.  
As World War I ended, planning began in Lawrence to acommodate 
returning troops who were eager to take advantage of government-sponsored, fre 
education benefits under the GI Bil (Dary, 1982). New students led to more 
busineses and jobs in the community. By 1950, 23,351 residents, including 
university students, were counted in the census, which jumped to 32,858 people by 
1960 (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1952; U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1963). 
Lawrence?s busines district had always been centered at the northern end of 
Masachusets Stret, which extends south from the Kansas River. As the population 
grew, housing areas expanded from this core primarily to the south and west 
(Brinson, 2005) (Fig. 1.1).  
Lawrence has grown rapidly from 1950 to 2000 (Table 1.1). From 1950 to 
1970, Lawrence?s area nearly quadrupled. This quick expansion alowed the 
population density to drop from nearly 5,000 people per square mile in 1950 to the 
2,600-2,900 range from 1970 to 2000. From 1980 to 2000, Lawrence maintained a 
slower and steadier growth patern, expanding to 28.02 square miles and over 80,000 
people by 2000.  
Iowa Stret, paralel with Masachusets Stret but one and a quarter miles to 
the west, opened in the early 1950s (Brinson, 2005) to provide another north-south 
route across the city. Principal east-west connecting roads betwen Masachusets 
and Iowa strets came to be 6
th
 Stret across the north edge of town and 23
rd
 Stret 
 6
 
Fig. 1.1. Lawrence expansion from before 1950 to 208. Roadways data from TIGER 206,water 
bodies and water areas from 206 National Hydrography Dataset, and anexation data provided by 
City of Lawrence Planing and Development Services Department. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Year Area Census Population Density 
 (Sq. miles) Population Persons/Sq. mile 
1950 4.73 23,351 4,937 
1960 8.06 32,858 4,07 
1970 16.93 45,698 2,69 
1980 19.51 52,738 2,703 
190 2.8 65,608 2,867 
200 28.02 80,098 2,859 
Table 1.1. Lawrence growth by decade in area, population, and population density. Source: City of 
Lawrence Planing and Development Services Department. 
 
 7
along the south. These four roads create a rectangle and enclose the university. With 
the exception of Masachusets Stret, each principal road is also a highway: U. S. 59 
(Iowa Stret), U. S. 40 (6
th
 Stret), and Kansas 10 (23
rd
 Stret). These roads are 
where most busineses, especialy restaurants, have developed throughout the last half 
century. Across the Kansas River, U. S. 40 and 59 highways continue north along 
North 2
nd
 Stret through the North Lawrence neighborhood. Additional busineses 
and restaurants have built along this route. 
Kansas has a long history of prohibition and strict liquor laws. In 1880, its 
people constitutionaly prohibited the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors. 
This stricture was relaxed slightly in 1948 when an amendment alowed package 
liquor sales to be ?authorized and regulated, but the sale of liquor by the drink in 
public places was [stil] prohibited? (Kansas Legislative Research Department, 2003, 
1). Other changes came in 1965 when private clubs were alowed liquor licenses, and 
in 1978 when restaurants were ?authorized to sel liquor if they derived at least 50 
percent of gross receipts from the sale of food and were located in counties that 
approved such sales? (Kansas Legislative Research Department, 2003, 2). Finaly, in 
1986, a constitutional amendment permited the ?sale of liquor by the drink in 
establishments open to the public? (Kansas Legislative Research Department, 2003, 
3), efective January 1, 1987. Each of those legal changes had obvious implications 
for restaurants. 
Methodology 
I combined quantitative and qualitative research for this study. Previous 
 8
researchers have gathered restaurant data from yelow pages of telephone books 
(Zelinsky, 1985; Pilsbury, 1987; Kovacik, 1988; Jakle and Sculle, 1999; Turgeon 
and Pastineli, 2002; Dilon, Burger, and Shortridge, 2006). However, not al 
busineses print their information in this source. For a more complete compilation I 
supplemented Southwestern Bel telephone directories with Polk?s city directories to 
identify names, locations, and cuisines of Lawrence restaurants at ten-year intervals 
from 1950 to 2007. Telephone directories are available for each interval within this 
time frame and city directories are acesible for each interval except the period of 
1950-1965. For years in which both a telephone directory and city directory were 
published, I combined data from both sources. 
Restaurant addreses alowed geocoding and mapping through GIS, which 
was esential for visualizing the distribution. Jakle and Sculle displayed restaurants 
in Springfield, Ilinois (1999), at twenty-year intervals through most of the twentieth 
century. Other researchers have mapped such data only for a specific year (Pilsbury, 
1987; Milbauer, 1990). For this study, I created maps at ten-year intervals. 
Annexation data represent city boundaries as of January 1 for the first year of the 
respective decade. Hydrographic data were provided by the National Hydrography 
Dataset and represent the local rivers and lakes as of December 2006 for al maps. 
Restaurants with addres ?RFD? were not included in the total counts or displayed on 
the maps as they were not within city limits and a specific stret addres was not 
available. The number of these excluded restaurants may be found on the appendix 
maps. Ethnic cuisine was identified by descriptive restaurant names as wel as from 
 9
advertisements in the telephone directory. Maps were based solely on directory data 
for each decade, even if it was known that some establishments were not listed.  
Pilsbury (1987) and Jakle and Sculle (1999) both focused on restaurant 
paterns related to main transportation routes. Dilon, Burger, and Shortridge (2006), 
in contrast, analyzed Mexican restaurant locations in relation to the Mexican 
population, using census block data. I have combined aspects of these approaches by 
focusing on restaurant location with regard to Lawrence?s four primary transportation 
routes but adding demographic information at the municipality level for a broad view 
of population changes by decade.  
 To retrieve restaurant data, I used the categories ?cafes? and ?restaurants? in 
both city and telephone directories. Advertisements on these pages often added 
useful details. Several establishments identified as restaurants in these directories did 
not fit standard definitions of this word, however. These included coffe shops, juice 
bars, bakeries, clubs, bars, quick-stops, and eating establishments within grocery 
stores or university buildings. I elected to exclude al these categories from my 
analysis. 
I interviewed community members of various ages in order to add personal 
stories and perceptions to my directory data. To gather this information, I used 
personal contacts within the community, the archivist of the Watkins Community 
Museum, authors of The KU/Lawrence Trivia Quiz Book, and several present and 
former restaurant owners in Lawrence. I also interviewed at four local retirement and 
asisted living communities: Brandon Woods Retirement Community, Drury Place at 
 10 
Alvamar, Pioneer Ridge Retirement Community, and Prairie Commons Apartments. 
I especialy sought out senior citizens who had lived in Lawrence since the 1950s and 
1960s to asist with understanding the overal change that has occurred. This group 
also was key to understanding which restaurants were especialy popular in years past 
and which had distinctive cultures or atmospheres. As per request, some participants 
are identified only by their first name and residence. Altogether I spoke with 
approximately twenty-five people.  
Appointments with retirement home residents were primarily scheduled 
through the community?s event coordinator, who contacted residents and scheduled 
the participants to met with me. I refered to the interview as an informal 
conversation with the anticipation that more residents might atend, but kept groups 
smal (no more than five people) to maintain a more personal atmosphere and easily 
alow for questions. I also conducted several individual interviews at these centers 
with especialy interested people.  
For al of these interviews I provided a list of restaurants and maps as tools to 
asist in recaling busineses, but otherwise left the conversation open and flexible as 
the participants recaled diferent establishments of their past. Five-year interval 
maps of Lawrence restaurants, from 1950 to 1965, greatly helped the retirement home 
participants. On these maps, I labeled each restaurant as wel as the major roads for 
reference.  
The following chapters are organized in chronological order with time periods 
selected based on significant change in the restaurant data. Chapter two covers 1950-
 11 
1979, a period of steady restaurant growth. Chapter thre, 1980-1999, is when ethnic 
diversity in restaurants began to increase. Lastly, Chapter four focuses on 2000-2007, 
the period of most acelerated growth in total restaurant numbers. 
Expectations 
Because the trend of eating out has increased nationwide over the past sixty 
years, and because nearly fiften percent of al Douglas County employees now work 
in food service and drinking establishments, it sems likely that restaurant growth in 
recent years has been faster than overal population growth. I wanted to test this idea. 
In addition, because of increasing use of automobiles, I expected the distribution of 
restaurants to become more and more concentrated along the four main roads.  
Anecdotal evidence suggested that the 1987 law alowing liquor by the drink 
produced a restaurant boom. Based on this, I hypothesized a significant increase in 
the number of restaurants during the late 1980s and 1990s. 
I also expected ethnic establishments to grow and diversify beginning about 
1985. Zelinsky reported then that Chinese, Mexican, and Italian cuisines were being 
sen as everyday options, no longer as ?exotic.? Because of the study on Mexican 
restaurant growth in Omaha, Nebraska (Dilon, Burger, and Shortridge, 2006), I 
anticipated that this growth would not correlate with imigration paterns. Instead, 
the university?s influence on Lawrence demographics led me to believe that the 
difusion of ethnic restaurants would be more closely related to worldly interests in 
culture and tastes by students and faculty. 
 12 
CHAPTER TWO 
Simple, Homemade Food: 1950-1979 
The population of Lawrence in 1950 was 23,351, which included university 
students. Like the majority of the state, ethnic diversity was low, and census data 
show almost ninety-two percent of the community as white (U. S. Bureau of the 
Census, 1952). The population rose to 32,858 by 1960 and then to 45,698 by 1970, 
but diversity remained low. Euro-Americans stil constituted more than ninety 
percent of the total for both of these periods (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1963; U. S. 
Bureau of the Census, 1973). 
Restaurant Growth in the 1950s 
Restaurant location in 1950 was largely restricted to the busines district 
(Figs. 2.1 and 2.2). That year, almost two-thirds of the total, 28 of 46, were 
established within one block of Masachusets Stret. The next most common route 
was 23
rd
 Stret, perpendicular to Masachusets Stret, with four restaurants within 
one block of this road. However, only two of these were within the actual city limits. 
At that time, 23
rd
 Stret formed this boundary, except for a peninsula that was the 
United States Indian Industrial Training School (now Haskel Indian Nations 
University). 
Along 23
rd
 Stret, the Dine-A-Mite Inn (Figs. 2.3 and 2.4) was located just 
fet beyond the city limits (Se Appendix A). This alowed ?dancing and the serving 
of beer at the same time . . . which was ilegal within the city limits of Lawrence at 
that time? (Progres, 1999).  
 13 
Fig. 2.1. Lawrence restaurants in 1950. The light gray shading indicates areas within city limits. 
Nearly two-thirds of al restaurants were located near Masachusets Stret, most of those in the 
busines district. Insets Downtown North and Downtown South provide detail on this area of high 
concentration. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
Fig. 2.2. Gemel?s Caf?, undated. Located 
at 717 Masachusets Stret in the 1950s and 
1960s. Source: 1981.09.048 Watkins 
Comunity Museum. 
 14 
Roma Kennedy personaly knew the proprietor, Roy Borgen, and frequented the 
Dine-A-Mite:  
The KU students patronized that [Dine-A-Mite] all the time then. Football 
games were terribly busy. Of course they were busy all the time, but football 
games it was exceptionally busy. . . . I?d call it more of a restaurant, 
nightclub together, ?cause they had dancing and everything at night. And it 
was the bigest hangout in Lawrence. 
 
   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Only two restaurants were located near 6
th
 Stret: Rose Le Lunch and The 
Stable, both on 7
th
 Stret near Michigan Stret. These locations, a bit remote in 1950, 
had been beter situated at their founding several years earlier because Seventh Stret 
(rather than Sixth) was then the designated route of Highway K-10 (City Planning 
Commision, 1930). When the route changed, the restaurants became anachronisms, 
but close enough to the new traficway to survive (City Planning Commision, 1945-
1948).  
Fig. 2.3. Dine-A-Mite In, 1950s. Located on the southwest 
corner of the 23rd and Louisiana strets intersection, the 
Dine-A-Mite was beyond the city limits. This alowed the 
establishment to ofer both ber and dancing, a combination 
that was ilegal within Lawrence limits. Source: University 
Archives71/30. Spencer Research Library, University of 
Kansas Libraries. 
Fig. 2.4. Dine-A-Mite In 
customers, 1960. Source: 
University Archives 71/30. Spencer 
Research Library, University of 
Kansas Libraries. 
 15 
Several restaurants existed in 
North Lawrence. Two were located 
within one block of North 2
nd
 Stret, 
while another, the Shamrock Gril (Fig. 
2.5), was on Locust Stret, the older east-
west busines route of North Lawrence 
(for a more precise location of this and 
other restaurants se Appendices A, B, 
and C).  
 Most of the restaurants that were 
located farther than one block from the 
main routes were within the rectangle 
formed by Masachusets, 10
th
, 15
th
, and 
Iowa strets. This central area focuses on 
the University of Kansas main campus. 
Although I excluded eating 
establishments actualy on campus from 
this study, the restaurants within this 
rectangle were nearby and clearly 
focused on the student market. Thre of the six establishments even used collegiate 
names. College Inn and Jayhawk Caf? (Fig. 2.6) were both along the eastern base of 
Mt. Oread (the Jayhawk is the university mascot), while the Rock Chalk Caf? sat atop 
Fig. 2.5. Shamrock Gril, undated. Located in North 
Lawrence at 508 Locust Stret. Source: Duke 
D?ambra Colection, RH PH 69.276. Spencer 
Research Library, University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
Fig. 2.6. Jayhawk Caf?, 195. Located near KU?s 
campus at 1340 Ohio Stret. The sign reads: ?Save 
10% Buy a Meal Ticket, $5.50 for $5.0, $1.0 
for $10.0. Not God for Cigaretes.? Source: 
University Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 16 
Mt. Oread at the northern edge of campus (?rock chalk? is part of a university cheer). 
For many years the Rock Chalk was known as a ?hotbed of social and political 
debate? (Swartz, 1984), and recognized for its liberal-minded crowd, including 
wartime activists in the 1960s and 1970s. The other two restaurants served more of a 
fraternity-sorority crowd. 
 Drive-in restaurants had started to develop by 1950, and two existed in 
Lawrence at this time: Chateau Drive-In (Fig. 2.7) south of downtown on 
Masachusets Stret, and Chet?s Drive-
In on North 2
nd
 Stret.
1
 Catering to their 
mobile customer base, both busineses 
were on main city roads but away from 
the heart of the downtown area. No 
need existed for a drive-in where 
community members primarily walked, 
and the cost of the land was cheaper in 
outlying areas such as these.  
Racial segregation was a fact of life in the 1950s. At the beginning of the 
century most black busineses had been located in thre areas of Lawrence, al of 
them downtown: ?the 600 block of Masachusets Stret, on Waren Stret (now 
Ninth Stret) betwen New Hampshire and Vermont strets, and in the 800 block of 
Vermont Stret. . . . The 800 block was most important because much of that property 
                                                
1
 I operationaly defined drive-in restaurants as those with ?drive-in? in their name or directory 
advertisement. 
Fig. 2.7. Chateau Drive-In, 1950. Located at 
1802 Masachusets Stret. Source: University 
Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 17 
also was owned by blacks? (Smith, 1986). One restaurant here, the Blue Bucket Shop 
(Fig. 2.8), at 828 Vermont Stret remained in operation until the early 1960s. 
 
 
 
 
 
Restaurant Growth in the 1960s 
Restaurant locations in 1960 followed trends similar to those of the previous 
decade, but expanded as annexation pushed city boundaries west and south from the 
busines district (Fig. 2.9). Telephone directory data suggest that the total number of 
restaurants actualy dropped slightly from the 46 in 1950 to 44 in 1960. Although 
Masachusets Stret stil featured the highest concentration of restaurants in 1960, 
this area contained ten fewer than a decade before.
2
 Eighten of 44 establishments 
were located within one block of Masachusets Stret, as compared to 28 of 46 in 
1950.  
A popular spot on Masachusets Stret downtown throughout the 1950s-
1970s was Duck?s Seafood Restaurant, known as Duck?s Seafood Tavern in the 
                                                
2
 Data problems may have caused the drop in restaurants for 1960, but whether it was the only cause 
remains a mystery as an exact explanation was unatainable. 
Fig. 2.8. Blue Bucket Shop, c. 1950. Located at 
828 Vermont Stret. Source: Duke D?ambra 
Colection, RH PH 69.275.1. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 18 
1950s. This establishment came up in almost every interview, although various 
community members remembered diferent characteristics.  
Fig. 2.9. Lawrence restaurants in 1960. The light gray shading marks areas within city limits. 
Restaurant concentration remained in the downtown area near Masachusets Stret. Insets Downtown 
North and Downtown South provide detail. 
 
Helen Krische, an archivist at the Watkins Community Museum, recaled: 
Duck?s Seafood, that also was a really nice place to eat. . . . I remember 
going in there for lunch and you?d see a lot of the businessmen from 
downtown . . . in there [Duck?s] drinking, siping their martinis and stuff 
during lunch time so it was kind of one of the best restaurants for the 
business people that worked downtown to go to. That?s where I tasted my 
first shark steak . . . . So it was kind of interesting. 
 
Phil Minkin, co-author of The KU / Lawrence Trivia Quiz Book, remembered the 
motto at Duck?s: 
 19 
?If it swims, we have it.? And then I always said, ?And then we deep fry it.?  
That?s the only way that fish was ever served in the Midwest, was heavily 
breaded and deep-fried. And now [208] . . . there?s some kind of fresh fish 
and salmon [available at Lawrence restaurants], so that aspect has changed. 
We?ve become much more urbane, I guess, than hamburgers, tacos, and 
deep-fried [foods]. . . . 
 
 In the 1950s, Duck?s Seafood Tavern advertised fried shrimp, Maine lobster, 
and fried oysters, but also steak. By the mid-1960s, catering to their Midwestern 
location, they added chicken and sandwiches to their ads. ?Duck?s was popular, very 
popular, in that day and age. . . . steakhouses were quite popular because of the beer 
that they sold and Duck?s Tavern was a college hangout. But they sold a lot of beer 
and had prety good dance music, at that age,? stated Bil, a resident of Pioneer Ridge 
Retirement Community. ?Duck?s was around for a long time, but it was another one 
of those dance hal places,? remembered Ms. Kennedy, of Drury Place at Alvamar. 
Alice Dewese, a resident of Prairie Commons Apartments, had a closer connection 
to Duck?s than most customers: 
My husband and I used to go there because my husband was the manager of 
the meat department of the A & P [grocery] store downtown. And that guy 
that owned that [Duck?s] bought some of his suplies from him. And we 
used to go there and have lobster tails and then I was in a group of women, I 
think there was about eight of us that played cards . . . every time we played 
we would each put a quarter in a pot, and when we got enough money, we 
would go to Duck?s. And most of us had lobster tail.  
 
A staf member of Prairie Commons Apartments, added: ?I grew up south of town in 
Otawa, and that [Duck?s Seafood Restaurant] was THE place to go out to eat. . . . it 
was prety fancy.? 
 Twenty-Third Stret remained the next most popular site for restaurants at this 
time, with nine eating establishments distributed along it. In 1960, Grif?s Burger Bar 
 20 
opened on 23
rd
 Stret. This was one of the first fast-food restaurants in Lawrence. 
Helen Krische remembered that: ?that was THE place to go when you were a kid, 
?cause it was about the only fast-food hamburger place here and their hamburgers 
were realy cheap too . . . like twelve or fiften cents apiece. And then you could also 
get the economy pack, so many [hamburgers] for a dollar.? Roy C., a resident of 
Drury Place at Alvamar, recaled: ?Grif?s was very popular. Burger bar and was one 
of the first ones too. Fiften- to eighten-cent hamburgers. A lot of people would go 
there and buy a dozen of them.? 
Along 6
th
 Stret, five restaurants had developed, including the Thunderbird 
Drive-In which was farther west than any other restaurant in Lawrence. The 
Thunderbird was just west of Iowa Stret, which was in its early stages of 
development. Hilcrest Bowl and Snack Bar at 9
th
 and Iowa was another remote 
restaurant, the only one on Iowa Stret in 1960. North Lawrence gained another 
restaurant along North 2
nd
 Stret during this decade, for a total of thre. The Hi-way 
Inn Caf? opened farther north than its competitors after an expansion of the city limit.  
 Eight of the 44 restaurants in 1960 were located more than one block from a 
main route (slightly fewer than the eleven from 1950). Five of these were in close 
proximity to the university. The Rock Chalk Caf? (Fig. 2.10) on top of Mt. Oread, 
the Jayhawk Caf? on the eastern side of the hil, and the Cal Caf? on Crescent Road, 
were al stil in operation in 1960 as they were ten years prior.  
On Oread Boulevard near the north end of campus, Roberto?s had moved 
from downtown and had replaced Gemel?s, which in turn had relocated to 
 21 
Masachusets Stret downtown. A new busines, The Wagon Wheel Cafe, had 
opened on 14
th
 Stret along the eastern slope of Mt. Oread. 
 
 Drive-in restaurants had expanded to six by 1960. Al were found along 
highways. The Blue Hils Drive-In (Fig. 2.11), Fay?s Drive-In, and JoYo Drive-In 
were located on 23
rd
 Stret / K-10 Highway, while the Moore Burger Drive-In and 
Thunderbird Drive-In were on 6
th
 Stret / U. S. 40 Highway, and Strick?s Drive-In 
was along North 2
nd
 Stret / U. S. 40/59 Highway. No drive-ins existed along 
Masachusets Stret. Al these followed the patern sen earlier of locating away 
from the busines district for reasons of clientele, cost, or both.  
 
Fig. 2.1. Blue Hils Drive-
In, 1956. Established in the 
early 1950s, it was located at 
1601 E. 23
rd
 Stret, farther 
from the downtown area 
than any other restaurant at 
that time. Source: 
University Archives, 71/30. 
Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas 
Libraries. 
 
Fig. 2.10. Rock Chalk Caf?, 
1969. Located at 618 W. 
12
th
 Stret. Source: 
University Archives, 71/30. 
Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas 
Libraries. 
 
 22 
Restaurant Growth in the 1970s 
By 1970, Lawrence?s city limits had again expanded west and south, and 
restaurants quickly followed in these directions. My data for 1970 are probably more 
complete than for earlier years since a city directory was available to supplement 
information from the telephone book. I believe this partialy explains a large jump in 
the number of restaurants for 1970 to a total of 70. 
Even though restaurants increased throughout Lawrence as a whole, the 
number of restaurants in the busines district remained about the same as for 1960. 
Twenty of the 70 total restaurants were near Masachusets Stret, compared to 18 of 
44 in 1960, and 28 of 46 in 1950 (Figs. 2.12 and 2.13).  
The next highest concentration of eating establishments was along 23
rd
 Stret, 
with 19 restaurants. This route stil marked the general southern boundary of 
restaurants in Lawrence, but one establishment had moved a block beyond. Eleven 
restaurants were found within one block of 6
th
 Stret. City limits now extended past 
the next major road west of Iowa Stret, Kasold Drive, and development moved 
toward that new roadway. Of the four main transportation routes, Iowa Stret again 
was the least served by restaurants, with just seven within one block of the road. Two 
of these were found in hotels: the Ramada Inn at the intersection of 6
th
 and Iowa and 
the Holiday Inn at 23
rd
 and Iowa. 
In North Lawrence, two new restaurants had opened since 1960, but other 
closings meant that the total was stil thre near the main stretch of North 2
nd
 Stret. 
 23 
L & M Caf? was four and a half blocks north of the river at 629 N. 2
nd
 Stret, whereas 
The Sirloin located on newly annexed land just north of Interstate 70. 
  
 Fig. 2.12. Lawrence restaurants in 1970. The light gray shading marks areas within city limits. 
Areas with a high concentration of restaurants are displayed via insets in Figure 2.13. Most of the 
restaurants were within one block of Masachusets Stret, but 23
rd
 Stret had also developed 
considerably by this time. 
 24 
 
 
Fig. 2.13. Lawrence restaurants in 1970 insets. Most of the restaurants were within one block of 
Masachusets Stret. Another high area of concentration was along W. 23
rd
 Stret. Sixth and Iowa 
strets had only smal clusters of restaurant development. 
 
   Within Lawrence, ten listed restaurants, and one known but unlisted, existed 
farther than one block away from a main road. Thre of these were in North 
Lawrence: El Matador Caf?, Loyd & Tom?s Place Tavern, and the Flamingo Supper 
 25 
Club.
3
 Two others were in East Lawrence: Grene Gable Caf? four blocks east of the 
busines district and England?s Dairy Creme, which sold sandwiches in addition to 
ice cream, some twelve blocks from the nearest main road on 13
th
 Stret. The 
remaining five restaurants were near campus. The Jayhawk Caf?, The Rock Chalk 
Caf?, and The Wagon Wheel remained in their familiar locations. Two new 
establishments on Mt. Oread, Captain?s Table on Crescent Road and the Gas Light 
Tavern (Fig. 2.14) on Oread Boulevard, had replaced the former busineses The Cal 
and Roberto?s, respectively. 
 
Ethnic Restaurants 
The first ethnic restaurants in Lawrence opened around 1950 (Fig. 2.15). 
Mexican cuisine was first on the scene with El Tampico Club, in East Lawrence at 
801 Pennsylvania Stret. It was the only ethnic restaurant listed in the telephone 
directory that year and lasted until 1952. 
La Tropicana, in North Lawrence at 434 Locust Stret, opened its doors in 
1951. In 2008, it was stil operating under the same name and at the same location. 
                                                
3
 La Tropicana also was in busines in North Lawrence at this time, but from the 1950s through the 
1970s it was listed in the telephone directory only infrequently. Since maps for this study were based 
on directory data, La Tropicana is first displayed in the 1980 map (Se Apendix D). 
Fig. 2.14 Gas Light Tavern, 
1969. White building on the 
left is the Gas Light at 1241 
Oread Blvd. Adjacent are the 
busineses Campus Barber 
Shop and Sandalwod. 
Source: University Archives, 
71/30. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas 
Libraries. 
 
 26 
Phil Minkin stated, ?That?s probably the longest single ownership restaurant in 
Lawrence today.? A third Mexican restaurant, El Matador Caf?, opened in the late 
1950s adjacent to La Tropicana at 446 Locust Stret, and in 2008 it was stil in 
operation as wel. Paul, a resident of Drury Place at Alvamar, was not surprised that 
 
 
Fig. 2.15. Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants in 1950. El Tampico Club at 801 Pensylvania Stret was the 
only ethnic restaurant identified in Lawrence in 1950. 
 
 27 
the two restaurants had stayed in busines: 
. . . [La Tropicana and El Matador Cafe] were about the only ones [Mexican 
restaurants], probably years ago in Lawrence. And Mexican food has just 
become more and more popular so it?s not to surprising that the ones that 
were already established could continue getting the business, and others 
came in and got business to because Mexican food has got more popular 
and eating out apparently has goten a lot more popular over the years.  
 
None of the Lawrence Mexican establishments in the 1950s developed along main 
routes, making it even more impresive that this cuisine would not only catch on 
within the community, but that two of these initial restaurants would prosper for over 
five decades. 
During the 1950s no restaurants in 
the telephone book advertised serving 
exclusively Chinese food. However, 
from 1952 through 1957 the DeLuxe Caf? 
(Fig. 2.16) at 711 Masachusets Stret 
served a blended cuisine including chop 
suey and chow mein in addition to 
chicken dinners, steaks, and chops. The 
DeLuxe was listed until 1966, but 
beginning in 1958, advertisements dropped the Chinese cuisine and focused only on 
prime rib and chicken. Therefore, Figure 2.17 does not identify this restaurant as 
serving an ethnic cuisine in 1960. Sarah Schmidt, a resident of Prairie Commons 
Apartments, stated that, ?when we got to come to the DeLuxe to eat, we thought we 
were realy stepping up because it was one of the nicer restaurants.?  
Fig. 2.16. DeLuxe Caf?, undated. Located at 
71 Masachusets Stret. Source: Duke D?ambra 
Colection, RH PH 69.27. Kansas Colection. 
Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas 
Libraries. 
 
 28 
Italian cuisine first appeared in Lawrence in the mid-1950s, and it grew 
throughout the 1960s (Fig. 2.17). Campus Hideaway Pizeria on North Park Stret, 
like many of the initial Italian restaurants, primarily served piza. As the name 
  
Fig. 2.17. Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants in 1960. La Tropicana and El Matador Caf? were both located 
on the 40 block of Locust Stret in North Lawrence at this time, but only El Matador was listed in the 
telephone directory, therefore it is the only one displayed for 1960. Piza Hut, Campus Hideaway 
Pizeria, and Roberto?s ofered Italian cuisine for this year. 
 29 
suggests, it was frequented by college students plus high schoolers as wel. Ms. 
DeWese, of Prairie Commons Apartments, recaled, ?That [Campus Hideaway 
Pizeria] was the one I always thought realy got piza started here in town.? Ms. 
Kennedy, of Drury Place at Alvamar, similarly stated, ?It was the first piza place 
that we had in town.? 
In 1960, the fast-food chain Piza Hut opened a store in downtown Lawrence 
and by the mid-1960s several other piza establishments had joined the scene. Earl?s 
Piza Palace, La Piza Restaurant, and The Shanty were al downtown, on or near 
Masachusets Stret, and Piza Pub was on W. 23
rd
 Stret. Piza was also advertised 
by restaurants that served a blended cuisine. For example, The Southern Pit 
Barbeque (Figs. 2.18 and 2.19) near 19
th
 and Masachusets included piza on their 
menu, and the neighboring Old Mision Inn served spagheti red in addition to steaks 
and jumbo burgers. 
  
Fig. 2.18. Southern Pit BQ, 1950s. Located 
at 1834 Masachusets Stret. Source: 
University Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
Fig. 2.19. Southern Pit BQ, 1950s. 
Restaurant employes. Source: University 
Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 30 
Roberto?s was perhaps the first Italian restaurant in Lawrence to expand 
entres beyond piza. Their telephone directory listing states ?Finest Italian Food? 
and did not advertise piza. Roberto?s was first located downtown on Masachusets 
Stret in the late 1950s but later moved near campus on Oread Avenue. In the 1970s 
Tredo?s at 944 Masachusets also served authentic Italian cuisine. Mick Ranney, 
friend of the late Bil McCain (former owner of the Red Lion Restaurant), 
remembered: ?It was realy nice. . . . as a college student in the early ?70s, that was 
my favorite ?date night? restaurant. . . . it?s hard to think of [an] Italian restaurant as 
being ethnic, because it?s so prevalent [in 2008], but Tredo?s was.? Tredo?s was a 
special place for Helen Krische as wel: ?That was a place where . . . my friends and I 
would go at the end of the wek because we got paid, and that was a treat.? 
In 1969, a new ethnic cuisine appeared in town via a restaurant caled Alfie?s 
Fish and Chips on 6
th
 Stret (Fig. 2.20). Advertisements claimed it to be as ?English 
as the Union Jack, Jack? and ?Treating you to the tastiest, most delightful, quick 
snack that ever invaded the colonies.? Alfie?s was a chain restaurant and was listed in 
the directories through 1976. 
When asked if it took a while for the community to adopt these various ethnic 
cuisines, Jean Collins, wife of Corbet Collins (former manager of Sandy?s Drive-In 
and Henry?s Drive-In), responded, ?It was slow geting off the ground but I think 
Lawrence was ready for it.?  With two establishments, only a bit of Chinese cuisine 
was present in the community, but Mexican restaurants and Italian piza parlors 
dominated the local ethnic scene through the 1970s. 
 31 
 
Fig. 2.20. Lawrence Ethnic Restaurants in 1970. Alfie?s Fish and Chips on 6
th
 Stret brought English 
cuisine to Lawrence. Two restaurants served more than one type of cuisine and therefore were 
clasified as having blended menus. Cariage Lamp Restaurant at 71 W. 23
rd
 served Italian and 
American cuisines, Don Chilito?s Border Restaurant at 1528 W. 23
rd
 Stret served Italian and Mexican 
cuisines. 
 
Chain Restaurants 
 Localy owned busineses dominated the Lawrence restaurant scene in the 
1950s, but by the next decade they faced competition from chain establishments. Two 
of the first franchise restaurants were Grif?s Burger Bar on West 23rd Stret and 
 32 
Sandy?s Drive-In near the intersection of 9th and Iowa.
4
 Sandy?s was based in 
Chicago and was an early competitor of McDonald?s. As development spread west in 
Lawrence, Sandy?s located in the recently annexed section just west of Iowa Stret. It 
was just across the stret from the city?s first, and highly frequented Hilcrest 
Shopping Center.  
 Piza Hut came to Lawrence as the first piza chain in Lawrence in 1960. For 
two years it was downtown at 646 Masachusets Stret. It relocated closer to the 
university in 1962 at 1342 Tennese Stret, then changed locations again two years 
later to the more fast-food friendly West 23
rd
 Stret. Being a fast-food chain it 
probably fit in beter with the drive-ins than with the cafes in the busines district. 
The temporary Tennese Stret location is intriguing, however, conveniently placed 
betwen the university and Campus Hideaway Pizeria. This made Piza Hut the 
closest piza place to campus. The company?s succes in Lawrence led to a second 
Piza Hut opening near 8
th
 and Iowa strets in 1966, not far from the Hilcrest 
Shopping Center. Chain restaurants increased from approximately five in 1960 to 
about twenty by 1970. 
 Al of the chain and franchise restaurants identified in 1970 were located on 
major routes south of the Kansas River. The majority of these restaurants were found 
not in the downtown area, but on either 23
rd
 Stret or 6
th
 Stret, with about ten and 
five outlets, respectively. This presages a patern developed more fully in later years, 
                                                
4
 Chain is a more general term refering to multiple branches of a restaurant under a single owner. 
Franchise refers to restaurants owned by individuals but under license to a biger named company. 
Chains and franchises were identified through Internet searches. 
 33 
including chains with more than one store typicaly opening outlets on each of these 
two main routes. In 1970, however, Piza Hut was the only franchise with two stores 
in Lawrence. They located one on 23
rd
 Stret and another on Iowa Stret, perhaps a 
beter combination at that time given the draw of Hilcrest Shopping Center. Chains 
and franchises typicaly highlighted their speedy service, often via drive-through 
ordering and pick-up. They catered to customers with automobiles, and since the 
downtown area was primarily pedestrian, saw 6
th
 and 23
rd
 strets as beter locations. 
In addition, retail space would have been cheaper along these roads than in 
downtown. 
Spotlight Restaurants 
El Matador Caf? 
A sign across the front window of El Matador Caf? reads ?In busines 50 
years in 2007,? a rare feat for any busines, especialy a restaurant (Figs. 2.21 and 
2.22). El Matador Caf? also displays unique characteristics that make its succes 
even more surprising. Unlike most restaurants in town, El Matador is beyond sight of 
main transportation routes. Located in North Lawrence, El Matador is almost four 
blocks east of North 2
nd
 Stret (U. S. Highway 40/59). Across the stret stretches the 
Union Pacific Railroad line. Few busineses exist adjacent to the restaurant, but just 
next door is La Tropicana, another Mexican restaurant that has been in operation even 
longer than El Matador.  
Though familial ties exist betwen the two restaurants, the neighborhood is 
not otherwise recognized historicaly as Hispanic. Joe Reyes owns El Matador, while 
 34 
his cousin owns La Tropicana. Reyes?s grandfather and uncle originaly opened La 
Tropicana in 1951 just after a big flood that year, and it was Joe Reyes?s parents, 
Felicitas (Bety) Garcia Reyes and T. L. Reyes, who later opened El Matador in the 
late 1950s. Joe Reyes acquired ownership in 1989. 
Reyes does not mind the close proximity of another family-run Mexican 
restaurant: ?I don?t figure it?s competition, I think it?s good variety. Everybody has 
their own flair. . . . We always sem to have enough busines for everybody in 
Lawrence.? Long-time Lawrence resident Phil Minkin had a similar perspective, 
?It?s kind of like, are you a Ford person or a Chevy person? Are you a Mac or a PC? 
Are you a Matador or a Trop?? 
 
Fig. 2.21. ?Remember, There?s Only One El 
Matador Caf?.? This image is a painting of the 
original El Matador Caf?. Two photographs 
are afixed to the painting, in each of the lower 
corners. On the right are Bety Garcia Reyes 
and T. L. Reyes, original owners of the 
restaurant. On the left is their son, and curent 
owner, Joe Reyes. Photo courtesy of Joe 
Reyes. 
 
Fig. 2.2. A 207 photo of the El Matador 
Caf? shows the same mural painted on the east 
side of the building. Just out of view, the 
neighboring building has ben atached with a 
walkway. This adition provides space for a 
live band. Photo courtesy of Joe Reyes. 
 
 35 
 Since El Matador was not established on one of the main routes in Lawrence, 
Minkin stresed the importance of having a ?caling card? to draw in customers. For 
El Matador, this is a strong emphasis on fresh food. Reyes explained that he never 
uses a microwave and orders are made individualy: ?We don?t make the guacamole 
until you order it.? 
Phil Minkin?s memory supported this: 
We used to call him grandpa, the man who ran it for all those years. You?d 
go in and order and say, ?I?d like an order of guacamole,? and sometimes 
you could see grandpa [T. L. Reyes] take his apron off, go out the back dor, 
get in his truck, probably drive to--there was a Rusty?s [grocery store]-buy 
the avocados, come back, and make your guacamole. It was that kind of 
place.  
  
Ms. DeWese, of Prairie Commons Apartments, also remembered this type of service 
at El Matador, but from the other side of the counter: 
. . . we bought this litle grocery store over in North Lawrence . . . the El 
Matador, that?s there on Locust Street, it was just around the corner from our 
store. And those guys, they were just new, I think, in the restaurant business 
at that time, ?cause . . . a lot of times at non they would come over to the 
store and buy hamburger and get lettuce and go back and fix an order that 
they had just taken.  
 
Most of El Matador?s patrons are return customers, and many have been 
honored with a custom dish named after them. The restaurant menu lists those who 
have frequently visited throughout the years, along with their usual orders. Examples 
are Dr. E?s Special: thre tacos and thre tostadas, or Dr. Branson?s Special: four 
tacos and a bowl of chili. Mayors, profesors, doctors, and a fire chief are a few of 
those who have been recognized. Helen Krische enjoys the local atmosphere El 
Matador provides and stated, ?. . . people from around town, they have their specials 
 36 
or their combination plates named after them; I think that?s realy neat; it?s kind of 
like a history leson in itself, a who?s who.? 
El Matador has maintained the smal community atmosphere that was 
common in Lawrence when the restaurant opened in the late 1950s. This is rare to 
find in 2008, with the city population thre times the size of that in 1950. Reyes 
stated, ? . . . it?s nice to know and look over [at] your door and se people you 
recognize. And if they?re not there you wonder, ?Are they ok? You know, I didn?t 
se them this wekend; I can usualy count on them.?? 
 El Matador may not have felt a negative impact on busines via remote 
location, but it has been afected by liquor isues. Reyes?s father had eliminated the 
sale of al alcohol in the restaurant prior to his death in 1986. After careful 
consideration, Joe Reyes reversed part of this decision by alowing the sale of beer 
with 3.2 percent alcohol. He explained, ?And I told Dad, ?You know, I got these 
guys saying ?Joe, we like our beer with our piza and with our tacos.? And he [T. L. 
Reyes] was going to put it back in, so I did after he pased on.? 
  Currently, the only alcohol available at the restaurant is 3.2 percent beer, but 
clientele interest in higher alcohol Mexican beer and in margaritas has persuaded 
Reyes to consider changing his rules again. He realizes the demand, but also wants to 
maintain the family atmosphere El Matador has offered for so many years:  
When I put liquor-by-the-drink in [the menu], my first thing is, I?m going to 
put a big zero tolerance [of inappropriate behavior in the restaurant]; [no] 
profanities, [no] obscenities. You know, just not here, because I love seeing 
the kids. Well, my grandkids and my kids grew up in here, and so, that?s 
something we like, is a family atmosphere.  
 
 37 
To maintain a restaurant for so many years, one might think that it would need 
to be open for as many meals as possible. Surprisingly though, in 2008 Reyes was 
operating the restaurant only for limited hours during the wek. It served in the 
evening, 5:00 P. M. ? 9:30 P. M., Tuesday through Saturday, plus a lunch buffet on 
Fridays 11:30 A. M. ? 2:0 P. M.  
Sandy?s Drive-In / Bucky?s Drive-In 
Although the McDonald?s restaurant chain did not arive in Lawrence until 
1970, other fast-food hamburger ?joints? filed that role throughout the 1960s. One 
of the first of these was Sandy?s Drive-In, based in Ilinois. This establishment saw 
itself as a competitor to the nationaly expanding 
McDonald?s and followed a similar quick-service 
approach. The Sandy's name was a Scottish wordplay on 
the Irish McDonald?s label (Wundram, 2005). Their 
trademarks included a dancing Scottish girl, a fish 
sandwich known as the ?Big Scot,? and plaid decorations.  
In 1961, Sandy?s Drive-In opened a block west of 
Iowa Stret, on 9th Stret, where Corbet Collins managed 
it for five years (Fig. 2.23). Collins?s wife, Jean Collins, 
described Sandy?s in the beginning: 
At first, when we first came here [to Lawrence] and had Sandy?s . . . there 
was Griff?s [Burger Bar] on 23
rd
 Street, . . . [and] we were the only two fast-
foods, . . . [and] KU did not feed [students] on Sunday nights. We always 
had colege students lined up all around the building . . . and I would make 
milkshakes, . . . and I?d have to wear gloves because my hands were freezing 
Fig. 2.23. Sandy?s Drive-
In, 1962. Located at 2120 
W. 9
th
 Stret. Photo 
courtesy of Jean Colins. 
 38 
. . . for about two hours on Sunday nights I would make milkshakes just as 
fast as I could go. . . . and I was always behind.  
 
She added, ?You could get a hamburger, and fries, and milkshake for les than a 
dollar.? 
In 1966, Corbet Collins moved on to manage another fast-food chain in 
Lawrence, Henry?s Drive-In on 6
th
 Stret, and Duane Buck became manager at 
Sandy?s. Buck initiated Brown Bag Specials, which were similar to what is 
commonly known a combo meal (burger, fries, and drink for one price). He recaled 
serving them before other wel-known fast-food busineses, including McDonald?s. 
Buck explained that, at that time, other fast-food restaurants used white paper bags, so 
it was unique to use a brown bag. Buck also implemented ?Pepsi Hour? from 3:00-
4:00 P. M. During this hour, conveniently right when school was geting out, there 
were discounts on soft drinks, and Buck remembered thre hundred kids in the 
restaurant at times. 
When Buck became manager of Sandy?s, five people owned the Lawrence 
restaurant, along with five other franchise sites, most of them in Ilinois. The Sandy?s 
Drive-In chain later sold out to Hardee?s Restaurant in 1972 (Rother, 2008), but these 
five owners instead converted their establishments into a new fast-food drive-in 
caled Bucky?s. In 1975, the Sandy?s name in Lawrence officialy changed to 
Bucky?s (D. Buck, personal communication, October 24, 2008). Jean Collins 
explained the transition: 
. . . later on Sandy?s sold out to Hardee?s in that area, the Illinois area, and 
the owners of this one, in Lawrence, they wanted to keep this one and I think 
they had four or five others [Sandy?s Drive-Ins], and so [one of ] their son?s 
 39 
name was Buck and so they decided to just call it Bucky?s . . . so there was 
about four or five different ones [restaurants], back in Illinois and around 
named Bucky?s. . . . So it?s kind of od that the person that came to be 
manager of Bucky?s, and owner in the end, of Bucky?s for a long, long time, 
his name was Duane Buck. 
 
When Sandy?s became Bucky?s, the restaurant name was the only thing that 
changed. The menu items stayed the same. In the 1970s, Duane Buck slowly bought 
out the other owners and became the sole owner of the local Bucky?s until 2004. In 
2007, thre years after seling his store to a diferent owner, the busines closed. 
The building that housed Sandy?s Drive-In and Bucky?s Drive-In is located 
across from the Hilcrest Shopping Center on West 9
th
 Stret (Se Appendix C). 
Since 9
th
 Stret is not one of the four main routes identified in this study, I raised the 
question to Duane Buck about how location afected busines at the restaurant. He 
explained that, in the past, Hilcrest Shopping Center was the ?hub? of the northwest 
part of town: ?It was the busiest location in town for twenty-five years.? During that 
time, Hilcrest was the home of Rusty?s I.G.A. supermarket, a pharmacy, a movie 
theatre, and a bowling aley. He stated that the biggest impact on his busines was the 
development of a large Dilons grocery store further west on 6
th
 Stret, betwen Iowa 
Stret and Kasold Drive, in the mid-1980s. Expanding the town along these roads 
redirected trafic so that fewer shoppers pased Bucky?s while running routine 
erands. 
Red Lion Caf? 
In the mid-1970s a cafeteria-style restaurant opened in downtown Lawrence at 
6
th
 and Vermont strets, a block west of Masachusets. Mick Ranney knew the 
 40 
owner, Bil McCain, personaly, and he described the restaurant as, ?. . . inexpensive 
and quick. People could go there on their lunch break, they could get their food in 
about seventy seconds, sit down, and they could be gone in about twenty minutes. . . . 
He would serve maybe seven hundred meals for lunch.? In addition to quick, cheap 
meals, Bil McCain drew many customers in with his ?colorful? personal character 
(Toplikar, 1990). McCain was a strong, powerful man with a flat-top haircut, a 
beard, and a potbely. He decorated himself with diamond rings and gold necklaces, 
and each tooth of his dentures contained a one-carat or more diamond, treasures 
acquired via a pawn shop that he also owned. Ranney described why the customers 
kept coming back: 
. . . his customer base were real loyal, a lot of them would be there every day. 
And, he was kind of forgetful, and he wouldn?t remember his [your] name, 
but he would interchangingly call you ?Dear,? ?Darling,? . . . or maybe some 
other name. And it was all affectionate . . . he just couldn?t remember 
people?s names. And he would call me . . . ?Dear? to, and he knew me 
quite well. And part of the reason that he had a lot of people show up every 
day is, every now and then he would give away free lunch. But he wouldn?t 
announce what it was. I mean, it just happened one day. . . . you didn?t want 
to mis it . . . . 
 
 The Red Lion Caf? was open only 
for lunch hours, and then, Ranney added, 
only when McCain ?wanted to be. . . . I 
think it [Red Lion Cafe] was closed in the 
summertime.? There was no signage on the 
outside of the building, McCain did not 
advertise, and Ranney remembered the 
Fig. 2.24. The two-toned red lion statue sat in 
the window of the Red Lion Caf? and was the 
only indicator as to what was in the building, 
as there was no signage for the restaurant. 
Photo by Brackhan. 
 41 
curtains being closed most of the time. The only indication as to what was in the 
building was a concrete statue of a red lion (Fig. 2.24) displayed in the window. 
More curious stil, Ranney stated: ?The only day that he would leave his window 
[curtains] open was the day that he would reopen after being gone al summer. And 
so, you just kept looking to se if the window was open yet, and if it was, you could 
start going to eat there again.? He continued: 
Usually you had . . . a main meal that he would prepare a lot of, and that?s 
what most people would get. And you might have two or three other choices 
that were also kind of main for that day. And then he had a few staples that 
you could kind of special order, like a hotdog or whatever, but he would have 
the daily special and then you might have three or four other choices, and if 
you were trained as a customer, you knew that you had to come prepared to 
answer, ?cause he?d hear the dor open, he?d walk up, he?d be ready to scoop 
out your meal, and he?d say, ?How ?bout you, Dear?? and you were suposed 
to respond. And if you got tongue-tied and you didn?t know how to respond, 
he?d say, ?Mother,? referring to his wife, ?I think we have a stranger.? . . . 
 
Ranney explained how this initiated a routine: 
 
There?s kind of a flor show, and it was to watch Bil atack strangers, and 
it?s kind of like an initiation, because your first time occurs sometime and 
you have to go through this process of being humiliated by the guy. And so 
he?d say, ?Well, how ?bout you, Dear, or Darling . . . ?? and then if you 
didn?t respond, he announces that there?s a stranger here, who doesn?t know 
the rules. And then he would say things like, ?I don?t have all day, make up 
your . . . ? you know, ?blankety-blank mind.? And you know the por 
stranger, and oftentimes people would send their friends in, knowing that 
they?re going to go through this process and sometimes they would bring 
them in, just to watch them go through this process, and I went through it, I 
mean, he yelled at me the first time. But then, once I knew that I had to 
answer like that, it was, it?s kind of a fun thing. Kinda like it?s almost like it 
was your litle club.  
 
A sign inside the restaurant read ?Please, do not tel anyone about the Lion! 
We have NO TIME for STRANGERS. Remember, it?s your seat!? (Fig. 2.25). With 
this type of reverse psychology, McCain was able to spread the word about his 
establishment without the costs of advertising. Mr. Ranney mentioned, ?Because 
 42 
there was always a competition to get a 
chair . . . and he?s teling you ?don?t tel 
anyone about this place.? So what are 
you gonna do? You?re gonna tel 
everyone you know about that place.? 
In 2008, the sign hung in an unrelated 
bar known as the Red Lyon Tavern. A smal black piece of tape was added to the ?I? 
in LION to make a ?Y? for the speling of LYON at the tavern.  
 Ms. DeWese, of Prairie Commons Apartments, had mixed felings about the 
Red Lion Restaurant: ?I remember people talking about that guy [McCain]. . . . you 
go through the line and he was kind of hard to get along with, I think.? Ms. DeWese 
visited a few times, but not much: ?I had a friend who was in there one day and he got 
onto her, but I don?t remember what it was about, but he got onto her and I think she 
left.? When asked if she remembered Bil McCain having diamonds in his teth, she 
replied: ?Oh, I don?t know about that. I don?t know about that. I wouldn?t be 
surprised!? 
 Ranney explained that storyteling was one of McCain?s appeals: 
I?m sure his stories were biger than reality, but he was telling me one story 
where he was robed at gunpoint, and he had a stack of one-dolar bils and 
he grabbed the stack of one-dolar bils and it kind of fel out of his 
[McCain?s] hands, all of the money went out on the flor and when the guy 
went to pick it up he [McCain] jumped over the counter and started to beat 
him up. So it was like, who knows if his stories were real, but he . . . had this 
crowd of people who were fascinated by him and he would tell stories all day 
long, and he was the flor show, so you went there partially to eat cheap 
food, and quick, on your lunch break, but you also went there to take in the 
flor show, see him humiliate strangers . . . it felt like a club. 
Fig. 2.25. One of the signs posted in the Red 
Lion Caf?. In 208, it hung in the Red Lyon 
Tavern (no asociation to the caf?). A piece of 
black tape was aded to the ?I? in LION to 
asimilate to the speling of LYON at the tavern. 
Photo by Brackhan. 
 
 43 
He continued: 
 
One of his favorite sayings was, if someone came in with a friend and said, 
?Oh, I?ll just have a Coke.?  He would say, ?No eat, no seat.? And then, 
?Blankety-blank, you.? Keep in mind . . . if you?re a stranger and you just 
walk in for the first time, you?re not going to anticipate such rudeness. But 
also, . . . one of the reasons you?d be there was so you could witness this. 
Cause you knew it was going to happen every now and then. . . . but it was 
part of the initiation and so, you either could appreciate it, or it would really 
tick you off. And you just walk away and leave, or you cry, or who knows 
what.  
 
 Ranney felt that other restaurateurs had respect for McCain?s busines. He 
estimated that the Red Lion served about the same number of meals on most days as 
another succesful local restaurant, Cornucopia, but Cornucopia would have a wait-
staf of thirty, cooks, overhead costs, and advertising costs. The Lion operated in a 
smal building with just McCain, his wife, and maybe one other person, but: 
. . . he [McCain] ran them through . . . and I think he learned that if you give 
people to much time to chew, they?re gona question whether or not they?re 
savoring a god meal or not, but if you cram it down as fast as you can, 
because there?s kind of a pressure that people are standing, waiting to get 
your table, so you wound up eating quick.  
 
Ranney was not sure why the Red Lion was closed in the summer, but 
suggested that it could have been due to poor air conditioning or students being gone 
at that time. Another thought was that McCain was just open when he wanted to be. 
His other busines, a pawn shop, demonstrated a similar mentality as the only sign 
stating the store hours said something such as ?We wil close at thre.? Ranney 
explained, ?I mean, it didn?t say 12:00-3:00, it just said ?til thre. So he was just here 
whenever he wanted to be, but he wasn?t going to be here beyond thre. But it didn?t 
mean he was going to be here at 10:00, maybe not even by 2:30; I mean, who 
knows?? 
 44 
CHAPTER THRE 
 
Ethnic Cuisine Boom and Changing Liquor Laws: 1980-1999 
 
By 1980, Lawrence?s population had reached 52,738. Ethnic diversity 
increased from previous decades but the white population stil constituted 87 percent 
of the total (U. S. Census Bureau, 2008). In 1990, the population was 65,608 with 
ethnic diversity remaining at the same percentage level as the decade before (U. S. 
Census Bureau, 2008). Stil, ethnic restaurants had begun to catch on in the 
community. Thirty existed in 1980 as compared to ten in 1970, and this patern of 
growth continued through the next two decades. Because the availability of ethnic 
cuisine increased faster than population diversity, this change of restaurant oferings 
likely is correlated more with lifestyle rather than with the population itself. 
Subarna Bhatachan, co-owner of thre ethnic restaurants in Lawrence, fels 
that the university has been a strong influence on the succes of ethnic restaurants:  
The university has an impact because . . . it?s twofold, one there are quite a 
few international students, so they all like to go eat their food, and then 
second, [it] also has to do with that a lot of students, staff, and faculty [who] 
have traveled abroad and tasted cuisines from different parts of the world 
they know. I have people that come here [Genovese], professors, who?ve 
been to Italy and they really, they?re like, ok this is as authentic food from . . 
. today?s Italy as it gets. So I think that definitely helps having the 
university. If the university was not in Lawrence, I don?t think that you 
would see so much of a diverse cuisine or restaurant scene because that?s 
definitely the stimulus right there. And also, you know, parts of Lawrence 
[do] have that population base that are more open, more liberal, more wiling 
to try things than other small Kansas towns. 
 
In addition to diversifying ethnic cuisine, the directory data for this time period saw 
advances in Lawrence?s vegetarian and eclectic American cuisine. Presumably, the 
 45 
university community and younger generations were esential for the succes of al 
these types of establishments. 
Restaurant Growth in the 1980s 
Lawrence had developed dramaticaly to the south and west by 1980, which 
caused the highest concentration of restaurants to shift, for the first time, away from 
downtown to West 23
rd
 Stret (Figs. 3.1 and 3.2). Only 21 of the 98 restaurants in  
 
Fig. 3.1. Lawrence restaurants in 1980. Heavy development to the south and west shifted the 
primary concentration of restaurants from Masachusets Stret downtown to W. 23
rd
 and S. Iowa 
strets. Areas with restaurant clusters are displayed via insets in Figure 3.2. 
 
 46 
 
1980 were located near Masachusets Stret. This was roughly the same number as 
in the previous decades, indicating litle growth to compete with restaurant 
development along other routes.  
The Pentimento Coffehouse and Caf? (Fig. 3.3) at 611 Vermont Stret was 
one block west of Masachusets Stret and listed in the directories from 1978 
through 1980. Phil Minkin recaled the atmosphere:  
Fig. 3.2. Lawrence restaurants 1980 insets.  
 
 47 
[The Pentimento was a] very notable restaurant; it was strictly vegetarian. 
They also had kind of home-grown entertainment, . . . anybody who wanted 
to go up there could, some god, some comparisonly bad, but always 
interesting. . . . Service wasn?t all that great sometimes, but they did have 
some sandwiches and things that other restaurants picked up after they went 
out of business. . . . I think it was either at the Blue Bird [Cafe] or Paradise 
[Cafe], it was a Pentimento [sandwich], which was cream cheese, black 
olives, and sprouts on whole grain bread, great sandwich. So it kind of 
transcended . . . . But [it was] a very eccentric kind of place. 
 
 
A local article described it as ?Lawrence?s only natural food restaurant with live 
entertainment. The Pentimento serves no sugar or preservative ridden foods and no 
smoking or alcohol is alowed. Some of the Pentimento?s food is a litle bland, but 
there is no doubt that it is healthy. For some, this is worth the sacrifice? (Hiner, 
1980). 
Restaurants had increased along 23
rd
 Stret, mostly betwen Iowa and 
Masachusets strets (Fig. 3.4). By 1980, there were twenty-eight eating 
establishments in this area, which outnumbered the restaurants near Masachusets 
Stret by seven. In addition to the western growth along 23
rd
 Stret, busineses 
located south from there along Iowa Stret, which was developing as a major general 
shopping area. From having only seven restaurants in 1970, Iowa Stret?s total 
jumped to twenty by 1980. 
Fig. 3.3. Pentimento, 1980s. Located at 
61 Vermont Stret. Source: University 
Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 48 
 
New restaurants had located west along 6
th
 Stret at a consistent rate over the 
years of this study and totaled 14 in 1980 as compared to 11 in 1970 and 5 in 1960. 
In North Lawrence, North 2
nd
 Stret maintained about the same number of restaurants 
as in previous decades, with just two. Strick?s Caf? (previously listed as Strick?s 
Drive-In and Strick?s Diner, and later as Strick?s Restaurant) at 732 N. 2
nd
 Stret was 
stil in operation, and had been listed since 1956. Phil Minkin remembered it: 
?[Strick?s was] open early for breakfast and lunch; it was the only place you could go 
where there would be twelve pick-ups and two pasenger cars, I mean, it was that 
kind of place. It was kind of a North Lawrence place. They had pancakes the size of 
hubcaps.? 
In 1980, 85 of the 98 total restaurants were within one block of a main road. 
Of the thirten that occupied relatively remote locations, four were close to the 
university. The Hawk?s Crossing (Fig. 3.5) had replaced Rock Chalk Caf? at 618 W. 
12
th
 Stret. Although the name of the establishment changed several times over the 
Fig. 3.4. West 23
rd
 Stret, 197. 
Loking east from about the 23
rd
 
Stret and Ousdahl Road 
intersection. Twenty-Third Stret 
had a bom of growth by 1980. 
Several fast-fod chains ocupied 
the north side of the road. Those 
identified in the photo include: Taco 
John?s, Grif?s Burger Bar, Piza 
Hut, and Sizler Steakhouse. 
Source: University Archives, 71/30. 
Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 49 
years, the building tended to atract similar, anti-establishment crowds (Swartz, 
1984).  
 
 
 
 
 
The Jayhawk Caf? and The Wagon Wheel Caf? were both stil in operation on 
the east side of Mt. Oread. Pyramid Piza was new to the area and listed at the same 
addres as The Wagon Wheel Cafe. A new neighborhood of smal restaurants 
developed north of the university, at the base of Mt. Oread near the intersection of 9
th
 
and Misisippi strets. These included Taco Grande and the Hole-in-the-Wal 
Delicatesen and Sandwich Shop. Phil Minkin was familiar with the later: 
Another place to note that was very popular with students . . . it was, in what 
was like a 7-Eleven but in one corner, there was a place where you could go 
and get sandwiches; they had great Reuben sandwiches, it was cheap, fast . . . 
it was a great place to go. . . . [It was] called the Hole-in-the-Wall . . . . [One 
time] the brakes sliped on somebody?s car . . . and he drove through the 
front, so there literally was a hole in the wall in the Hole-in-the-Wall. 
 
The Hole-in-the-Wal was inconsistently listed in the directories from 1971 through 
1982. 
East of Masachusets Stret, two restaurants operated at a distance from main 
roads: the Grene Gable Caf? five blocks east of Masachusets Stret at 514 E. 8
th
 
Stret, and the King Arthur Restaurant in a strip mal at the intersection of 19
th
 Stret 
and Haskel Avenue. In North Lawrence, thre restaurants remained clustered 
Fig. 3.5. The Hawk?s Crosing, 
1980s. Located at 618 W. 12
th
 
Stret. Source: University 
Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas 
Libraries. 
 
 50 
together away from North 2
nd
 Stret: La Tropicana and El Matador, both on the 400 
block of Locust Stret, and The Fort at 508 Locust Stret, which had previously been 
the Shamrock Gril. 
Two other areas in Lawrence contained eating establishments more than a 
block away from the main road. Country Inn was north of 6
th
 Stret betwen Iowa 
and Masachusets strets and Bobby Bel?s BQ, which was owned by a NFL Hal 
of Fame player for the Kansas City Chiefs, was south of Hilcrest Shopping Center 
and just barely beyond one block west of Iowa Stret. 
Restaurant Growth in the 1990s 
 By 1990, restaurant development displayed the same patern of growth sen 
the previous decade (Figs. 3.6 and 3.7). The number of eating establishments totaled 
118, up from 98 in 1980. Twenty-thre restaurants were located near Masachusets 
Stret, a slight increase from the 20 in 1980.  
Paradise Caf? (Fig. 3.8) at 728 Masachusets Stret was listed from 1984 
through 2002 and advertised their ?pleasantly priced innovative American cuisine,? 
(Southwestern Bel, 1990
5
). Phil Minkin described the establishment: 
 . . . [Paradise Caf?] was many peoples? beloved restaurant. Their moto was 
?God real food.? And that?s what they served. . . . [They were] only open 
for breakfast and lunch, then they combined with some friends of mine who 
had a restaurant in Baldwin, and then they started opening for lunch and 
diner and they had fresh fish, and real mashed potatoes and just a great 
place. . . . It was where you went to see everybody on Friday and Saturday 
night. . . . I can?t say enough about that place. 
 
                                                
5
 Southwestern Bel telephone directories and Polk?s city directories are listed separately at end of the 
bibliography (Se pages 98 to 9). 
 51 
 
Fig. 3.6. Lawrence restaurants in 190. A high concentration of restaurants continued to develop 
along W. 23
rd
 and S. Iowa strets. Areas with restaurant clusters are displayed via insets in Figure 3.6. 
 52 
 
Fig. 3.7. Lawrence restaurants 190 insets.  
 
 
 
 53 
Herbivores (Fig. 3.9) at 9 E. 8
th
 Stret (back half of Sunflower Outdoor and Bike 
Shop in 2008), provided an eclectic selection of cuisine from 1992 through 1996. 
Phil Minkin recaled: ?They [Herbivores] had a wide variety of interesting vegetarian 
stuff. And to this day the best pad thai that I?ve ever had, with tofu. And [they had] 
great soups and interesting sandwiches.? 
 
      
 
Lawrence development occurred primarily in the southwest part of the city. 
Twenty-Third Stret remained the most concentrated area of restaurants with a total 
of 35, but Iowa Stret totals rose to 26. Fifi?s Restaurant was located along the 
northern stretch of Iowa Stret, in the old hub of Hilcrest Shopping Center. Helen 
Krische visited Fifi?s in the past: ?. . . my friends and I went there to eat, and it was 
kind of an upscale restaurant, and only when we felt like we had, you know, quite a 
bit of money to splurge we?d go to Fifi?s.? Phil Minkin also was familiar with this 
establishment and described it as: ?. . . upscale, but not hugely upscale. . . . They 
served very good food, but a litle on the upscale side. Dining-out, instead of just 
Fig. 3.9. Herbivores, 192-93. Located at 9 
E. 8
th
 Stret. Source: University Archives, 
71/30. Spencer Research Library, University 
of Kansas Libraries. 
 
Fig. 3.8. Paradise Caf?, 195-96. Located at 
728 Masachusets Stret. Source: University 
Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
 54 
going out to eat and geting a piza.? James Shortridge was told that this was 
basketbal coach Roy Wiliams?s favorite Lawrence restaurant. 
 Sixth Stret had developed only a few new eating establishments by this year, 
for a total of 18, but Kasold Drive, a new major road one mile west of Iowa Stret had 
begun to show growth. Strip mals were created at the intersection of 15
th
 Stret (Bob 
Bilings Parkway in 2008) and Kasold Drive that housed the Bras Apple Gril and 
Bar and The Jade Garden. Two additional restaurants opened along North 2
nd
 Stret 
for a total of four. Strick?s Restaurant stil operated at 732 N. 2
nd
 Stret, and closer to 
the interstate was Turbo Tacos. Johnny?s Tavern, which had been established in 
1953, was listed for the first time in 1990 as a restaurant. It was (and is) near the 
Kansas River at the intersection of 2
nd
 and Locust strets. Even closer to the river and 
one block east of North 2
nd
 Stret was a new establishment, La Familia Caf? at 300 
Elm. 
Restaurants were more concentrated along main routes in 1990 than ever 
before. Establishments located elsewhere tended to be either in North Lawrence or 
near the university campus, as was sen in earlier years. La Tropicana and El 
Matador were away from the main road in North Lawrence. Near the university 
restaurant numbers increased slightly. Jayhawk Caf?, The Wagon Wheel, and 
Pyramid Piza maintained operation at the same locations as in 1980. Atop Mt. 
Oread, the Hawk?s Crossing had been replaced by Rock Chalk Bar, and the buildings 
adjacent to the bar provided a variety of eating options: Rudy?s Piza at 620 W. 
 55 
Fig. 3.10. Yelo Sub, 190s. Located at 624 W. 
12
th
 Stret. Source: University Archives, 71/30. 
Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas 
Libraries. 
12
th
Stret, Yelo Sub (Fig. 3.10) at 624 W. 12
th
Stret, and The Glas Onion (Fig. 
3.11) upstairs from Yelo Sub.  
   
 
 
 
The Glas Onion offered diferent options for cuisine in Lawrence. Helen 
Krische saw it as: ?. . . kind of a neat place to eat on campus, because they had a lot 
of vegetarian stuff.? Phil Minkin recaled that it ?served soups and sandwiches and 
interesting kinds of stuff. . . . smoothies and coffes. It was never as popular as Yelo 
Sub, but it was kind of a hangout.?  
Farther north of campus, at the bottom of Mt. Oread near the 9
th
 and 
Misisippi intersection, Johnny?s Clasic Burgers had opened and Pup?s Gril had 
replaced Taco Grande. Phil Minkin remembered Pup?s Gril as being one of about 
thre places that served Chicago-style hotdogs: 
Fig. 3.1. The Glas Onion, 1987-8.  
Located upstairs from Yelo Sub. Source: 
University Archives, 71/30. Spencer Research 
Library, University of Kansas Libraries. 
 56 
For a brief period of time there were at least three Chicago-style hotdog 
places in Lawrence. There are a lot of kids from Chicago that go to KU. . . . 
[They served] big, all-beef, kosher-style hotdogs with al kinds of special 
trimmings. And there was a place inside where the Botleneck is [737 New 
Hampshire Street], called the Red Hot Garage, and then there was another 
one out on either 23
rd
 Street or Iowa [Chicago Style at 1601 W. 23
rd
 Street], 
they all served Chicago-style hotdogs, they came in quickly and they went 
away quickly. . . .[I] think Lawrence stil needs a god hotdog place.  
 
One other restaurant established far from ain routes, Alvamar Golf and Country 
Club. Located north of 23
rd
 Stret and west of Kasold Drive, it was the farthest 
restaurant west within the city limits. 
Ethnic Restaurants 
 Along with the increase of total restaurant numbers in Lawrence during the 
1980s, diversity of ethnic establishments multiplied as wel (Fig. 3.12). Thirty ethnic 
restaurants existed in Lawrence in 1980 and forty-six in 1990. This was a significant 
jump from the ten in 1970. Mexican and Italian continued to be the most popular of 
these cuisines, with twelve Mexican and nine Italian restaurants in 1980 and sixten 
Mexican and fiften Italian restaurants in 1990. These values generaly support 
Zelinsky?s findings that Mexican was the dominant ethnic cuisine in Mid-America. 
However, one could argue that Italian was just as common in 1980 Lawrence since, 
of the five additional restaurants that served blended cuisines four offered Italian 
dishes and only one served Mexican. Similarly, Italian may have been more common 
than Mexican cuisine in 1990 since, of the seven blended cuisine restaurants, six 
served Italian and only one served Mexican. 
 With the exception of El Matador and La Tropicana in North Lawrence, the 
ten other Mexican restaurants in 1980 were distributed fairly evenly. Nine were 
 57 
along the main routes: one on Masachusets Stret, one on Iowa Stret, two on 6
th
 
Stret, and five on 23
rd
 Stret. The tenth establishment, Taco Grande at 847 Indiana 
Stret, was just north of campus at the base of Mt. Oread.  
 
By 1990, several more Mexican restaurants developed (Fig. 3.13) including 
Turbo Tacos in North Lawrence at 913 N. 2
nd
 Stret and a second Taco Bel at 1220 
W. 6
th
 Stret (the first was at 1408 W. 23
rd
 Stret), which was about one block from 
Taco John?s at 1101 W. 6
th
 Stret. The close proximity of the family-owned 
Fig. 3.12. Lawrence ethnic restaurants in 1980. Significant growth had ocured since 1970, 
with thirty ethnic restaurants in 1980 as oposed to ten in 1970. In adition to total numbers, 
the variety of cuisine diversified considerably. 
 58 
 
Fig. 3.13. Lawrence ethnic restaurants in 190. Ethnic restaurants grew to a total of 46 by 190. 
 
restaurants in North Lawrence may not have been aranged to encourage competition 
against one another, but surely the cluster of fast-food chains on 6
th
 Stret had this 
technique in mind as Taco John?s located close to its competitor, Taco Bel. 
 59 
Curiously, a third home-owned Mexican restaurant opened in North Lawrence 
within thre blocks of El Matador and La Tropicana. Its owner, Jenny Reyes, is a 
sister of Joe Reyes (owner of El Matador). Her La Familia Caf? operated at 300 Elm 
Stret, one block east of North 2
nd
 Stret and along the Kansas River from 1988 to 
1990. Then it relocated to downtown at 733 New Hampshire Stret. Opening La 
Familia Caf? in North Lawrence would have had at least two benefits for the new 
busines: cheaper rent than downtown, and recognition via proximity to the other 
family Mexican restaurants. La Familia Cary Out at 2420 Iowa Stret was also listed 
in the directories for 1993 and 1994, as wel as another La Familia location at 925 
Iowa in 1994 only. Although ownership later changed to Philip Rodriguez (Polk?s 
City Directory, 2005), the New Hampshire Stret location was stil in operation in 
2008. 
Similarly to the Mexican establishments in 1980, the nine Italian restaurants 
were distributed fairly evenly, with a smal concentration along 23
rd
 Stret. Thre 
Italian restaurants were there, together with two on Masachusets Stret, two on Iowa 
Stret, and one on 6
th
 Stret. In addition, Pyramid Piza was near campus at 507 W. 
14
th
 Stret. Of the nine Italian restaurants, two were franchises of Domino?s Piza 
and thre for Piza Hut. By 1990, Italian restaurants had increased their numbers to 
fiften, al with ?Piza? in their name or as their main item of advertisement. Eight 
locations were on either West 23
rd
 or South Iowa strets; the rest were spread with 
sites on Masachusets Stret, North Iowa Stret, near campus, and 6
th
 Stret. 
 60 
Two Chinese restaurants operated in Lawrence in 1980, both at strip mals. 
Royal Peking Restaurant at 711 W. 23
rd
 Stret focused on cuisine from a specific 
region with advertisements touting ?famous Peking cuisine? (Southwestern Bel, 
1980). Cathay Restaurant at 2104 W. 25
th
 Stret, just off of S. Iowa Stret, advertised 
a broader selection, stating they were ?famous for authentic delicacies from al parts 
of China? (Southwestern Bel, 1980). Lawrence had six Chinese restaurants by 1990. 
Generaly they were located at a distance from one another and along heavily 
traficked routes. The two closest Chinese establishments were thre blocks from 
each other, but separated by the busy intersection at 23
rd
 and Iowa strets.  
Newer cuisines in Lawrence by 1980 were Grek and the broader category 
?continental.? The ?International? label was added by 1990. Although French 
cuisine was the specialty at the downtown establishment Laciece, Italian dishes were 
also available there. No solely French restaurants were listed for either 1980 or 1990. 
Restaurants that advertised blended cuisines most frequently stresed Italian dishes. 
Thre 1980 busineses combined Italian with American dishes: Cornucopia, Cariage 
Lamp, and Julie?s Italian Restaurant. Another, The Grek?s Sports Desk, blended 
Italian with Grek. One other restaurant, Aztec Inn, advertised a blend of Mexican 
and American cuisines. Data from 1990 suggested a similar patern. Six of the seven 
blended cuisine restaurants included an Italian combination. Cornucopia, Primetime 
Piza and Subs, and Mirabito?s Italian Caf? blended this with American dishes; Tin 
Pan Aley blended Italian, Mexican, and American; The Mad Grek Restaurant 
 61 
blended Italian, Grek, and American; and Laciece blended Italian and French 
cuisine. The Plum Tre, in contrast, ofered Chinese and American meals. 
Chain Restaurants 
 By 1980, chain and franchise restaurants were taking hold and spreading 
throughout town. Forty-five of the 97 restaurants (46%) in Lawrence could be 
identified as chain establishments, up from 20 of 90 (22%) in 1970. By 1990, almost 
60 of the 118 restaurants (51%) were chain or franchise establishments. Most of 
these were national chains, but several were specific to the region such as: Yelo Sub, 
Pyramid Piza, Fifi?s Restaurant, and Amigos Mexican Restaurant. 
In 1980, several franchise restaurants had more than one busines in the 
community (Table 3.1). Each of these had one restaurant on 23
rd
 Stret. Domino?s, 
McDonald?s, and Taco John?s had second locations on 6
th
 Stret, while Taco Grande 
established its second site near the 9
th
 and Misisippi intersection, north of the 
university campus. The Piza Hut location near the 9
th
 and Iowa intersection was stil 
in operation (close to the Hilcrest Shopping Center), and that company?s third site 
was downtown at 932 Masachusets Stret. 
 
 
 
 
Table 3.1. Franchise restaurants in 1980 Lawrence with more than one eating establishment. 
  
 By 1990, significant growth of chain and franchise restaurants had occurred. 
Though a few companies were new to the community, many were pre-existing 
Domino's Piza 2 
McDonald's 2 
Piza Hut 3 
Taco Grande 2 
Taco John's 2 
 62 
busineses that had just opened an additional location (Table 3.2). Six of these ten 
located restaurants on both 6
th
 and 23
rd
 strets. Additionaly, Hardee?s and Taco 
John?s each had a third site: Hardee?s at the East Lawrence interchange and Taco 
John?s at 1006 Masachusets Stret. Domino?s Piza and Yelo Sub both had 
restaurants along 23
rd
 Stret with second locations elsewhere. Domino?s was near the 
9
th
 and Iowa intersection while Yelo Sub was atop Mt. Oread at 618 W. 12
th
 Stret. 
Piza Hut stil had locations on 23
rd
 Stret, near 9
th
 and Iowa, and on Masachusets 
Stret, but added a fourth site at 2449 Iowa Stret. Dairy Queen was an exception to 
the patern sen by other establishments. Instead of locations along 6
th
 or 23
rd
 strets, 
it was at 1832 Masachusets Stret and at 2545 Iowa Stret. 
Burger King 2 
Dairy Quen Brazier 2 
Domino's Piza 2 
Harde's 3 
McDonald's 2 
Piza Hut 4 
Sonic Drive-In 2 
Taco Bel 2 
Taco John's 3 
Yelo Sub 2 
 
Table 3.2. Chain and franchise restaurants in 190 Lawrence with more than one eating establishment. 
  
 The 1990s also saw a new type of chain establishment known as ?casual? 
restaurants. Most of these located along South Iowa Stret. Applebee?s, Chili?s, and 
Old Chicago (Fig. 3.14) are examples of this genre, identified as demonstrating a 
?middle ground betwen the economy and functionality of fast-food and the 
extravagance and formality of upscale dining? (Jakle and Sculle, 1999, 289). 
 63 
Acording to one authority, ?Casual restaurants evolved out of two venues, the 
singles? bar and the gourmet hamburger restaurant? (Jakle and Sculle, 1999, 289). If 
so, this partialy explains the large bars that serve as centerpieces for many of them.   
  
 
Kansas Liquor Laws 
Kansas before the mid-1980s had a history of prohibition and strict liquor 
laws. In 1880, its people constitutionaly prohibited the manufacture and sale of 
intoxicating liquors. This edict was relaxed slightly in 1948 when an amendment 
alowed package liquor sales to be ?authorized and regulated, but the sale of liquor by 
the drink in public places was [stil] prohibited? (Kansas Legislative Research 
Department, 2003, 1). Additional changes came in 1965 when private clubs were 
Fig. 3.14. Aplebe?s at 2520 Iowa Stret, 
Chili?s at 2319 Iowa Stret, and Old Chicago 
at 2329 Iowa Stret, 208. These casual chain 
restaurants developed along S. Iowa Stret in 
the 190s. Photos by John Young. 
 64 
alowed liquor licenses, and in 1978 when restaurants were ?authorized to sel liquor 
if they derived at least 50 percent of gross receipts from the sale of food and were 
located in counties that approved such sales? (Kansas Legislative Research 
Department, 2003, 2). Phil Minkin explained: 
Pizza places that could serve 3.2 [percent alcohol] beer or whatever, they 
were going to do OK. But a place like Teller?s or Pachamama?s (fine-dining) 
is not going to open in Lawrence if there is no liquor by the drink, if you 
can?t serve wine, and so that?s why there was a paucity of those kinds of 
restaurants. There were 3.2 bars, where you could go in and drink beer, 3.2 
beer. Or, . . . you could pay a membership fee of $25 or whatever they chose 
to charge, belong to a private club, and the pretense was that there was a 
botle there with your name on it. So, it was your liquor and you didn?t have 
to pay for the drink, but if you ordered a scotch and water, they charged you 
$2 for the water, or if you wanted Seven and Seven, it was your botle of 
Seven Crown [Whiskey], but they charged you $2 for the 7UP. And 
everybody went along with this charade, because it at least allow[ed] you to 
have a bar. 
 
Finaly, in 1986, a constitutional amendment permited the ?sale of liquor by 
the drink in establishments open to the public? (Kansas Legislative Research 
Department, 2003, 3), efective January 1, 1987. Phil Minkin continued: ?Finaly 
they got smart and realized that there would never be a major convention here, there 
would never be any growth unles they change[d] these arcane laws.? 
Following the new liquor-by-the-drink legislation, entrepreneurs began to se 
fine-dining opportunities in Lawrence. Phil Minkin explained the proces: 
Once that barrier was broken . . . you had places like the Eldridge, or 
Pachamama?s or any places who wanted to be kind of fine-dining, but money 
in restaurants is not in food, money is in liquor. And so people aren?t going 
to make a huge investment in capital [and] equipment and try to make [it] 
just in selling [gourmet food] because you need the wine and liquor sales to 
suplement that. 
 
Two stages exist acording to Minkin: 
 65 
First of all, there?s a profit in liquor, and second of all . . . if you don?t sell 
fish on . . . Friday, Saturday, or Sunday, you know you?re in trouble on 
Monday, where a botle of scotch wil last you a long time before you have to 
do anything about worrying about it, so it improves your margins. 
 
Spotlight Restaurant  
Fre State Brewing Company 
 ?It?s all about summertime, geting off work, grabbing a beer at Fre State and 
knowing there wil always be someone you know. It?s like ?Cheers? that way.? 
- Fre State patron Matt Bunch (Springs, 2000) 
 
Although liquor could finaly be sold by the drink in 1987, Kansas law stil 
prohibited seling beer on the same premises where it was brewed. With the idea to 
open a microbrewery, Lawrence resident Chuck Magerl lobbied the state legislature 
to revisit this law. As a result of his efort, microbreweries became legal in 1987, 
created as a ?category of license? (Kansas Legislative Research Department, 2003, 
4) that ?manufacture beer with eight percent or les alcohol content and have 
capacities of 5,000 or fewer barels per year? (Kansas Legislative Research 
Department, 2003, 4). This limit was expanded to 15,000 barels in 1995. 
The microbrewery law in Kansas is a tribute to Magerl?s determination. As 
Phil Minkin explained: ?He?s the one that got the liquor law changed. He single-
handedly lobbied, went to Topeka al the time, prety much wrote the law . . . .?  
Chuck Magerl recaled: 
I certainly remember siting, after making a presentation to the Senate 
commitee, siting down in the commitee room back in my chair, and one of 
the lobyists in the room just leaned over and said, ?You know, that?s an 
interesting idea, and you?ll probably get some action out of this, but you 
know, it won?t happen this year, but you know, maybe next year or the year 
after that,? something like that. And I remember at that point thinking, ?You 
don?t understand, it can?t be next year or the year after that, it?s gota be 
now.? 
 66 
 
Magerl?s sense of urgency had to do with his own financial situation and a need to get 
into busines. With support from State Senator Wint Winter, the bil pased that 
sesion. 
In 1989, Magerl opened Fre State Brewing Company, the first legal brewery 
in Kansas since 1880. He located in a former bus depot at 636 Masachusets Stret. 
In 2008, the 600 block of Masachusets Stret formed the northern end of the 
downtown strip with a mix of localy and corporately owned busineses. Along the 
east side of the stret, Fre State Brewing was flanked by the Liberty Hal theater and 
music venue, La Prima Taza coffe shop, Kring?s Interiors, and the local newspaper 
production building. Across Masachusets Stret stood Starbucks, Cold Stone 
Creamery, Claire?s, Gap, Chico?s, M & M Ofice Supply, American Eagle, Quinton?s 
Bar & Gril, and Waxman?s Candle Shop. This development is far from what it used 
to be twenty years earlier. Chuck Magerl described the location: 
At that point . . . a lot of the rest of downtown had been part of a downtown 
redevelopment project, but they had left the 60 block untouched because, 
frankly, they had anticipated demolishing the buildings that remained here on 
the 60 block and building some convention center or shoping mall or 
something of that extent. So this area was by and large neglected. 
 
He continued: 
 
This section loked very different than it does now (208), in the sense that 
most of the buildings on the west side were not built in actually. You know, 
where the Gap is now . . . that building did not exist, it was just a parking lot 
area, and a drive-through for a bank actually was in there as well. And some 
of the buildings further to the north of us were not built yet, the Journal-
World production site was not as it is now. 
 
 67 
 Although Fre State now has a desired location downtown, this site was not 
atop the list of where Magerl originaly wanted to open, and it went through quite a 
bit of development to get it where it was in 2008. As he explained: 
The downtown area was certainly the focus [for the Free State location], but 
Massachusetts Street, not necessarily, in the sense that when we started, the 
Massachusetts Street retail front . . . was definitely more expensive than 
something we were interested in paying. And so, honestly, the location we 
ended up in, . . . it was a wreck, quite honestly. I mean it was a shell of a 
structure and it wasn?t something that we seriously considered because it was 
so completely unfinished. It had been the bus depot and probably sat 
abandoned for, I?d say, about seven years perhaps, so it was nothing more 
than a roof, kind of a barn roof structure, and half of that roof was roted and, 
other than that, it was just something that people were parking cars in to go 
downtown. And so this wasn?t our initial choice . . . . 
 
Support from another busines on the 600 block helped with the decision to develop 
at that site: 
Liberty Hall had just got going probably about two or three years prior to that 
time, and they were interested in trying to kind of enhance their property and 
get more activity in this section of downtown. And so they actually . . . made 
the sugestion of, ?Hey, we?d like to build in and if you chose this location, 
you know, we?ll work with you on it,? so that?s where that came from. You 
know e wanted to be downtown, as part of the pedestrian traffic and have 
kind of an older structure, but Mass. was not crucial and this location was 
actually probably about number five on the list. 
 
In addition to making history by changing legislation in 1987, Magerl has 
incorporated historical and local ties to his brewery. These are most evident in the 
brewery?s name ?Fre State Brewing Company? (Fig. 3.15), but brews also follow 
this patern. Their names include: 1933 Lager (the year of U. S. national prohibition 
repeal), John Brown Ale (a noted abolitionist), Ad Astra Ale (from the state?s motto), 
and Wheat State Golden (Fre State Brewing Co., 2008). Such history is partly why 
Magerl was able to bring legislators to his side: 
 68 
That was part of what I was able to take to the commitee hearings and say, 
?Hey, we?re talking about doing something that?s . . . been part of Kansas 
history, so it?s been here before, and it?s not a wacky idea out of California, 
it?s something that, there is a heritage here.? So that as a background 
certainly was actually a lot of the origin of the idea and carried through to 
getting the legislation passed, and carried through beyond that. 
 
Magerl said that the historic theme 
also impacted the location of the 
brewery: ?With the tie into Kansas 
and Lawrence history, . . . it [the 
location] had to be an older, historic 
neighborhood to have that sort of 
resonance. If it would have been in 
a new strip mal some place, it just 
would have felt . . . a litle out of 
place.? Although there may have 
been some initial concerns about the 
600 block of Masachusets, it 
sems as though a structure such as 
the old bus depot may have been 
the best place for such an historic brewery. 
 In addition to the succes Magerl has obtained with Fre State, he is admired 
for his environmentaly friendly mindset. He buys localy whenever possible and 
provides some of the produce from his own garden. As Phil Minkin mentioned: ?If 
you go in there now (July, 2008), al of the tomatoes that are served on the menu, 
Fig. 3.15. Fre State Brewing Co., 208. The Kansas 
state flag hangs above the bar at this brewery which 
incorporates Kansas history into its atmosphere. Photo 
by John Young. 
 69 
Chuck grows. [He] realy enjoys gardening and for several years now, I think, has 
grown most of the tomatoes.? He has also been able to recycle leftover grease and 
grain. Acording to Minkin: 
He recycles all, I have a friend who has turned his diesel truck into one that 
runs on grease, and so he picks up all his [Magerl?s] grease, . . . Chuck 
recycles all that grease, he sells . . . grain from the brewing process to hog 
farmers, he?s very ecological and just all and all kind of a model 
businessman. 
 
Fre State Brewery has truly been a positive busines for the Lawrence 
community. The combination of Kansas?s prohibition history, the historic theme of 
the brewery, the timing of liquor-by-the-drink pasage, and most of al, the drive of 
Magerl and those supporting him reshaped the 600 block of Masachusets Stret and 
the downtown area as a whole. Phil Minkin acknowledged the progres: 
Free State Brewery, I think has been a remarkable thing for downtown 
Lawrence. I mean it has really helped zing downtown Lawrence. It?s a focal 
point. It?s been hugely successful, because Chuck not only knows food, but 
he?s also a very, very god businessman. And always is working to improve 
his place whether it?s in the food, in the beer, in the service, in the 
equipment, he just never stops striving to make things better.  
 
Magerl expresed this mentality in a local news article: ?There?s no such thing as just 
siting back and resting. . . . We have a restles spirit that tels us we have to keep 
making things beter. As long as we can se something beter to do, we?re going to 
do it? (Springs, 2000). Or, as he told me in a 2008 interview: 
There have certainly been slowdown times, and by and large . . . I?m real 
proud of what we?ve done here, just the aspect that we?re getting ready to 
celebrate our 25
th
 anniversary in business, and stil have the level of 
popularity that we do, . . . I feel really humbled by it. It definitely seems 
much larger than anything I?ve tried to do before. 
 70 
CHAPTER FOUR 
 
Restaurant Expansion: 2000-2007 
 
By 2000, Lawrence?s population had grown to 80,098. Ethnic diversity 
increased slightly from earlier decades with the nonwhite proportion of the population 
rising to 16% (U. S. Census Bureau, 2008). On the restaurant scene, ethnic cuisine 
expanded much faster than the ethnic population. The most dramatic restaurant 
change, however, was a significant rise in total establishments to168 in 2000, 
compared to 118 in 1990. The continuing trend toward eating out plus a growing 
customer base both supported this growth. Younger generations maintained their 
habit of eating out frequently, but now this lifestyle change was embraced by older 
people as wel. 
Sarah Schmidt and Alice DeWese of Prairie Commons Apartments discussed 
the lifestyle changes that have impacted their frequency of eating outside the home. 
Ms. Schmidt began: ?You know we didn?t eat out like we do now ?a days. Even we, 
ourselves, at our age, we eat out a lot more, we didn?t used to do that . . . . We just 
couldn?t aford it, was part of it. And another thing, it just wasn?t a thing that people 
did a whole lot then, you know.? She continued: ?Litle kids, then, didn?t know what 
it was to go out and eat, and now, it?s just normal.? Ms. DeWese replied: ?No. Wel, 
but the women didn?t work so much then as they do now either. And I think that?s 
one reason . . . . You know, when you have five children, you can?t go out as much.? 
Ms. Schmidt recaled: ?Wel, it was just strictly a luxury then, but now it isn?t. 
People don?t consider it a luxury at al.?  
 71 
 A similar conversation occurred at Drury Place Apartments. Roma Kennedy 
stated: ?We just didn?t participate in eating out too much in those days because of 
money situations. . . . You just didn?t pick up and go out to eat, ?cause you didn?t 
have the money.? Roy, another resident of Drury Place agred: ?I don?t think they 
took the family out as much in the old days. Couldn?t aford it.?  
Regarding more recent years, Ms. Kennedy commented: ?I think people do 
eat out more now than they ever did before. I mean, because the fast-food restaurants 
are always busy. . . .? Roy felt that folks in his living community were also going out 
to eat more frequently: ?Especialy since the families are gone, then they [elders] start 
eating out more. Older people do.? When asked why this is, he humorously replied: 
?It?s a lifestyle [change], they?re geting lazy.? Bil Burges explained that the meal 
schedule at the retirement home impacts his decision to eat out: ?. . . I have two meals 
here a day, but I don?t have an evening meal, so I?l debate on whether to go out in 
the evening or not, so I do.? 
 Another group at Drury Place Apartments shared a similar discussion on 
frequency of eating out. Paul stated: ?. . . It used to be fairly rare for people to eat out 
and now it?s very common.? When asked if they noticed this change in their own 
behavior, Carolyn replied: ?When you go from a family of six to a family of two, you 
eat out a lot more than you used to.? 
Restaurant Growth in the Early 2000s 
As Lawrence?s restaurant numbers increased from 118 in 1990 to 168 in 2000, 
most of the new development occurred downtown and along 23
rd
 Stret (Figs. 4.1 and 
 72 
4.2). Some busineses also located along the other traditional main routes south of 
the river plus two newer north-south strets, Kasold Drive and Wakarusa Drive, one 
and two and a half miles west of Iowa Stret, respectively. Restaurant development 
 
Fig. 4.1. Lawrence restaurants in 200. Heavy development ocured downtown as wel as along 23
rd
 
Stret. Areas with restaurant clusters are displayed via insets in Figure 4.2. 
 73 
 
Fig. 4.2. Lawrence restaurants 200 insets.  
 
 
downtown on the roads adjacent to Masachusets Stret (Vermont Stret, one block 
west and New Hampshire Stret, one block east) significantly rejuvenated and 
expanded that part of town. This east-west widening of the busines district alowed 
the number of eating establishments within one block of Masachusets Stret to 
nearly double from 23 in 1990 to 43 in 2000. This area once again contained the 
highest concentration of restaurants. 
 74 
 
  
 Twenty-Third Stret, with 42 restaurants, continued as the main rival for 
Masachusets Stret. Concentrations of busineses shifted along this main route, 
however, and chain restaurants became more prevalent (Figs. 4.4 and 4.5). In fact, at 
least half the restaurants along 23
rd
 Stret could be identified with chains in 2000. 
Other busineses in the southwest region of town showed similar trends. South from 
 
. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Fig. 4.3. Mas. Stret Deli, 201. 
Located at 941 Masachusets 
Stret. In operation from 1972-
206, Mas. Stret Deli was one 
of the several restaurants owned 
by Lawrence resident Bob 
Schum since the 1970s. 
Source: University Archives, 
71/30. Spencer Research Library, 
University of Kansas Libraries. 
 
Fig. 4.4. West 23
rd
 Stret, 197 (as 
displayed in Fig. 3.4), loking east from 
about the 23
rd
 Stret and Ousdahl Road 
intersection. Twenty-Third Stret had 
bomed by 1980. Several fast-fod chains 
ocupied the north side of the road 
including Taco John?s, Grif?s Burger Bar, 
Piza Hut, and Sizler Steakhouse. 
Source: University Archives, 71/30. 
Spencer Research Library, University of 
Kansas Libraries. 
 
 
Fig. 4.5. West 23
rd
 Stret, 208. This 
photo shows a section of the same block 
east of Ousdahl Road as in Fig. 4.4. 
Only two fod establishments now 
existed: Taco John?s and Dun Bros. 
Cofe (previously Grif?s Burger Bar). 
The former Piza Hut building was 
vacant and the Sizler had converted 
into a Blockbuster Video store. 
Although fewer restaurants existed 
along this particular stretch in 208, 
higher concentrations of such busineses 
were found along other sections of the 
stret. Photo by John Young. 
 75 
the intersection of 31
st
 and Iowa strets arose many corporate-owned stores including 
Walmart; Target; Best Buy; Home Depot; Old Navy; Bed, Bath and Beyond; and the 
World Market. 
Although the Iowa Stret corridor had sen significant restaurant growth since 
about 1980, its number of eating establishments dropped slightly from 26 in 1990 to 
25 in 2000. Overal, the distribution there was consistent with earlier years with a 
smal cluster at the 9
th
 Stret intersection, but the majority south of 23
rd
 Stret. 
Restaurant growth along 6
th
 Stret increased from 1990 to 2000 as 
development spread west and concentrated around the intersections with Kasold 
Drive and Wakarusa Drive. Twenty-eight restaurants now were along 6
th
 Stret, thre 
more than on Iowa. Restaurant growth along Kasold Drive, which had started by 
1990, reached a total of seven establishments by 2000. Farther west, Wakarusa Drive 
had just started developing restaurants at its intersections with 6
th
 and 23
rd
 strets, but 
had not established busineses betwen the two routes. 
North Lawrence experienced slight growth in the 1990s. Most development 
was close to the interstate on-ramp. Sonic Drive-In, Subway, Burger King, La 
Familia Restaurant, and Murra Caf? were al there along N. 3
rd
 Stret (N. 2
nd
 Stret 
curves into N. 3
rd
 Stret). Near the river, Johnny?s Tavern was the only restaurant 
along this route as La Familia had moved to other locations, including one farther 
north. 
Of Lawrence?s 168 restaurants, only 13 were not located along main roads. 
Most of these were in neighborhoods where restaurants had established in the past: 
 76 
North Lawrence, near the university campus, and at the 9
th
 and Misisippi 
intersection. In North Lawrence, the two Mexican restaurants on Locust Stret were 
the only two away from the main route. Near campus, The Wheel Piza Co. 
(previously the Wagon Wheel Caf?), was stil on 14
th
 Stret, while atop Mt. Oread, 
the Yelo Sub and the Glas Onion were also in the same location at 624 W. 12
th
 
Stret. Just north of campus at the base of Mt. Oread, Burrito King had replaced 
Johnny?s Clasic Burger at the intersection of 9
th
 and Misisippi strets, and Pyramid 
Piza and Seasonal Crafts BQ opened at 701 W. 9
th
 Stret and 926 Main Stret, 
respectively.  
Of the restaurants located away from major routes, thre were in 
neighborhoods not previously mentioned. Charlie?s Eastside located among the older 
homes in East Lawrence at 900 Pennsylvania Stret. On the same side of town, an 
African cuisine restaurant, Bo-Bo?s Buka Authentic Tastes from Africa, opened in a 
strip mal at the northeast corner of 19
th
 and Haskel where King Arthur Restaurant 
had previously operated. The third of these restaurants, The Alvamar Golf and 
Country Club, located north of 23
rd
 Stret betwen Wakarusa and Kasold drives. 
Catering to a relatively elite crowd and atracting customers for the amenities of the 
country club, this establishment was not overly dependent upon location for succes. 
Ethnic Restaurants 
 Similar to the trend observed in 1980 and 1990, the year 2000 showed 
a diversifying ethnic restaurant scene (Figs. 4.6 and 4.7). Sixty-thre ethnic 
 77 
 
Fig. 4.6. Lawrence ethnic restaurants in 200. As in the previous two decades, significant growth 
and diversification ocured in ethnic cuisine. Sixty-thre total ethnic restaurants existed in 200, 
and there were more clasifications than any other year. Areas with restaurant clusters are displayed 
via insets in Fig. 4.7. 
 78 
 
 
Fig. 4.7. Lawrence ethnic restaurants 200 insets.  
 
restaurants existed in Lawrence in 2000, up from forty-six in 1990. In addition, 
twelve clasifications of ethnic cuisine were identified that year, more than in any 
previous year. The most popular ethnic cuisines were stil Mexican and Italian, but 
for the first time, Italian cuisine dominated with 21 establishments, two more than the 
 79 
Mexican total. In addition, of restaurants with blended cuisines, four ofered Italian 
dishes, none Mexican.  
The highest concentration of Italian restaurants was along Masachusets 
Stret with six. The rest were dispersed fairly evenly with four on Iowa Stret, thre 
on 6
th
 Stret, and four on 23
rd
 Stret. Two others located in the new development 
along Kasold and Wakarusa drives: Litle Caesar?s Piza at 1401 Kasold Drive and 
Godfather?s Piza at 721 Wakarusa Drive. In addition, two Italian establishments 
located near campus: The Wheel Piza Co. on 14
th
 Stret and Pyramid Piza near 9
th
 
and Misisippi strets. 
Twenty-Third Stret contained the most Mexican restaurants with eight, but 
al the establishments tended to stay near the main arterials. In addition to 23
rd
 Stret, 
four were on Masachusets Stret, one on Iowa Stret, two on 6
th
 Stret, and one on 
N. 2
nd
 Stret. Only thre restaurants were elsewhere: El Matador and La Tropicana at 
their familiar spots on Locust Stret in North Lawrence, and Taco Grande near the 
intersection of 6
th
 Stret and Kasold Drive, at 534 Frontier Road.  
 Chinese trailed far behind the two main cuisines with just thre 
establishments: one on Iowa Stret, one on 6
th
 Stret, and one on 23
rd
 Stret. 
However, other Asian cuisines had started to open, including Vietnamese, Thai, 
Japanese, and Indian. Mediteranean cuisine was slightly more prominent than in 
1990 with thre establishments. Thre other clasifications of cuisine were new to the 
community: new orld, African, and Latin American.  
 80 
 As in previous years, several blended cuisine options were available in 
Lawrence. Four restaurants blended Italian cuisine with either international, 
American, or both American and Grek dishes. One establishment, Bleu Jacket at 
811 New Hampshire Stret, served French and American cuisine. It was listed from 
2000 to 2002. Phil Minkin described the short-lived busines: 
The Bleu Jacket was one of the first very upscale restaurants to try to make it 
in downtown Lawrence. . . . It went out of business because . . . I don?t know 
if it [Lawrence] could suport [the Bleu Jacket], . . . but this place was very 
upscale, . . . it may have done very well on Friday night and Saturday night, 
but you have to do better than that, so it didn?t have much else going for it. 
 
Fifi?s, at 925 Iowa Stret, which was once advertised as continental, was offering 
both continental and American cuisine in 2000. Although only thre restaurants 
offered solely Chinese food, thre others blended Chinese with another cuisine: The 
Jade Garden did so with Vietnamese, while Panda Garden used Thai, and Plum Tre 
American. Murra Caf? also blended Asian cuisine, advertising American, Oriental, 
and Korean. Phil Minkin described the ethnic cuisine in Lawrence: 
Bleu Jacket made an attempt at being a French restaurant, but there?s never 
really been much traditional, elegant French or even the peasant French here 
in Lawrence. But there?s been two or three Indian places, there?s been 
several Mediterranean places, like Aladdin,. . . it?s also a market you know 
they sell feta, and they have olives [in] five gallon kegs or whatever . . . 
Italian may have started with piza but now it?s branched out. 
 
When asked about the growing diversity of ethnic restaurants in Lawrence, 
Paul, a resident of Drury Place Apartments, replied: ?Oh, in the last ten years there 
has been almost an explosion of ethnic type restaurants.? Carolyn, another resident at 
Drury Place, added: ?I think they?re highly popular with the younger people. 
 81 
Especialy, I know our son likes Thai food. [He] sems to want to eat Thai when they 
can, and of course, Lawrence has a lot of young people.? 
One of the most interesting additions to the ethnic cuisine in Lawrence was 
Bo-Bo?s Buka at 19
th
 and Haskel, which offered cuisine from al over Africa, but 
mostly West Africa. Modupe Leslie, a Nigerian woman, owned the establishment 
and gave a genuine atempt at providing an African atmosphere. Lawrence resident 
Garth Myers remembers a spicy pumpkin sed soup caled ogusi as a favorite. 
Location far from the main roads may have impacted its viability, as it was only open 
from 2000 to 2001. Helen Krische had visited Bo-Bo?s Buka: ?I don?t think the 
seting was realy conducive to a high trafic area or a high volume of customers, but 
the food was OK.?  
Although not listed in the directory, Myers remembered Bo-Bo?s Buka at a 
second location along 23
rd
 Stret, but unfortunately, the establishment had lost its 
atmosphere. Myers recaled: ?They struggled in both places to get a clientele base. It 
was very good food, but strange to many ordinary Lawrencians . . . . ?  A rare cuisine 
to find in Lawrence, it was the only restaurant offering African dishes in al of the 
years of this study.  
Chain Restaurants 
 The 1990s saw significant growth of chain restaurants. Nearly a hundred of 
the city?s restaurant total of 168 (almost 60%) could be identified as chains or 
franchises in 2000. Sixten establishments had more than one location (Table 4.1).  
 
 82 
Arby's 2 
Bagel & Bagel 2 
Burger King 3 
Dairy Quen 2 
Godfather's Piza 2 
Harde's 3 
McDonald's 4 
Mr. Godcents Subs & Pastas 2 
Piza Hut 4 
Runza Restaurant 2 
Sonic Drive In 3 
Subway Sandwiches 4 
Taco Bel 2 
Taco John's 3 
Pyramid Piza 2 
Yelo Sub 2 
Table 4.1. Chain and franchise restaurants in 200 Lawrence with more than one eating establishment. 
 
 As was sen in earlier years, most of the establishments with multiple 
locations typicaly placed one site on 23
rd
 Stret and another on 6
th
 Stret. Six 
restaurants did not follow this patern, however. Bagel & Bagel, Godfather?s Piza, 
and Yelo Sub al had one location on 23
rd
 Stret, but with second sites on 
Masachusets Stret, Wakarusa Drive, and 12
th
 Stret (near campus), respectively. 
Runza Restaurant had one site on 6
th
 Stret, but the second on Iowa. Two restaurants 
did not have locations along either 23
rd
 or 6
th
 strets: Dairy Queen with one branch on 
Masachusets and the other on Iowa, and Pyramid Piza with one location on 
Masachusets and the other on 9
th
 near the university campus.  
 The rest of the chain establishments had at least one branch each on 23
rd
 and 
6
th
 strets. Arby?s and Taco Bel were located only on these roads. Other chains had 
additional sites: Burger King, Hardee?s, and Sonic Drive-In in North Lawrence on N. 
3
rd
 Stret near the entrance to I-70, and Mr. Goodcents Subs & Pastas along Iowa 
Stret and Kasold Drive. Some restaurants had more than one site along the same 
 83 
road. Piza Hut and Taco John?s both had two establishments along 23
rd
 Stret. 
Subway also had two branches along 23
rd
 Stret, as wel as two on 6
th
 Stret and 
another in North Lawrence on N. 3
rd
 Stret. McDonald?s had two sites along 6
th
 
Stret and an additional location on Iowa Stret. 
 Casual chain restaurants 
continued to grow in the community. 
Applebee?s opened a second location in 
2004 at 3900 W. 6
th
 Stret, and in the 
same year, On the Border Mexican Gril 
and Cantina (Fig. 4.8) opened its first 
site, located along South Iowa Stret at 
the intersection of 31
st
 and Iowa strets. 
Spotlight Restaurants 
La Parrila, Zen Zero, Genovese 
Proprietors Subarna Bhatachan and Alejandro Lule owned thre ethnic 
restaurants in downtown Lawrence in the early 2000s. Although other people had 
opened multiple restaurants in Lawrence before, these men not only opened thre 
restaurants in eight years, but each with a diferent cuisine. Their decisions support 
the observation that ethnic cuisines were becoming increasingly popular in the 
Lawrence community. For mutual support, the men located al their restaurants 
within two blocks of each other along the pedestrian-rich Masachusets Stret.  
Fig. 4.8. On the Border Mexican Gril and Cantina, 
208. Located at 3080 Iowa Stret. Photo by John 
Young. 
 
 84 
The first of the thre to open was La Parila (Fig. 4.9) in 2000, located at 814 
Masachusets Stret. Formerly Panchero?s, a restaurant that served buritos and 
other Mexican cuisine, this building provided a good starting ground for La Parila?s 
Latin American oferings. Bhatachan felt that a Latin American theme would be 
succesful in Lawrence, and the availability of the Panchero?s building meant that no 
major alterations were needed to the interior design. When asked to describe the 
cuisine served there, Bhatachan 
responded: ?. . . it?s kind of broad, 
mostly Mexican, let?s say about seventy 
percent Mexican food, but not Tex-Mex, 
more like Mexican food from today?s 
Mexico. I mean there?s some Tex-Mex 
nuances there and some Central 
American, some South American but, 
mostly Mexican.? Phil Minkin felt La 
Parila was a great concept: ?I mean 
good, inexpensive food, what more could you want in a college town? . . . It?s 
certainly not a Mexican restaurant, it?s more South or Central American.? 
The second restaurant opened by Bhatachan and Lule, Zen Zero in 2003 (Fig. 
4.10), was across the stret from La Parila at 811 Masachusets. In a similar broad-
cuisine fashion, Zen Zero serves Asian cuisine. Bhatachan described it as: ? . . . Pan-
Asian cuisine, . . . mostly, seventy percent, Thai food and a litle bit from Nepal, litle 
Fig. 4.9. La Parila, 208. Located at 814 
Masachusets Stret. This was the first 
restaurant started by Subarna Bhatachan and 
Alejandro Lule. Photo by Brackhan. 
 85 
bit from Vietnam, litle bit from Japan, you know so a litle bit of everything, but 
mostly Thai. So yeah, you know, just 
like La Parila [is] mostly Mexican, Zen 
Zero is mostly Thai.? In addition, the 
owners felt that, since this cuisine had 
not yet infiltrated Lawrence, they had an 
opportunity to introduce it. Bhatachan 
explained that: ?. . . because at that time 
there weren?t any Thai restaurants in 
Lawrence, we felt like there was a niche 
and there was a market for it so that?s 
what we did.? 
 Although the Zen Zero building previously housed a restaurant, interior 
design was required to create the appropriate atmosphere. About eighty percent of 
the building was redone. Since La Parila had been in busines for thre years, 
Bhuttachan and Lule had acumulated some capital, so more renovation was possible 
for this investment than had been the case with  their first establishment. 
La Parila and Zen Zero have fairly similar clienteles, which is partly the 
result of pricing. Items range betwen six and ten dollars at both places. Bhatachan 
explained: ?[At] Zen Zero and La Parila the demographics are about the same: some 
students, but mostly middle-aged, middle-income, middle-clas people of Lawrence.  
We se a lot of students at both restaurants.?  
Fig. 4.10. Zen Zero, 208. Located at 81 
Masachusets Stret. This was the second 
restaurant started by Bhatachan and Lule, in 
203. Photo by Brackhan. 
 86 
The third restaurant opened by 
Bhatachan and Lule (now in parternership 
with chef Armando Paniagua) was Genovese 
(Fig. 4.11) at 941 Masacusets Stret, in 
2007. They again chose a location that was 
previously a restaurant, this time the former 
Mas. Stret Deli. But, instead of the 
broader, regional cuisine served at La Parila 
and Zen Zero, Genovese?s cuisine 
highlights a very specific region of Italy. 
Bhatachan described it as follows: 
?. . . not just Italian, this is actually a Northern Italian cuisine . . . . Most of 
this food is not only just from Northern Italy, but it focuses on the particular 
province of Liguria, which is from [of] northwest Italy . . . . It stretches from 
the Italian Rivieras, from [the] border of France, kind of sweeps down all the 
way to Tuscany.?  
 
At Genovese the cuisine is not only very specific, but Bhatachan, Lule, and 
Paniagua also created an up-scale atmosphere. La Parila and Zen Zero both use 
plastic cups, for example, but Genovese uses glas glases. Again, Bhatachan 
explains: ?We were going for a litle more upscale environment, so everything had to 
be a step up, and so that means furniture costs a litle bit more, everything, you know, 
like china, silverware, glasware.? The interior was redesigned to provide a rustic 
Italian feling. In addition, they imported a wood-fired rotiserie and charcoal gril 
from Italy to help achieve the true tastes of the region (Genovese, 2008). 
Fig. 4.1. Genovese, 208. Located at 941 
Masachusets Stret. This was the third 
restaurant opened by Bhatachan and Lule, 
with chef Armando Paniagua, in 207. Photo 
by Brackhan. 
 87 
The clientele at Genovese, not unexpectedly, is slightly diferent than at La 
Parila and Zen Zero. Acording to Bhatachan: ?At Genovese we?re finding, 
because of the price-point, because of the wine, . . . maybe the ambiance, and also the 
cuisine, although [it] is peasant-style cuisine, it?s quite sophisticated, so because of 
that, here we?re finding . . . it takes a litle bit of acquired taste.? Although some 
customers spend time at al thre restaurants, Genovese atracts the most distinctive 
crowd. Bhatachan says that they se: ?. . . people who?ve been to Europe or people 
who?ve been to Italy, or people who like wine and obviously middle-aged, middle-
clas, middle-income, I may even go to say more upper-end . . . .? He continued: 
I think that some of our clientele, since we had opened La Parrila and Zen 
Zero, at that price-point, they were expecting Genovese to be along that price 
range, and obviously it?s not feasible to be at that price range, so that could 
be another factor. So our clientele here is a litle bit different. 
 
Piza and pasta are available for seven to twelve dollars, which Bhatachan stil ses 
as a good value for fresh-made pastas and raviolis.  
 The combination of Bhatachan and Lule, who previously had worked 
together at other fine-dining establishments in the city, together with the chef 
expertise of Paniagua, who had run an Italian restaurant in San Francisco, has alowed 
their entrepreneurial ideas to blossom. Phil Minkin commented: ?They?re not only 
good with food, but they?re good businesmen.? 
 One chalenge for the restaurant triad is that each is a completely separate 
entity that requires diferent ingredients. So, economy of scale does not work in the 
owners? favor as it would for a chain restaurant, which replicates its system and 
 88 
dishes at each branch. As for the future, the proprietors are trying to balance their 
existing establishments without going to the corporate level. Bhatachan explained: 
You don?t want to stretch yourself to thin. . . . If you open multiple 
restaurants that means you gota go corporate, like Aplebee?s or 
McDonald?s. You gota get corporate because you, as one or two owners, 
you can only keep an eye on so many restaurants. After a while you have to 
structure yourself corporately, and stuff like that, so . . . we are trying our 
best to avoid that. That means we?re trying not to open to many. But on the 
other hand, if there is a god economic oportunity or business oportunity, 
and we have the capital and we have the backing of our bankers, we are more 
than happy to be open to more adventures. But right now e?ll probably take 
a break for a couple of years. 
 89 
CHAPTER FIVE 
 
Final Thoughts 
 
This case study of Lawrence, Kansas, provides an historical geography of 
Lawrence?s memorable restaurants over the past half century. From a theoretical 
perspective, it supports Zelinsky?s (1987) claim that college communities have 
relatively great diversity in ethnic cuisine. It also supports the findings of Dilon, 
Burger, and Shortridge (2006) regarding a lack of correlation betwen ethnicity of 
population and difusion of ethnic cuisine. For Lawrence as a whole, ethnic cuisine 
broadened rapidly over the past two decades while the population diversified only 
slightly. 
 Lawrence was a good candidate for a thesis-length study. It is large enough to 
display variety, but smal enough to make data collection and review feasible and to 
alow interviewes a citywide perspective. Diferent people remembered the same 
restaurants, but shared unique perspectives. In addition, the Lawrence restaurant 
scene experienced significant changes over time. Two such shifts determined the 
thesis structure: the popularity of ethnic cuisine and the overal rates of restaurant 
growth. It would be interesting to se if other cities experienced these same changes 
at similar times. Restaurant growth in Lawrence has actualy exceded population 
growth since 1970 (Table 5.1, Fig. 5.1). 
 Interviews with retirement community members were ideal for gathering 
Lawrence details from an earlier time. Al of the activity planners I contacted were 
very receptive to the idea as it provided an intergenerational activity for their 
 90 
Year Population Restaurants 
Population / 
Restaurant 
1950 23,351 46 508 
1960 32,858 44 747 
1970 45,698 57 802 
1980 52,738 81 651 
1990 65,608 106 619 
2000 80,098 139 576 
 
Table 5.1. Lawrence population, number of restaurants from telephone directories, and 
population per restaurant value: 1950-200. Data Source: Southwestern Bel telephone 
directories for Lawrence, Kansas. 
 
Lawrence Population per Restaurant: 1950 to 2000
576
619
651
802
747
508
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
900
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
Year
P
o
p
u
l
a
t
i
o
n
 
p
e
r
 
R
e
s
t
a
u
r
a
n
t
 
Fig. 5.1. Lawrence population per restaurant: 1950-200. Population increased faster than 
restaurant development from 1950 to 1970, but this patern reversed from 1980 to 200. Data 
Source: Southwestern Bel telephone directories for Lawrence, Kansas. 
 
community. I also received a positive response from the interviewes themselves. 
Group interviews often produced the best conversations, as participants sparked 
memories for each other and filed in gaps of mising information. I suggest 
interviewing groups no larger than five, however. The best personal stories tended to 
 91 
come from smaler groups, with the richest descriptions from people I interviewed 
individualy or in pairs. Visual references were helpful in recaling which restaurants 
existed in specific years. I provided a list of establishments and a map during the 
interviews. If available, restaurant photographs would make good additional tools for 
this proces. 
Conversations with restaurant owners enhanced my understanding of 
individual busineses and the general restaurant trade over time. Much insight also 
came from community members who interacted with owners and experienced the 
broad Lawrence restaurant scene. These residents were typicaly not tied to any one 
restaurant, yet had more interest in the scene than the average community member 
and so offered valuable comparative perspective. 
Community organizations, museums, and libraries were esential in collecting 
data, gathering images, and finding participants in the study. The Lawrence 
Preservation Aliance put me in contact with people with similar interests. The 
Watkins Community Museum and the University of Kansas Spencer Research 
Library both provided restaurant newspaper articles as wel as many photographs 
throughout the study period. The University?s collection of student hangouts was 
particularly rich. The Kansas State Historical Society provided additional restaurant 
articles and the Lawrence Public Library had nearly al of the existing city directories 
and telephone directories for the community.  
Several limitations exist with the study?s quantitative data. Not al city and 
telephone directories were available for each year, so combining them produced a 
 92 
more complete collection of data. However, of the years mapped, 1950 and 1960 
used telephone directory data only, whereas 1970 through 2000 used both the city and 
telephone directories. To compare al of the years consistently, I used telephone 
directory data only (Table 5.1 and Fig. 5.1). Discrepancies betwen the directories 
was another problem, and so using only the telephone information eliminated 
busineses that were listed solely in the city directory. Some of these diferences may 
have been caused by the time of year particular directories were produced, as 
busineses may have begun or failed throughout the year. To test this theory, I 
compared directories for adjacent years, but could come to no definitive conclusion.  
If I were to do this study again, I would inquire more about restaurants in 
operation today. At the beginning of the project, I focused on finding people who 
remembered restaurants from the earliest years. Though current restaurants were 
mentioned in these interviews, the richest memories regarded those establishments no 
longer in busines. Perhaps participants felt there was a need to explain these 
restaurants as I could not visit. For whatever reasons, current busineses did not 
initiate as much discussion. Perhaps a sense of nostalgia skewed the discussions 
toward earlier years. 
One could use this study for multiple comparisons. Most obvious, perhaps, 
would be similar research for another college town in a diferent region of the United 
States. A location in a diferent one of Zelinsky?s ethnic cuisine regions, either the 
Italian East or the Chinese West, would alow more testing of his theory of dominant 
cuisines (1987). Such a study would also provide a base for trend comparison with 
 93 
Lawrence. Another research possibility would focus on a noncollege town within the 
Midwest. This could provide insight on how much a university impacts cuisine in a 
town. For either of these studies, a community similar to Lawrence in size would be 
ideal, but not necesary.  
One could also delve deeper into the Lawrence area itself and focus more on 
the society during diferent periods. For example, racial segregation of restaurants 
and other busineses could be a window for researching this controversial time and 
subject. In addition, the efects of liquor by-the-drink on restaurants might be further 
studied through research of menus before and after this turning point.  
With the data I gathered and maps I produced, one could also create 
interactive animations that alow the reader to beter visualize restaurant growth 
through time.  Selecting individual restaurant symbols could display information 
about that establishment, perhaps with an image or video. This could help recreate 
the restaurant community of the past as wel as record the current scene for the future. 
 Restaurant-based historical geography study would benefit any community. 
Such focus on social gathering places provides a topic in which al residents could 
participate and a window into changes in the local environment and lifestyle. It also 
can demonstrate how the value of particular busines locations shifts and adjusts over 
the years. Additionaly, as communities become more homogeneous with the 
expansion of chain restaurants, recording the history of local busineses may become 
more important in the future.   
 94 
I hope that this study of Lawrence, Kansas, restaurants wil inspire others to 
research additional communities through a similar perspective. A collection of 
studies would alow for comparisons and distinctions that might lead to further 
understanding beyond the local spectrum.  
 95 
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CITY DIRECTORIES AND TELEPHONE DIRECTORIES 
 
Lawrence and Surrounding Communities: Baldwin City, Clinton, Eudora, 
Lecompton. [S. I.]: Southwestern Bel, 1997-2005. 
 
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and Co., 1975-1992. 
 
 99 
Lawrence, Eudora, Lecompton: White and Yelow Pages. St. Louis, MO: 
Southwestern Bel Yelow Pages, 1961-1996. 
 
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Lawrence, Kansas, Polk City Directory. Livonia, MI: R. L. Polk and Co., 1993-2005. 
 
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Bel Telephone Co., 1955-1960. 
 
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Telephone Directory Lawrence, Kansas. Lawrence, KS: Southwestern Bel 
Telephone Co., 1950-1954. 
 
 
 
 
 100 
Apendix A: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 1950 
 
 
 
 101 
Apendix B: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 1960 
 
 
 102 
Apendix C: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 1970 
 
 103 
Apendix D: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 1980 
 
 104 
Apendix E: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 1990 
 
 105 
Apendix F: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 2000 ? West Half 
 
 
 106 
Apendix G: Labeled Lawrence Restaurants, 2000 ? East Half