GODFREY BARNSLEY? 1805-1873: 
BRITISH COTTON FACTOR IN THE SOUTH 
by 
Nelson M. Hoffman, Jr. 
A.B., Asbury College, 1942 
M.A., University of Kansas, 1947 
Submitted to the Department of 
History and the Faculty of the 
Graduate School of the Univer­
sity of Kansas in partial ful­
fillment of the requirements 
for the degree of Doctor of 
Philosophy. 
Advisory Committee: 
Redacted Signature 
Chairman 
Redacted Signature 
Redacted Signature 
RDDQS^ 0515ft 
msm OB CQEEEHTS 
4i Of S.C© 4 . « » A 4 * * *,'»•»' » * • ' * « * « « « « » 4 • .» ' » pj jg® # -'\f * 
CHAPXE& Is The Inpact of Cotton, . » , . . « , page X 
CTfclPTEP* II. A How Life in a Ite Country ....... page 25 
CE:\PTEE III, Cotton llaraliamt * . . »• • * . . . . * .• *. 4 page 58 
CIF.PTSE I?, Escape to the Koi.intatrio ......... page 102 
' CHAPTER V, The lonely tors, page 158 
CB&ftKR VI, • Bef ore the War. ............ a . page 189 
CliiFTSH. VII, The Great War ................ page 226 
CrnmSK VIII,. The Pinal Attempt page 258 
CMITEE. IX, Postscript • . . . . . , , » . . , page 299 
Appendices* ... ...... . page 309 
Bibliography» » * . •. ,« « » «. . ... . ... 4 . ... . . ... .• page 316 
ZiS&3e£%\i£i 
Godfrey Barnsley, son of an English cotton mill owner, came 
to Savannah, Georgia, in 1824 and in a few years; had become one 
of that city's leading cotton factors and merchants. Although he 
was only eighteen years old when he came to the United States, he * 
did not choose to become an American citizen, believing that his; 
business, enterprises could best be served by.remaining a British 
subject. He was an asset to the country of his residence, 
however, and served it well in political, social and economic 
affairs. 
He was a cotton factor in the daya when cotton was "King,51 
and by Judiciously handling his affaire he amassed a sizeable 
fortune. He was President of the Chamber of Commerce of Savannah 
and served there as vice-consul for the Netherlands and the 
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. As a leading developer of the 
former Indian lands of northwest Georgia, he showed the possibility 
of living productively in what was considered by many to be little 
short of wilderness, A man of great personal charm and keen 
intellect, he pioneered agricultural developments, encouraged 
the arts and artists, and contributed his fortune and members of 
his family to the Southern cause during the War Between the 
States. Possessing great courage, he made a valiant attempt to 
recoup his losses after the liar, but at the time of his death, in 
1873 had little more than his mansion in the north Georgia 
mountains, known today as "Barnsley Gardens." 
This account of his life end times is based primarily on 
manuscripts* contemporary newspapers, legal documents end family 
recollections, Many of the letters written to him, copies of 
letters he wrote, bills, ledgers and receipts iiave been preserved 
and are now located in the Manuscripts Divisions of the libraries 
of Duke University, Emory University and the University of Georgia, 
Some of his papers arc in the private collections of Mrs. Alice 
B. Howard, Adairsville, Georgia, Mr. W. E. McClesky of 'Barnsley 
Gardens*1, near Adairsville and. Mr. 'Bans Gottfried Bams ley 
Schcuenstulil, groat-great grandson of Godfrey Barnaley, who now 
lives in Elo de Janiero, Brasil* Col. Thomas W. Spencer of 
Atlanta, Georgia, also haa several items of importance. The 
directors and curators of these libraries, and the owners of the 
personal collections have been most cooperative in supplying the 
necessary information. Secondary sources have been used as re­
quired to provide adequate background to the study and to amplify 
some of Barnsley's many interests. 
Barnaley will not be remembered for his significant impact 
upon American History, but a study of his life shows the part 
played by a man from Great Britain in the development of nine­
teenth century America. 
v. 
AOTaitEBGEMENTS 
The author wishes to acknowledge his sincere gratitude to 
the following: 
To Professor Bell Wiley of Emory University for suggesting 
research in the Barnsley Papers of the Emory University Library; 
To •Professor W. Sfcifet Robin son of the University of Kansas 
whoj, as advisor, showed great patience and gave excellent guidance 
during the writing of the manuscript; 
To his wife and children whose encouragement and understanding 
through the years of research made it all possible. 
vi 
CHAPTEE X 
The Impact of Cotton 
Xa order to have a proper mderatandlhg, of the Georgia to 
which Godfrey Barasley cane in 1824, it is necessary to give a 
brief historical survey of the area. liieh has been, written Shout 
the early history of the State of Georgia and the contributions 
of .dames Edward Oglethorpe* It is not the purpose of this work 
to analyse this history»• but If is necessary to take a brief look 
at the activities of a. group of public-spirited Englishmen which 
led to Georgia becoming a colony and a State, 
to of the most important of these was an Anglican clergyman, 
Br, Thomas Bray, who had for years been actively engaged as a 
philanthropist and an organiser of libraries in England and America* 
and In educating and Christianizing Hagro slaves. He; is more 
popularly known, as the organiser of the Society for the Propaga* 
tion of the Gospel in Foreign. Farts (the S.P.G.), and the Society 
for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (the S.F.C.H.). In 
1723 he formed a group of associates who, after. his death in 1730, 
t 
were known as the Associates of the late Br. Bray, s 
The members of this organisation were interested in reliev­
ing the plight of England's many debtors, since thousands of 
people had been thrown into prison under a law which gave a 
creditor the right to restrain the freedom of a debtor. The 
 ^ Ei Iferton Coulter, A Short History of Georgia. (Chapel Hill, * 
1933), 14. 
2. 
organization would listen to any plausible scheme which could in 
any way assist the debtor. The person who suggested the plan 
which appealed most to them was Oxford-educated James Oglethorpe, 
elected to Parliament in 1722* Appointed chairman of a Parlia­
mentary committee to Investigate debtor prisons in 1729, Ogle­
thorpe. * 3 report caused Parliament to issue orders to release more 
than 10,000 of these unfortunates. But freedom brought misery 
of another kind and those set free were but little better off 
than those still remaining in prison. Oglethorpe mentioned a plan 
for sending freed debtors to America to his friend and eo-member 
of the Associates, lord John Percival, later the first .Earl of 
Egmont. On July 30, 1730, the Bray Associates, acting favorably 
upon Oglethorpe's suggestion, petitioned the King for a tract of 
land "on the south-west of Carolina for settling poor persons of 
London*" The request was favorably received and a charter was 
granted on June 9, 1732. Called "Georgia" in the charter, the 
colony was managed by a group of twenty-one persons, know as the 
Board of Trustees, with definite powers to control the land be­
tween the Savannah and Altamaha rivers and lines drawn from their 
headwaters to the South Seas. The most active of these trustees 
were Oglethorpe, Percival, Anthony Ashley (the Earl of Shaftes­
bury) and Benjamin Kartyn, secretary and later colonial agent. 
After careful and meticulous screening of applicants, more than 
one hundred people were accepted for the first voyage to Georgia, 
to be accompanied by Oglethorpe* Since the charter had called 
for the Trustees to organise and train a militia, those accepted 
3. 
were fitted-out and trained by sergeants of the Royal Guard. Be­
tween 114 and 125 men, women and children signed the articles of 
agreement, and went on board the Anne? a vessel of 200 tons, west­
ward bound for Charleston.2 
Arriving at Charleston on January 13, 1733, with thirty-five 
families, Oglethorpe was warmly received by Governor Robert 
Johnson. Shortly after his arrival in that bustling port city, 
Oglethorpe sailed south to the Savannah River and up that stream 
looking for a suitable spot for settlement. He was accompanied by 
Col. William Bull,, a kindly Charlestonian who realised the value 
of a buffer colony between South Carolina and the Spanish, French 
and Indians to the South. Eighteen miles up the Savannah a pine-
topped bluff attracted Oglethorpe's attention, but upon investi­
gating he discovered that the Creek Indians had already established 
there a small village which they called Yamacraw. Undaunted, and 
with the assistance of Kary Husgrove,. half-breed Indian wife of 
disillusioned South Carolina trader John Muagrove, Oglethorpe 
entered into a mutually satisfactory arrangement with Tomo-Chi-Chi, 
Chief of this Creek tribe, permitting the establishment of a white 
settlement near that of the Indians., Returning to Charleston for 
the rest of his party, Oglethorpe had his group gather together 
what little they had in the way of baggage and returned to Yama­
craw. Yhey arrived there on February 12, 1733, and immediately 
set to work laying out a town among the beautiful live oaks 
2'Ibid.. IS-21. 
4. 
end smgnolias. The people soon began building their bouses and 
slowly a town took shape, which Oglethorpe named Savannah in honor 
of the river which led them to the place,3 Oglethorpe's grand 
experiment was underway. 
But Georgia had not been set up for debtors alone. The 
Trustees had also made provision for those who were being perse­
cuted for their religious beliefs. Consequently the Lutheran 
Salzburgers under their leader John Martin Bolzius and the Moravi­
ans under the direction of their patron Count Zinzendorf were able 
to settle in Georgia. By 1740, however, the Moravians had been 
forced to depart since they refused to help with the defense 
preparations for the colony. Following their departure, the 
Trustees then interested some 150 Scotch Highlanders and their 
families in settling in Georgia, being eager to have enough able-
bodied men on hand to quell any attempt by the Spanish or Indians 
to cause trouble. Though the Trustees had made no provision for 
the immigration of Jews, forty of that community had arrived by 
late 1733. Oglethorpe, who was willing to have his small group of 
settlers enlarged by any means, allotted them land and defended 
then and his actions before the Trustees. Thus Georgia got off 
to a decidedly cosmopolitan start 
Life in early Savannah was difficult with work provided for 
F. .£« Lee and J. L. Agnew, Historical Record of the City of 
Savannah (Savannah, 1869), 3ff. 
Coulter, Short History, 25-29. 
5. 
every one. The young men took care of clearing the land, laying 
out the town and building the houses, while the task of cultivating 
the gardens was left to the older settlers, the women and the 
children. A map drawn by Peter Gordon on March 29, 1734, shows 
that in the first year of its existence, Savannah grew to a town 
of ninety-one houses, and had for the use of the general public 
a mill, a store, an ovan and a well."* 
Regulations were provided to govern the actions of the citi-
sens. In a letter describing the town of Savannah in 1736, Francis 
More was impressed by the fact that, 
They have some laws and customs that are pecu­
liar to Georgia; one is that all brandies and 
distilled liquors are prohibited under severe 
penalties; another is, that no slavery is 
allowed, nor negroes; a third, that all persons 
who go among the Indians must give security for 
their good behavior; because the Indians, if 
any injury is done to them and they can not 
kill the man that does it, expect satisfaction 
from the government, which, if not procured, they 
break out into war by killing the first white 
man they conveniently can."5 
The citizens of Savannah resented the rule which prohibited 
them from having slaves. They could look across the Savannah 
River and see the mansions and wealth of the South Carolinians, 
and they became more envious as time passed. A petition was 
drawn up requesting permission to import and use slaves, but 
Oglethorpe was opposed to the idea. He was of the opinion that 
** Amanda Johnson, Georgia us Colony and State (Atlanta, 1938), 
52 ff. 
6 Lee and Agnew, Historical Record, 15. 
b. 
almrm would weaken the colony by fleeing to the Indians or that 
Georgia would soon be overrun by the slaveholder©. Shortly after 
1740, however, the people of Savannah- end the smaller towns Which 
were springing up further bach in the, country began to ignore the 
order against slaves, end in 17# the Trustees themselves -ashed 
Parliament for a repeal of the act OKcluding slaves.- This was 
granted and the plantation system erne to Georgia| the economic 
structure of the colony became much like thai of South Carolina.^  
'The Trustees* Charter ejepired in 1752 and the colony became 
a royal province la 1754. On October 29 of that year John- Reynolds 
was appointed the first Governor. Be was pleased With hit 
appointment and shortly nfter hla arrival in Savannah* he mot& 
the Board of Trade in London* 
Savannah is well situated end contains about 
one hundred end fifty houses, ell, wooden 
ones, very small end mostly old. The biggest 
was used .for" the 'meeting of the president end 
.assistants, and where I sat in -council for a 
few deyss but one end- fell down whilst- we 
were all there and obliged us to move. . « • 
1 have..given orders* with the advice of the 
council to fit up the shell of & house. * . 
for the Assembly to meet in and for 4 few 
offices. 
It soon became evident to Georgians and to Parliament that 
Governor Reynolds was not paying enough attention, to his' duties 
and that his secretary, Willies tittle, was running both the 
? $. B; Hessfclfcin®, ®tg South In American History $!ew Tofk, 
1943), 72-73. 
g Loe and Agnew, Historical Record, 27*28, 
7. 
indigent Governor end the colony. Consequently, Reynolds was re­
placed in February, 1757, by Henry Ellis, who soon incurred the 
wrath of the inhabitants by suggesting, that the capital of the 
colony be removed to the email town of Bardwicke, near the: mouth 
of the Ogeechee River, Though this' would have been a more central 
o location, his suggestion did not. meet with approval. 
As late ae 1758 Savannah had no wharf. The few ships that 
came up the river sailed as close to land as the water would, per** 
ait, threw light articles on the bank and loaded the heavier.ones 
into small boats. Xn that year, Thomas Eaton, under the direction 
of John William do Brahra, Surveyor-General of the Southern Prov­
inces of Month America, constructed the first wharf which was 
situated midway between Bull end Whi taker Streets, Other wharves 
soon followed, for in 1759 forty-one vessels discharged cargo, and 
during the year 1760 nearly 200 ships arrived.1,0 
Though Governor Ellis soon redeemed himself in the eyes of 
the inhabitants of Savannah by successfully negotiating a favor­
able treaty with the Creeks, he requested that his resignation be 
accepted in 1760. To succeed him. Sir James Wright ma, .appointed 
Governor and arrived in Savannah in October of that year. Wright, 
a vary popular Governor, came at a time when the spirit of inde­
pendence was spreading throughout the colonies. Though ho had 
the welfare of the citicons of Georgia at heart and the colonists. 
9 Ibid., 29. 
10 Ibid.. 30 
8* 
appreciated his efforts in their behalf, he strenuously opposed 
every measure of the people that ms in opposition to Parliament. 
By the middle of February, 1773, upon his return to Georgia from 
a trip to England, Wright found that the spirit of rebellion had 
increased and that not only the people of Savannah but of the en­
tire colony were indignant at the closing of the port of Boston.  ^
This indignation was soon centered in a rather small group of 
ardent patriots. Responding to a call for a Provincial Congress 
in July and August, 1774, those who were interested met and adopted 
resolutions protesting the oppresive acts of Parliament. Meeting 
again in January, 1775, this Provincial Congress elected John 
Glenn chairman, and chose Hoble Wimherly Jones, Archibald Bulloch 
end John Houston delegates to represent Georgia in the Continental 
Congress meeting in Philadelphia on. May 10. The delegates did not 
attend, but sent & letter stating that they could not call the 
proceedings of the Congress which elected them the voice of the 
colony since less than half of the towns were represented. In 
addition, they pointed out that most of the inhabitants of 
Savannah were not likely to favor rebellion, since business men 
were enjoying a favorable trade and the people of the colony were 
refusing to make any sacrifice whatever toward the cause. 
By 1774 there were more than 17,000 white people in Georgia 
and generally little resentment toward England. The planters 
11 JMi'* 33 
12 Ibid., 35 
9. 
received bounties for silk and Indigo and ample protection against 
both the Indians and the Spanish. Some of the radicals/ however, 
formed local committees and attempted to force compliance with 
the decisions of the Continental Congress, But while other 
colonies were taking positive steps toward revolution, Georgia 
13 was for the most part quiet. It was not until & new Provincial 
Congress assembled on July 4, 1775, that Georgia took any definite 
action toward co-operation with the other colonies in the Revolu­
tionary movement."'' At a gathering in the Meeting House in 
Savannah on that day it was decided to enter whole-heartedly into 
the Hon-Importation Association and Bulloch, Jones/Houston and 
Lyman Hall were chosen to represent Georgia at the Second Contin­
ental Congress. Governor Wright was then informed of these actions 
and was sent copies of all public notifications.'® the Revolu­
tion had at last come to Georgia, 
This most southern of the original thirteen states was not 
involved in the major battles of the first years of the struggle 
for independence. Georgians did not feel the impact of the War 
until 1778 when Savannah was captured by the British, At that 
time the state government fled to the up-country Savannah River 
13 Hesseltine, The South in American History, 1G5 . 
14 Kid,, 107. 
Coulter, Short History, 114. 
town, Augusta, only to be driven from there in a few weeks by the 
pursuing British Regulars. With the success of the British army, 
Royal Government was restored and Governor Wright and his officials 
returned from their three year exile in England to resume their 
duties. In a Disqualifying Act of 1780, in order to show the 
strength of their position, the Royal Government ordered several 
16 prominent rebels designated as traitors to stand trial. After 
the capture of Savannah, it became a British base for operations 
in the interior, and the patriot government was forced to remain 
in hiding. By Hay of 1780 and the surrender of General Benjamin 
Lincoln at Charleston, Georgia was completely overrun by the 
17 British, This intolerable situation was shortly corrected, how­
ever, by the brilliant maneuvers of General Nathanael Greene, who 
in 1781 drove the British back to the coasts of Georgia and South 
Carolina, successfully halting the few trials taking place in 
accordance with provisions of the Disqualifying Act. After the 
surrender of Comwallis on October 17, 1781, the military phase of 
the Revolution ended. Savannah was abandonned by the British in 
July, 1782. 
There was rather widespread persecution, of the Torlbs in the 
years after the Revolutionary War ended but the fight among the 
radicals in Georgia led to the eventual victory of the conservative 
Robert S. Lambert, "The Confiscation of Loyalist Property in 
Georgia, 1782-1786." William and Wary Quarterly, Third Series, 
XX (January, 1963), 81. 
Kenneth Coleman,. The American Revolution in Georgia, 1763-
1789 (Athens, 19S877*2ItT— " 
11. 
wing of the Patriots. Generally throughout the South the conserva­
tives favored a strong national government which would aid them 
18 in checking the economic and social program of the radicals. 
Independence brought with it the beginnings of prosperity 
to the State of Georgia. Increasing population, the growth of 
plantations and the disposal of Indian lands contributed generally 
to the economic expansion, though' the state treasury was severely 
limited. Ibis was the reason why some of her delegates at times 
failed to attend the Confederation Congress. In 1784, though six 
delegates were elected, money sufficient to pay the expenses of 
only two of them was provided. Furthermore, when the Constitu­
tional Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 only four of 
the six delegates elected by Georgia attended, and these were not 
successful in convincing the rest of the delegates to see things 
the way the citisens of Georgia did. At the Convention, Georgia 
argued for counting slaves as population in the question of 
apportioning representation in the Lower House, not on the grounds 
of morality but that population was an indication of wealth. But 
the slaveholders did not want their slaves counted as men when 
taxes were apportioned on a basis of population.' Slaves could 
not pay taxes, they argued, and so should not be counted for such 
purposes. William Pew, Abraham Baldwin, William Pierce and 
William Houston made the journey to the Constitutional Convention, 
18 I5M-> 129 • 
19 Coleman, American Revolution in Georgia, 360, 
12, 
but only Few and Baldwin signed the document,Nevertheless, 
Georgia was the first southern state to ratify the Constitution, 
the twenty-six members of the State Convention voting their 
p I unanimous approval on January 2, 1788. 
Disillusionment, however, set in rapidly and before long 
many of the citizens of Georgia were not sure at all that they 
approved of the new Constitution and the central government which 
it created. By 1792 many Georgians and other Southerners had 
begun to favor a dissolution of the Union. In that year Georgia 
was called before the Supreme Court to defend Itself in & suit 
brought by a citizen of South Carolina in the case of Chlsholm 
v. Georgia. Georgia protested that the Supreme Court had no 
jurisdiction but the majority of the Court declared it had. 
Georgians believed that submission to the Supreme Court would 
destroy the sovereignty of the States. The lower house of the 
State of Georgia proposed that any federal marshall serving a 
writ against the State should be hanged. As a result of this, 
the representatives of the State of Virginia sponsored a Consti­
tutional Amendment, the Eleventh, which denied the right of a 
citizen of one state to sue another state. This was ratified and 
put into effect in 1798.This states rights sentiment in 
 ^Coulter, .Short History, 155 £f. 
23 Hesseltine, The South in American History, 135. 
22 Ibid., 151. The Eleventh Amendment provides that "the judicial 
power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to 
any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one 
of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citi­
zens or subjects of any foreign state." 
13* 
Georgia continued to grow as was evident after the celebrated case 
of KcCulloch v, Maryland in 1819, When the Supreme Court handed 
down its decision denying the right of Maryland to tax the Bank 
of the United States in Chief Justice John Marshall1q words 
"the power to tax is the power to destroy," the Georgia legis­
lature responded with resolutions of sympathy to the state of 
Maryland. 
Savannah was made a city by act of the Georgia legislature 
in December, 1789, and was the proud host of General George 
24 Washington in May, 1790. Entertained in regal fashion, . Wash­
ington was favorably impressed by the beauty of the city.' As 
the commercial, cultural and political center of Georgia, Savannah 
had continued to grow. In spite of a disastrous fire on Hovcmber 
26, 1796, which destroyed over 230 buildings at an estimated loss 
of more than a million dollars, the people of the city kept build­
ing and expanding industrial and comraerical interests. The census 
of 1798 in the city shows that there were 6,226 inhabitants includ­
ing 237 Negroes,When Vice President Aaron Burr visited the 
23 Hesseltine, The South in American History, 169. 
 ^The Georgia Gazette, Savannah, May 19, 1790. 
 ^Dee and Agnew,• Historical Record, 71. See also. John C. Fita­
ps, trick, (eel.), The Writings of George Washington (Washington, 
1931-1944); Douglas S. Freeman. Georse Washington (New York, 
1943-1957). 
26 Lee and Agnew, Historical Record, 73. 
14. 
city on May 20, 1802, he was most favorably impressed with Its 
27 sise and cultural achievements. 
Though generally disenchanted for the most part with the 
Federal government, Georgians continued to take an active part in 
the deliberations of Congress in Washington. William Crawford of 
Savannah was one of the new young representative® to Congress in 
1810 and one of those who, with Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, 
helped President James Madison decide that a war between the United 
States and England was necessary. They confidently expected this 
to end in acquisition of territory for the United States. Savannah 
was not attacked during the War of 1812, but its geographical posi­
tion made it liable to assgilt at any time, so that the citizens 
were constantly on the alert. The closest the city came to the 
War was in May, 1814, when the Epervier, a British brig-of-war 
carrying eighteen guns, was brought into the Savannah River by the 
United States sloop-of-war Peacock. When captured, the Epervier 
had on board $110,000 in specie which was promptly confiscated. 
In general Georgia gained a great deal from the War, for her 
southern border had become much less vulnerable. 
By this time it had become evident to most Georgians that, 
because of her fortunate geographical position, the future of 
their State lay in the production of one particular crop — cotton, 
2? Hie Georgia Gazette, Savannah, May 20, 1802, 
c0 lee and Agnew, Historical Record, 75, 
29 Hesseltine, The South in American History, 166* 
15. 
Though the colonists of Jamestown had unsuccessfully experimented 
"10 with cotton production in the first decade of the 17th century, 
it was not until 1664 that colonists from Barbados settled near 
the Cape Fear River, then part of South Carolina, and brought with 
them some cotton seed Which they planned to cultivate for their 
own purposes, The climate and the soil there were conducive to 
excellent growth so that cotton continued to thrive. The on© 
difficulty encountered was in separating the fibers from the seeds, 
but in 1742 an enterprising French planter, H. Dobrueil of South 
Carolina, invented a type of gin which greatly stimulated the 
production of cotton there. 
The cotton of Horth America may roughly be grouped into two 
main categories, Sea Island and Upland, Sea Island with its glossy 
black seed and loose silky lint often gave fibers over two inches 
long, but was not introduced into the United States until 1786.32 
Upland, or the original strain of cotton introduced into America, 
has a fussy, greenish seed, with tight lint and it rarely exceeds 
an inch in length. Cotton was first planted in Georgia from 
seed sent to the trustees by Philip Miller of Chelsea, England, 
and in 1741 the first small sample of Georgia cotton was taken to 
30 Lewis Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United 
States to 1860 (Hew York, 1941), I, 15. 
E, J. Bonne!1, Chronological and. Statistical History.of Cotton 
(Hew York, 1872), 8* 
32 Ibid., 10. 
33  ^g, Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South (Boston, 1930), 
91. —i~ * ~ 
16. 
34 England. This was the short staple, or Upland, variety.""' 
The first cotton imported into England for sale from the 
United States was a quantity of eight bags, weighing about 150 
pounds each and sent in 1764 to Liverpool. Total cotton imports 
into Great Britain that year were 3,870,393 pounds and none save 
that mentioned above came from the American colonies. By 1786, 
England was importing nearly 20,000,000 pounds annually, one-
third from the British West Indies, one-third from the French and 
Spanish Islands, one-fourth from Brazil and the rest from the 
Middle East. In 1784, however, fourteen bales of American cotton 
were shipped to Liverpool, of which eight bales were seized by a 
Liverpool customs official as being improperly classified. It 
was argued that so much cotton could not have been produced in 
the United States.^ 5 
But Georgia planters continued to cultivate the crop and 
float their bales down-river on "cotton rafts" to Savannah for 
36 shipment to England, primarily to Liverpool. Importers and 
exporters alike quickly realised the quality and value of American 
cotton for within five years of the refusal to accept American 
cotton In Liverpool as mentioned above, the amount Imported into 
England through Liverpool was 127,500 pounds of the total of 
34 Ibid., 23. 
35 Ibid., 27-41. 
Thomas' L. Stokes, The. Savannah? Rivers of America Series 
(Hew York, 1951), 217. 
17. 
32,000,000 pounds imported that year. The year 1791 sat? a fan­
tastic rise in American cotton production, for 2,000,000 pounds 
were produced, over one-fourth of which was grown in Georgia. 
Total American export® that year amounted to 189,000 pound® worth 
37 an average of twenty-six cents a pound. 
By 1805 Savannah was shipping 27,600 bales-': of cotton to 
Liverpool annually, over one-fourth of all the cotton to that port 
from the United States. Jefferson's Embargo and the War of 1812 
caused hard time® for a while, but Savannah soon recovered and 
entered an even more prosperous era, for after the War she moved 
to first place among Southern ports and held It for a score of 
years.^  American cotton fields by 1815 were producing most of 
the cotton used in English mills, and by 1820 the United States 
was exporting 484,000 bale® worth more than $27,000,000 to Southern 
grower®. Cotton had indeed become "King" and the entire Southern 
economy depended on it.40 
/ 1 The phenomenal growth of American cotton production was 
not restricted to the Atlantic coastal states alone for the port® 
of Mobile and Hew Orleans soon became important a® export points 
J/ Botmell, History of Cotton, 47-51. 
38 The bales shipped at this period weighed approximately 750 
pounds each, though some at times weighed slightly less. 
39 Stokes, The Savannah, 218. 
40 Hesseltine, The South in Aasrlcan History, 157. 
See Appendix A. 
for the cotton of the lower Mississippi valley and southern Alabama. 
The production of cotton was practically unlimited throughout the 
South for it required but a minimum of expert care. After being 
hoed by slaves during the hot summer months it was ready for 
harvest in late August. The number of acres a planter could plant 
was directly proportional to the number of Negroes be could get to 
help with the harvest, for picking the cotton was a most time-
consuming and arduous task. Removing the seeds and pressing the 
cotton into bales made it ready for market. The bales were sent 
down the most convenient rivers to commission merchants in Charles­
ton, Savannah, Mobile or How Orleans. There, after auction, it 
was stored to await shipment to England or the cotton manufacturing 
states of the Northeast, where mills had been springing up rapidly 
since the War of 1812. The commission merchant usually charged 
two and one-half per cent for his services, and upon his account 
with this factor, the planter could draw drafts. When he overdrew 
his account, the factor became his banker, receiving from eight 
42 per cent to twelve per cent interest on advances he made. 
In the years 1819 to 1821 seventy-five per cent of the cotton 
crop of the United States was exported and brought an average 
price of sixteen cents per pound. Prices were lower during most 
of the next thirty years, but the size of the crop increased 
steadily. The rise in cotton production was stimulated partly by 
better English spinning machines, local production economies, 
***" Hesseltine, The South in American History,. 274-277. 
19, 
improved gins and presses, better methods of cultivation, more 
effectual ways to deal with Insect and plant diseases as well as 
the introduction from Mexico of better varieties of the plant, 
With cross-breeding, a newer and better strain was developed which 
had a higher proportion of lint to seed, thus facilitating pick­
ing. 
The cultivation of cotton spread over vast areas of the 
South, The area of greatest production in 1821 was the South 
Carolina-Georgia piedmont. One hundred and ninety thousand bales 
were raised in those two states that year, more than half of the 
nation's crop. Not only was the climate most appropriate for the 
cultivation of cotton but it could become a profitable product for 
the small farmer with a little land, since a few simple tools and 
some seed were all that were needed. Men with small capital thus 
had a chance to expand, though slaves were certainly necessary for 
A A any large plantation. 
Though other factors certainly contributed, there was a 
direct relationship between the price of cotton and the slave 
market. When cotton was high, slaves were in demand, When cotton 
declined, slaves were a less steady market. In 1837 cotton sold 
for thirteen cents a pound end it young male slave in Virginia fre­
quently brought as much as $1,100. In 1845 cotton was down to 
43 Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism, 
1319-1848 (Baton Rouge, 1948), 13. 
44 Ibid.,.14, 
ao. 
five cents end slaves were $500.4^  Cotton culture was a dis­
rupting and transforming element wherever it appeared. Slave popu­
lations increased and farming became commercialised. The march of 
cotton may in part be measured by the growth of the slave popula­
tion, for in 1790 the slaves were only fourteen and four tenths 
per cent of the population in four South Carolina counties, while 
in 1860 they accounted for sixty-one and one tenth per cent of the 
population in the same counties. 
Planters preferred to send their crops to market by water. 
The network of rivers, creeks and sounds in the low country of 
South Carolina and Georgia was ideal for those who planted and 
sold cotton. Host had their own vessels which were propelled by 
oars, poles or sails. Manned by crews of plantation Negroes, they 
47 moved the cotton to Charleston or Savannah. 
The busiest part of the city of Savannah was the water front. 
Wharves and docks, warehouses and streets were cluttered with bales 
of cotton,14^  First hauled from a wharf to a warehouse for storage 
until sold, cotton was then taken to the compress for repacking 
and reblnding and from there to any convenient place near the ship 
on which it was destined to be sent to Europe. Bales of cotton 
45 Hesseltine, The South in American History, 282. 
David L. Cohn, The Life and Times of King Cotton (New York, 
1956), 104. 
Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalisms 15. 
48 Ibid., 19. 
21. 
were therefore in evidence everywhere In the commercial part of 
49 Savannah from the first of October until the first of May. 
As the slave belonged to the planter, so the planter, econ­
omically, belonged to the factor, who was a combination money-
lender and buying-selling agent. The factors owned no slaves and 
planted no cotton, but they grew rich building great financial 
establishments in Hew Orleans, Charleston, Savannah and other 
cotton capitals. Though many factors were unscrupulous, they were 
greatly respected and admired for their financial power. 
The idea of the factor was imported from Britain, since the 
principals of the mercantile houses resided there and the junior 
partners conducted the business in the colonies, and later in the 
several cotton-producing states. When commercial cotton pro­
duction began in the United States, planters at first used the 
already existing organisations dealing in rice and tobacco for tho 
sale of their cotton. Commission merchants for those products 
soon realised the importance and volume of the cotton crop and 
began buying it outright or consigning it to a representative in 
London. In this way many of them soon became cotton marketing 
specialists."'® 
The merchants and factors managing the eocport- import trade 
*** C. S. H. Hardee, Reninisconces .arid Recollections of Old 
Savannah (Savannah, 1928), 121. 
Cohn, King Cotton, 112, 
22 i 
in Savannah and other coastal towns were important people, and fre-
51 quently made tip the major part of the city's business population. 
These ports and river towns developed factorage as a feature of 
their commerce. The planters preferred to deal with these factors 
because, in spite of their commissions, they were usually quite 
52 dependable and provided or assisted in procuring credit. 
The planter shipped his cotton to the factor who sold it at 
his usual commission of two and one half per cent. Frequently the 
factor became a speculator, buying quantities of cotton at a low 
price and waiting for a favorable market price for the stock of 
cotton in his possession. The factor resided in the city and 
often acted as personal agent for the planter. He bought for and 
sent to his planter such items as hardware, cloth, groceries, wines, 
etc., charging his usual .commission. In addition to these normal 
charges, the factor received a certain amountusually twenty-
five cents a bale, from, the planter "to defray the costs" of trans­
portation of the bales from one place to another in the city, 
storage, insurance, weighing, sampling and repairing bales.  ^
The factor was the planter's banker and advanced credit to 
him when necessary. Banks did not usually grant credit since they 
were engaged primarily in commercial services rather than financing 
cotton growers. The factors did the financing, securing themselves 
51 • The Development of Southern Sectional turn, 20 
q? Phillips, Li f e and Labor in the Old South, 142. 
 ^Cohn, King Cotton, 113. 
23* 
as they could and frequently talcing liana on crops. Their interest 
rates varied from eight per cent to thirty per cent per year,"'" 
Ordinarily, tha factor insisted upon the occlusive right to sell 
the planter's crop prior to the granting of credit. In addition, 
the planter was forced to agree to a penalty clause whereby he not 
only agreed to consign his entire crop to the factor, but had to 
guarantee that if the crop fell below a certain number of bales, 
he would pay the factor a commission on each bale of the shortage. 
This effectively bound the planter tnpre strongly to the one-crop 
55 system. 
The factor made large profits from cotton, since it was an 
55 almost imperishable fiber which could always be turned Into money* 
Although the factor frequently bought cotton on his own account 
or as an agent for others, in the decade of the 18501 a It is be­
lieved that moat of the purchases were made from the factors as 
agents fox the planters.^  Thus it was that factor-marketing led 
to the concentration of wealth and population in a few cities, 
principally the seaports. 
Savannah was the center of the cotton business in Georgia, 
end as such the home of many wealthy cotton factors and merchants. 
Therefore it was to Savannah that Godfrey Barnsley, lata of 
54 Ibid,, 114 
Gray, History of Agriculture, 713. 
Colin, 'King .Cotton, 115. 
Gray, History of Agriculture, 114. 
24. 
Liverpool, center of England's cotton business, came in 1824. 
Within a few years he had established himself as one of the 
foremost cotton factors in the state of Georgia in the years 
just prior to the Civil Wat. 
CHAPTER XI 
A Hew Life In A Hew Country 
Godfrey Bamslcy ffets bom in Derbyshire, England on August 
26, 1805, the soaa of George and Anna Barusley, 'L Contrary to the 
2 many rumors and false reports concerning his birth and lineage, 
he had no royal blood in his veins, but was the son of a cotton 
mill owner and merchant. * 'This is evident from his own account 
of his ancestry which he sent to his daughter Anna in 1869 J 
My father was . . . gifted by nature . . . 
but he lacked the advantages of education 
. . . . He was, however, one of natures 
noblemen both in mind and form. His father 
was well cdticated and, left independent,' 
married a beautiful lady of good family; a 
man more partial to hunting, etc. than at" 
tention to his affairs, his property dis­
appeared. His eldest son was a merchant in 
Manchester and had an only daughter, a su­
perior person. Another son was a cotton 
broker in Liverpool. . . . My father had a 
small cotton mill run by water power; steam 
superseded water power and in 1815, the fail­
ure of his banks left him poor; afterwards 
he farmed. My Mother*e name was Anna Godwin, 
and you were named after her. Her father 
lived on his own land and belonged to the 
class termed "yeomanry," a class becoming 
extinct through absorption by great landowners 
of free holds of small extent. My 
2- Copy of Family Register in possession of author. Register 
..spells the name of Barnsley1 s mother as "Hannah." 
Effie Chalmers in an article entitled "Phillips Buy Old Mansion 
in Georgia" in The Birmingham Boat, August 16, 1943, states 
that Bamsley was the younger son of an English lord. 
3 Wylly Folk St. John, "Talking to the Ghost of Bamsley," 
Atlanta Journal Hagasine, October 4, 1942. 
26. 
great-grandfather must have been of (quite 
somqj importance in hie day as I have seen 
his grave in the village church, an honor 
accorded only to those who have some 
position. 
The Bams ley family had moved fro*n the toxm of Barnsle; in 
Yorkshire to Derbyshire in 1720. Being interested in his family 
background, Barnsley had inquired at the College of Arms in London 
concerning the family coat of arms, and was told that the person 
who had first applied for the armorial bearings was the servant of 
a bishop. It is not known just who he was, Barnsley later wrote, 
but he was sure that because bishops were of such high rank they 
would help in procuring insignia only for proper gentlemen. The 
armorial bearings were finally granted in 1597, with the motto 
"Ufe rosa sic vita," roughly translated "life is like the rose."^  
The first of the family ancestors listed by name in the 
early records is Reginald, who died about 1561. His grandson John 
established the family manor at Bams ley Hall, later to become the 
4 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Barnsley Gilmour, 
December 13, 1869, in Godfrey Barnsley Papers in possession of 
Hans Gottfried Barnsley Scheuenstuhl, Rio de Janlero, Brazil. 
These papers will hereafter be referred to as Barnsley Papers, 
Scheuenstuhl. 
c The following are in the Library of Congress: Thomas W. Hall, 
compiler, The Pedigree of Hall (London,. 1908). (Barnsleys and 
Halls intermarried.) Rowland-'Jackson, The History of the Town 
and Township of Barnsley in Yorkshire from an Early Period 
(London, 1858); Joseph Wilkinson, Worthies, Families and•Celebri­
ties of Barnsley and, the. District, (London, n.d,). 
 ^ Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Barnsley Gilmour, 
December 13, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
? See Appendix B. 
27. 
present city of Bams ley. The direct ancestors of Godfrey Barns lc.y 
wore descended through Uilliara, great-grandson of John, and hie 
wife Elisabeth, who lived at the manor until 1690. During the 
seventeenth century there were various families of considerable 
importance descended from the original grantee, and especially dur­
ing the eighteenth century Barnsley was of the opinion that the 
family prestige was greatly enhanced. It was during this century 
that an ancestor of the Earl; of Templeton, one of the family of 
Henry VIIIfs Catherine Howard, married a Illsa BarnsIcy of Baraslcy 
p- . . . . . .  * Eark in Gloucestershire.° Remarking on this marriage, Bams ley 
said that it was a good thing that the nobility often married money, 
or else the entire class would have disappeared.^  
There Is reason to believe that in addition to money which 
the Baraslcy family had amassed they also had a heritage of 
longevity. The following illustrations suffice: 
Deaths 
In the Beak of Derby, aged 101, 
John Bams ley. He worked in the 
mines till within three weeks of 
.his death.• 
° An old account book in the Godfrey Barnsley Collection, Univer­
sity of Georgia Library, Athens, lists the following books in 
the College 'of Arms, London, referring to the various arms 
granted and used by the Barns ley family: 2^, ^ 24, y30, ^ 33, %4, 
c36, D6-14, 19, K4» Rhilpot 39. This Bams ley Collection will 
hereafter be referred to as Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Barnsley Gilmour, 
December 13, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
10 Sylvanus Urban, The Gentleman*e Hagaeine and Historical Chronicle 
Vol. ISTJI, For the Year 17S7 (London, 17871, 1194. 
28. 
Death 
On January 31 
In hie 95th year, Mr. Samuel 
Barasley, of the treasury Office, 
where he had been employed almost 
from his infancy, and had acquired 
an ample fortune.4" 
Although Godfrey Barnsley was convinced that he had little grounds 
for family pride, other than the fact that "some of my family blood 
has merged with that of all the Howards," his father, he said, ha<| 
"a strong feeling" about such matters. As he later pointed out 
to his children, "you have nothing to be proud of or ashamed of."*^ 
legends abound concerning the youth of Barnsley and a "poison 
drinking duel" which supposedly took place between Godfrey and his 
older brother, Joshua,1^ over the affections of a certain Miss 
Chessie Scarlett. These have been denied as being without founda­
tion, and it seems likely that other reports to the effect that 
Barnsley fled England in protest at having to blacken his superior's 
boots are also false.' It is much more probable that, as he said, 
he worked as a youth for his uncle, Godfrey Barnsley, who was a 
cotton merchant and importer in Liverpool. He described this 
11 ,-j1, • 
* Sylvanus Urban, The Gentleman* s Maaagine and Historical Chronicle 
Vol. IOTT, For the Year 1794 (London, 1794), 768. 
12 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Barnsley Giliaour, 
December 13, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
13 Medora Field Perkerson, White Columns in Georgia (Hew York, 
1952), 205. Perkerson entitled her chapter describing Barnsley'& 
north Georgia mansion "Murder at Ghost Castle." She refers to 
Barnsley*s brother as Gartrelle, though no record of a brother 
by that name can be found, 
^ Mrs. Addie Baltzelle Saylor, "Ghosts of Barnsley Gardens," 
The Atlanta Journal, January 11, 1942. 
29. 
relative for whom he was named as being generous, alive, kind-
hearted and full of fun, and one ,fwho sou Id dictate letters to 
three of us at one time."--" Though he was well educated, he had 
been trained, to be an office clerk. But working for his uncle 
seems to have interested him in the responsibilities of the cotton 
business, and he decided to leave England. He was certain that 
his older brother, Joshua, would inherit what there was of their 
father1® estate, leaving him entirely on his own. In addition, he 
resented the small attempts on the part of his father to apprentice 
i£ , him to law to which he was not at all inclined. Consequently, 
his decision was made to seek his fortune in the United States, 
and in the business of cotton exporting and importing. His method 
of taking passage and his financial situation at the time are not 
positively known, ^  but it is likely that he shipped out of Liver­
pool direct for Savannah, Georgia, and arrived there in the spring 
or early summer of 1824.^  
His activities immediately after his arrival in Savannah are 
not well chronicled, but it is evident that he was able to obtain 
employment rather quickly. Letters addressed to him during 1824 
15 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to Anna Bams ley Gilmour, 
December 13, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
 ^Chalmers, "Phillips Buy Old Mansion," Birmingham Post,, August 
16, 1943. 
Saylor, "Barnsley -Gardens," Atlanta Journal, January 11, 1942. 
Mrs. Saylor says that he stowed away on the ship and early in 
the voyage made himself known to the Captain. 
to Chalmers, "Phillips Buy Old Mansion," Birmingham Post. August 
16, 1943. ~ 
30. 
arc la the care of Samuel Wright, a cotton dealer of the city. 
Bams ley may have originally planned to return to England in a 
short time for Charles Prince, with whom he had been working prior 
to his departure from Liverpool, wrote that though he was pleased 
to hear that Barns ley was enjoying his life in Savannah, he hoped 
lb that he would shortly return to Liverpool. 
The Savannah which Godfrey Barnsley found so enjoyable was 
indeed a fascinating city. Even as early as 1790 it was gay and 
pleasure loving and never so interested in business that it could 
not enjoy the theater and fancy balls. East trotting horses pro­
vided daily excitement. A drink in a tavern or a cup of coffee 
at one of the coffee houses along the waterfront contributed to 
the, pleasure of life. The city council was concerned even then 
with the "fast driving" of carriages through the city streets. In 
1790 there were sixty-one summonses for that offense, ©ore than 
all other traffic violations together. Those who drove rapidly 
were to a certain extent practicing for one of the main annual 
events of the city — the Savannah Jockey Club's racing event. In 
1793, though the city fathers sanctioned the big race, they were 
quick to issue the warning that there would he no practicing in the 
city streets and none at all on Sunday. Betting on the races was 
19 better of Charles Prince to Godfrey Barnsley, August 27, 1824, 
in Godfrey Bams ley Papers, Manuscripts Division, Duke Univer­
sity Library, Durham, Horth Carolina. These papers will here­
after be referred to as Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
31* 
common, and such transactions were conducted in the waterfront 
coffee houses* These places of good cheer were the gathering ©pots 
of shipping men and importers, as well as other city dignitaries* 
From here news, both domestic and foreign, was spread through the 
community and business was easily transacted in such cordial con-
, 20 geniality* 
The character of the city in the first quarter of the nine­
teenth century has been well preserved by Dr. John H. Harney, 
editor and publisher of The .Georgian, the largest newspaper in the 
21 city. A man of keen perception, witty and biting in his comments, 
and characterised as a - brilliant bohemian" by those who knew him 
22 well, Harney wrote the famous poem, "Farewell to Savannah": 
Farewell 0 Savannah,, forever farewell, 
Thou hotbed of rogues, thou terrestrial hall 
Where Satan lias fixed his headquarters upon Earth 
And outlaw"d integrity, wisdom sod worth; 
Where villainy thrives and where honesty begs 
Where folly is pursed proud & wisdom in rags 
Where man is worth nothing except in one sense 
Which always they compute in Found, Shillings & Fences 
Where the greatest freeholder Is holder of Slaves 
And he that has most about freemen most raves, 
Where they'd worship a Calf if like Aaron1s of old 
Where the Devil my reign if his sceptre be gold 
Where xsxxxjqoc against knavery is constantly bawling 
For they seldom agree who pursue the came calling, 
With bailiff he drives every rogue from the town 
Determined to put all competition down, 
Stokes, The Savannah* 124. 
Hot to be confused with The Savannah Georgian; the first issue 
of The Georgian appeared November 25, 1318, published by 
Dr. Harney. 
22 Adelaide Wilson, Historic and Hcturesque Savannah (Boston* 
1839), 127. ~— 
Where even the Churches subservient to gain 
Are bought out by stock jabbers to sell out again, 
Each pen is a lucrative turnpike to Heaven 
At which an exorbitant toll must bo given 
At fifty percent you must purchase salvation 
For the rich has monopolised all that, in fashion 
Where the most approved tests of a gentleman are 
The taste of his trine and a Spanish Segar, 
Xf these recommend he is a gentleman sure 
Thor a fool or a rogue whether Christian or more, 
Where a friend must compute ere ho asks you to dine, 
First your value to him, next the cost of his wine 
Where if it appears that he will not be a winner, 
You may go to the Devil and not him for a dinnerj 
Where the girls cannot tell whether to scorn you or wed 
you, 
Without pencil & slate to subtract you & add you 
They make a shrewd bargain miscalled matrimony 
'Tis a mercantile business, a matter of money, 
For n union in wedlock in friendship & trade, 
Are alike by the rules of Arithmetic made, 
Each nation is marked by some national crime, 
IfarWs vices like plants have their soil and their clime, -
But the soil of Savannah new vigor imparts 
To vices transplanted from all other parts. 
Cursed by the wind that blew me to your strand, 
Your houses ere boards, your alleys are sand, 
And still may your beds be the moss of your trees 
Dong life to your B B the same to your 
fleas, 
Flay all your free citineas whether wealthy or poor 
Be bribed for their votes as they have boon heretofore 
I lay every quack Doefc bo patronised still 
And his talents bo judged by the length of his bill. 
May all your quack lawyers find here for their tongues 
And brains yet applause that is due to their tongues, 
May your miserly merchants still cheat for three pence 
Who with scarce any brain get a great many cents. 
To finish my curse on your cursed City 
And sum up in a few words the whole sense of my ditty 
Here cursed Savannah a curse that is far 
The worst of all curses remain as you are! 3^ 
93 " Godfrey Bams ley Papers, Manuscripts Division, Emory University 
Library, Atlanta, Georgia. Those papers will hereafter be 
referred to as Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
33. 
There is no indication that Bams ley agreed with Harney's 
description of his adopted city for his correspondence does not 
reflect these opinions. One can surmise his evident pleasure at 
what the city offered, since he continued to take an active part 
in civic and social affairs when business matters permitted. 
Short, dark complexioned, with dark eyes and a stern, deter* 
mined face,^  BarnsIcy was by nature a rather serious-minded young 
man, an avid reader and a good worker. Proud and dignified, he 
early determined to become far more prosperous and successful in 
business in Georgia than would have been the case had he stayed in 
England. It was his responsibility to represent his employer in 
England from time to time so that he was frequently on the sea, 
travelling to or from Savannah. Though William Prince encouraged 
him to make his permanent residence in Liverpool as foreign repre­
sentative for his Georgia employer, and though there is reason to 
believe that he gave this suggestion serious consideration, being 
a cotton factor in Savannah had more to offer and he decided to 
remain there. D On June 15, 1826, Bams Icy was taken into co­
partnership with Samuel Wright, the new firm to be known as 
Samuel Wright and Company. As Wright pointed out, this partner­
ship was the natural outgrowth of the integrity and industrious* 
ncos with which Barnsley approached his work and the "confidential 
 ^Saylor, "Barnslcy Gardens," Atlanta Journal, January 11, 1942. 
25 Letter ox William Prince to Godfrey Barns ley, April 12, 1826, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
34, 
situation" which he had held with Wright since his arrival in 
Savannah.26 
Prince was quick with his congratulations and continued to 
refer to Barns ley as a "Savannah Merchant.' la addition* he indi­
cated confidence in Barnsieyf s judgment in choosing cotton for 
export, though he cautioned him not to ship a large quantity to 
Liverpool at that time as unemployment was spreading in the cotton 
business throughout England with little hope for relief in the 
near future. Such advice, with requests for news of the cotton 
crop in the United States and notations as to what previous ship­
ments to Liverpool were bringing on that market, made up much of 
the content of letters to and from Barns ley in these early years. 
Young Bams ley, however, did not spend all of his time at 
his business. The gay social life, condemned by Harney, seemed to 
entice him and he responded with; evident eagerness. Brines wrote: 
Are you as gay this winter as last, when you 
wrote me that you were taking captive the 
hearts of all the pretty girls in Savannah, 
especially Miss . » the highly favored 
young lady you opened the Ball with at Mr* 
Wright's dance, & whoa you described as being 
one of the handsomest ladies there; But 1 pre­
sume you have grown quite steady and sedate, 
having given up all such frivolous pursuits.* J 
26 Advertising circular of Samuel Wright and Company, in Barnsley 
Papers, Georgia See also The Savannah Georgian, June 20, 1026 
2? Letter of William Prince to Oodfrej Barnsley, August 6, 182$, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of William Prince to Godfrey Barnsley, December 2, 
1826, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
35/ 
Barnsley had not given up those "frivolous pursuits" nor had 
he stopped participating in social and civic events of the city* 
though there were soma things he was called upon to do which defin­
itely did not appeal to him. One such duty was membership in the 
local militia. Though he was not at all inclined favorably to­
ward military duty or discipline, he was compelled, with other 
young men of the city, to drill and appear at parades with his 
unit. lie frequently failed to appear at the required parades of 
the Second Boat Company and was fined for dereliction of duty. 
The fine was usually five dollars, no it was after he failed to 
appear for the parade of January 3, 1327. But by this time he 
was considering a most important step: whether to become a 
naturalised citisen of the United States or to remain a subject 
of the Crown. The notice of the fine levied on him for failing 
to appear at the parade mentioned above precedes the following 
statement: 
For the information of aliens claiming exemp­
tion from HIlitin duty, the following extract 
is made from the Act of Legislature of the 
State, passed in 1S24: 
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted* That 
every alien claiming the exemption as afore­
said, shall before he is entitled to the same, 
make oath before a judge of the Superior or 
justice of the Inferior Court of this State, 
or justice of the Fence, that he is an alien, 
and that it is not his intention to become a 
citisen of the United States, which oath he 
shall present to the clerk of the Superior 
Court of the county in which he resides or may 
29 The Savannah Georgian» January 20, 1327. 
be, who shall file in his office the said 
oath, and register the name of the said 
alien in a book for that purpose, end shall 
furnish the said alien with a certificate 
under his hand and the seal of the said 
court of such registry being made, for which 
certificate the said cleric shall be entitled 
to receive the sum of three dollars. 
Such a decision could not be made hurriedly nor taken lightly. 
The most important thing to be considered was the financial impact 
the wrong choice might have. Could a cotton factor in Savannah, 
intending to do business primarily with houses in Liverpool, 
serve his financial interests best by retaining his citizenship 
ties with Great Britain or should he become one of the "radicals" 
and cast his lot with the new country? Conservative to the utmost 
detail in business matters, though not always so careful in social 
affairs, he did not make his final decision until June J, 1833, 
when he took the required oath before the clerk of the Superior 
Court of Chatham County, Georgia, that it was not then his inten­
tion to become a citizen of the United States. He later admitted 
that he made this declaration due to the "repeated fines for non-
perforceaent of military duty," but he had indeed decided by that 
time that he would forever remain one of His Majesty's Loyal 
31 Subjects. There is ample reason to believe that he had decided 
30 Ibid 
31 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to £tfggs and Coispany, 
December 7, 1871, in possession of Mrs. Alice B. Howard, 
Adairovilie, Georgia. These papers will hereafter be referred 
to as Borasley Papers, Howard. 
by that time that he would eventually return to England to retire,, 
and becoming an American citizen would have made this more difficult. 
Bams Icy *3 responsibilities often took hid to places in the 
United States as well as abroad, and he frequently made trips up 
the Savannah Elver to Augusta to check on the new cotton crop.52 
His visits to England seem to have taken place every year in the 
middle of the summer months. In 1827* he sailed on July 9 aboard 
the vessel Shaw to take orders in Liverpool for fulfillment during 
the coning cotton season*55 On his return he left Liverpool on 
October 24, 1827 on the Britannia, transferred in Hew York to the 
Statira, and arrived in Savannah on November 1S.5^  This trip of 
just more than four months was typical of his journeys abroad. 
The element of speculation end risk was inherent in the 
business of buying cotton for export since the price it would bring 
3,000 miles away and perhaps three months after purchase was in­
deed questionable. Barnsley's friends in Liverpool, as well as 
his business associates there, kept him well informed as to the 
state of the market in England, He, on his part, kept them advised 
of current price fluctuations on the Savannah market as well as 
crop predictions of the harvest to come. James Kline, a, business 
associate in Liverpool, urged Bamsley to make a trip to England 
again in 1828, but cautioned him about the type of cotton be was 
32 Th& Savannah Georgian, Karch 12, 1827. 
33 Ibid., July 10, 1827. 
34 ibid** November 10, 1827. 
38. 
buying for export during the winter season. "I see you have pur­
chased a little, but unless it be a better quality than we are 
3 tr using considerably, it cannot pay." Barnsley was quick to take 
such advice and to act accordingly since the Liverpool merchants 
were also importing high quality cotton from such other cotton-
exporting cities and places as Hew Orleans, Brazil. India and 
Egypt. 
In the summer of 1328 Barnsley left Savannah on Juno 30 for 
Hew York, where he stayed several months. * His purpose in going 
to that city was two-folds to find new markets among the recently 
established spinning mills in the northeast, and to find purchasers 
in Liverpool houses through their representatives in Hew York. 
In the former, he ma noticeably unsuccessful, since he found that 
purchasers for the American spinning mills usually preferred to 
deal directly with the factor at the cotton ports, where specific 
bales of cotton could be chosen and purchased at once. But in the 
latter endeavor he made many excellent contacts, among which were 
Sands, Turner and Go., Pickcrsgill and Co. and many others with 
37 whom he was to retain business contact for many years. 
Barnsley*s personal life was the concern of many of his 
3$ Letter of James KiXne'to Godfrey Barnsley, January 25, 1828, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Savannah Georgian, June 30, 1828. 
37 Letters from various concerns with who® he had business 
dealings as a result of this trip are in Barnsley Papers, 
Emory, Georgia, Buke and Howard. 
39. 
friends Some urged him to marry quickly and settle dqsm^  while 
others suggested he would do well to remain single* especially If 
he pursued his intention of marrying Kiss Julia Scarborough of 
Savannah . 39 When Bams ley first met Julia Scarborough is not 
known though she may have been 11 the highly favored young lady to 
win® William Prince .referred ' in his letter of December 2, 1326. 
In any event* it is obvious that Bamsley was attracted by her 
charms and the. fame of her father and his family. 
Julia Henrietta Scarborough tins the second daughter of 
William- Scarborough II* who .at one time had been a wealthy land-
owner* shipowner* importer and exporter, and to whom the city of 
Savannah owed very much. His business interests had included the 
exporting of cotton and the importing of iron* coal and potatoes 
i'Ci from England* most frequently on his own ships* 
Scarborough could rightfully claim royal descent through his 
mother1 a family. His mother, Lucy Sawyer Scarborough* was the 
great* great-granddaughter of the He v. John Cotton* famed Hew 
England Puritan minister. John was the son of Sir Roland Cotton, 
38 letter of William Prince to Godfrey Bamsley* March 12-. 1827* 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
 ^-Letter of Ashtcn B. Cox to Godfrey Barosley, July 10, 1828, 
In Barns ley Papers* Duke. 
 ^The. Daily Georgian, February 9, 1821; March 3, 1821; May 14, 
1821 
direct descendant of Scotland g Robert Bruce,'^  and he was minister 
in the city of Boston, in Lincolnshire, England for twenty years* 
He arrived in New England in September, 1633, and served as minis­
ter for nineteen years. The town which grew up around him was 
named Boston in his honor. One of his sons was John Cotton It, 
minister in Plymouth, Massachusefc ts until he moved in 169? to Charles­
ton, South Carolina, where he died in 1699. Josiah, son of John 
Cotton II, was horn in Plymouth in 1630 and had two children: John 
Cotton III (1712-1739) and Margaret (1730-1739). Margaret married 
Thomas Sawyer of North Carolina, and had one child, Lucy, born 
September 8, 1757. Lucy was married in 1774 to Nil Ham Scarborough, 
wealthy South Carolina plantation owner, who died in 1810. Their 
son was William Scarborough II, born February 13, 1776, who married 
the beautiful Julia Bernard of Wilmington. North Carolina on April 
Aa 18, 1805. ~ She was the daughter of Br. Joseph Bernard, a surgeon 
in the United States Navy. After her marriage she quickly became 
the head of refined, fashionable society in Savannah.43 
William and Julia Scarborough had five children: Charlotte, 
41 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to Anna Barns ley Gilnvour,• 
November 12, 1869, in Barns ley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
 ^From & single sheet of paper., entitled "Extract of the Cotton 
Manuscripts", Georgia Historical Society, Savannah, Georgia. 
43 Copy of letter of Godfrey Hams Icy to Anna Barnsley Gtimour, 
December 13, 1369, in Barns ley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
41. 
born August 4, 1806; Julia Henrietta, born April 20, 1810; Lucy, 
bom January 20, 1812; Joseph, bom November 25, 1819 and William, 
born January 9, 1825» As Barnsley later mentioned, he was very 
proud of Julia's heritage. When writing to his daughter Anna, con­
cerning the forthcoming marriage of her daughter, Julia Elisa 
Gilmour, he remarked on the "royal descent" of his wife, and 
continued: 
Julia can chow at least that she had a grand-
mother who was a lady and X will venture to 
say she will never meet with anyone, however 
high the rank, who will be superior to her 
as a lady. You know she had two sisters; they 
were called the "Graces" —- Charlotte, the 
talented; your mother the amiable; and Lucy, 
the beautiful. Lucy was not only beautiful 
but -good and witty. 
Barns ley was also much impressed by William Scarborough II, 
who is perhaps best known as the majority stockholder in the com­
pany of Savannah merchants financing the Savannah, the first ship 
to cross the Atlantic at least partly by steam/'143 A friend in 
England once told Bams ley that he had been in the company of all 
classes of men from Dukes down but the met perfect gentleman he 
ever knew was Scarborough. Educated in England at Rugby, Scar­
borough roomed with John Copley, afterwards Lord Lyndturst/^  and 
 ^"Extract of the Cotton llaauscripts. 
AC Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Bams ley Cilmour, 
December 13, 1869, in Bams ley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
 ^Sec below, p. 52. 
%/ Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to Anna Barns ley Cilmour, 
December 13, 1869, in Barns ley Papers, Scheuenstxihi. 
42. 
then, attended the College of Edinburgh, Scotland/*® After leaving 
college he made what was at the time called the "Grand Tour," as 
far as was practicable during the Napoleonic Wars, visiting Spain, 
Denmark, Sweden, etc. He was a master of a number of languages, 
wrote well, drew with skill and was "a most entertaining and 
agreeable companion." Possessed of talent of no common order, 
he was not only a planter, merchant and social leader, but an in­
ventor and farsighted pioneer. His architectural designs for 
bridges were widely copied and his grandchildren had for years a 
beautifully carved model of an airship of his own plan/*' Upon 
the death of his father in 1810, he inherited property in South 
Carolina and lived on his estate in "Baronial style, including on 
occasions a carriage and four."* Kis plantation near Beaufort 
was an extensive property of over 100,000 acres manned by more than 
400 slaves. Another 100,000 acres in northern Florida was also 
included in his estate, though this lay largely undeveloped. The 
year before his marriage in 1805, he had built at 111 West Broad 
Street in Savannah a stately residence costing at the time nearly 
$75,000, which rapidly became one of the show placer '«r»d landmarks, 
of the city. It was here that Godfrey Bams ley and his fsmi1** 
4o George Barnsley*s notes on Cotton family in Barnsley Paners. 
Scheuenstuhl. 
49 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to Anna Bams ley Gilmou^  
December 13, 1863, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
eg George Bamsley'o notes on Cotton family in Bams ley Papers, 
Scheuenstuhl. 
43. 
stayed when they lived in Savannah prior to the 18401 s. Designed 
by the brilliant young English architect William Jay, the house 
had a great ballroom the width of the building, with wide, half-
circled windows.Here the entire Scarborough family lived in 
great lunury. President James Monroe, Accompanied by John C, 
Calhoun, visited Savannah on Kay 8, 1819, and stayed during his 
rq five-day visit in the city at the Scarborough mansion. Especi­
ally for Ms visit the house was entirely re-decorated and the main 
rooms were beautifully frescoed. Monroe was entertained at a 
Ball "in a building prepared for the occasion in Johnson Square." 
When the guests entered, they were presented by James H. Wayne, 
Mayor of the city, to Scarborough who then introduced them to the 
President. After Barnsley and his family left Savannah the house 
began to deteriorate and in 1856 it was sold by Scarborough* s heirs 
to G. W. J® da ilenno, who gave It in 1878 to the city to be used 
as a Hegro school.By 1963 it had disappeared and the site at 
that time was occupied by a modem bus terminal. 
Though Julia and the rest of the Scarborough family had 
51 Perhcrson. White Columns In Georgia. 206. 
George BarnslcyTs notes on Cotton family in Barnsley Papers, 
Scheuenstuhl. 
A. E. Sholes j Cbroaolosi-cal History of Savcanah (SsvamtHiiv, 
1900), 70, ' -
CA Two Hundredth Anniversary Commission, Pageant look (Savannah, 
1933), 111. 
55  ^ * George Barns ley* s notes on Cotton family in Barasley Papers, 
Scheuenstuhl. 
made a grand impression^  on Barnsley, sons of his friends were 
of the opinion that Jife would make a terrible mistake by marrying 
her. One wrote hira, 
Although I may forfeit your friendship by 
being candid, I really do not wish to see you 
united with any one of the family -— if you 
do, mark my words, you will be raiserable and 
have cause to regret when too late. There is 
• » • much deception practiced by the whole 
of then, and not one who is capable of con­
ducting or managing a family properly, being 
too fond of dress, gadding about and parties, 
etc. etc., to the entire neglect of their 
family and household affairs.^  
The picture painted of the Scarboroughs is what one would 
probably aspect of a family of wealth whose main interest seemed 
to be concerned with the functions of high society. There is 
some reason to believe that during the summer of 18 2S, while in 
Hew York on business, BarnsIcy had second thoughts about his 
possible marriage into the family. His betrothal had been announced 
by that time, however, and Ashton Cox suggested that it may have 
been too late to back out. But if possible Barnsley would do well, 
wrote Cox, to take advantage of the fortunate opportunity presented 
by Mrs.. Scarborough who did not like the idea of her eighteen 
year old daughter marrying a young Englishman. Cox suggested that 
Bams ley write Julia directly indicating hi3 inability to find 
housing and furniture and pointing out that Samuel Urighfc strongly 
Better of Ashton B. Cox to Godfrey Barns ley, July 10, 1828, 
in Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
45. 
objected to marriage In the business season. "In any events" lie 
pleaded, "do whatever you mat to break off the match; leave no 
atone unturned for your own sake, if you wish to- die a beggar —~ 
this will be your lot in the event you marry Julia . . . to marry 
57 her would be ruin — total ruin." 
Cos was a man of great perseverance and not at all impressed 
with the importance of the Scarborough family, for his letters 
continued in hie plea for Bams ley to get out of the proposed 
marriage. Barns ley was still young, he pointed out, end had 
plenty of time to marry later; 
Write the Old lady and tell her that certain 
private affairs which could not be forseen 
£sio3 prior to your departure have arisen 
and it is your duty to postpone the wedding 
but that when circumstances permit, you 
will want her permission to fake her daughter. 
Write the young lady, too, and say that you 
understand she cannot wait for you, but that 
it is your desire "someday" to marry her. 
This will no doubt bring their curse down on 
you — and you can take advantage of it. 
-— But do as you will.50 
The only part of the advice given, to him by Cos: which 
Barns ley heeded was the last, and he did that which he willed. 
By the autumn of 1828 he had made up his mind to marry Julia, for 
in September of that year he purchased several items of jewelry 
for her in New York. Upon hta return to Savannah in October he 
57 Letter of Ashton B. Cor to Godfrey Barnsley, August 10, 1328, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
JO Letter of Ashton B. Cor to Godfrey Bamsley, September 19, 
1828, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
46. 
purchased his wedding present for her —- a single: pearl, for which 
he paid $120*^  
Christians Eve of 1823 was the date chosen by the young couple 
and they were married in Christ Cluirch, Savannah, by the Be v. Ed­
ward Heufville, rector. °'v' Groomsmen were Edward Hblyneux and John 
H. Held. Bridesmaids were EXina KacKay and Louisa H. Johnston. 
The marriage license, issued during the day of December 24, 1828, 
is inscribed on the reverse as follows: 
This is to certify that Godfrey Barnsley and 
Julia H. Scarborough were by virtue of the 
within license married -by me on the evening 
of Becr 24, 1823, according to the rites & 
ccrannies prescribed by the Protestant 
Episcopal Church in these United States. 
Edvd Hcufville 
Pector pf Christ Church 
Savannah^ *- . 
As Barnsley's granddaughter, Krs. Adelaide BeItrelie Saylor, 
later pointed out, her grandfather cut an impressive figure at his 
wedding, dressed in his plum-colored cost which was embroidered 
by several of the ladies of Savannah, who also made Julia's lace 
ball gown and white satin basque. Since Baraslcy "stole his bride ' 
from her mother,*1 he himself had most of her trousseau made in 
Bills and receipts for these items are in Bams ley Pavers. 
Georgia. 
aw Tlie Savannah Ceorr-ian, December 25, 1328. Barns ley'$ personal 
accounts show an entry of $40 for a pew, paid on December 2, 
1323, in Bamslcy Papers, Howard. 
License is filed in the Office of City Clerk, Savannah, 
Georgia. Photostat copy is in possession of author. 
47. 
Paris and London/"2 Though Barns ley never spoke of his wife as 
"beautiful/5 her charm and his affection for her were quite obvious. 
Their choice of Christ Church for the wedding was logical 
because it Was Savannah's largest and the church which was attended 
by members of the city s elite. Neither Barnsley nor Julia were 
members of the church though they were known to attend frequently. 
Neufville* s fame was widespread and lie was warmly praised by his 
bishop: 
. He was a charming man, a loving, tender pastor, 
and was respected by the whole community. 
Never have I heard our Liturgy read with more 
unction and effectiveness than by him, while 
his reading of the Bible was like an illumin­
ated exposition of it, so exquisite were his 
modulations and so sweet and musical his voice, 3 
Even though Julia1 & mother objected to the marriage, there 
is no indication at all that William Scarborough was opposed in 
any way. Quite the contrary, he and young Burns ley seem to have 
become fast friends, and each was of great help to the other. 
Host of the Scarborough fortune had disappeared by the time 
Bamsiey married into the family,^  but he was still very much 
impressed with his father- in- law. The fame that he had had some 
ten years before still lingered in the mind of Barnsley and he 'was 
proud to be seen with the former great merchant. Indeed, his 
AO " Say lor,1 'Barns ley Gardens," At lasts Journal., January 11, 1942, 
 ^Wilson, Historic and. Bicturcsnue Savannah, 156. 
See below p. 56. 
48. 
pride was justified for William Scarborough was a man of tremendous 
faith and vision, although somewhat ahead of his time with some 
of ills schemes* 
Scarborough's scientific interest in steam navigation and 
his great wealth led him in 1817 to undertake the project which 
was partially responsible for the loss of his fortune. He was 
intrigued by the new steamboats which were appearing on the 
Savannah Elver, transporting cotton bales to Savannah from places 
as far away as Augusta in relatively short periods of time. In 
ISIS the river steamer Enterprise was put into service and many 
65 others followed shortly thereafter. Scarborough was quick to 
see the possibilities of faster cotton shipments to Europe. He 
and other merchants of the city argued that if the cotton which 
they were purchasing in Savannah could be transported to Liver­
pool or other ports in Europe in three weeks or less by steamship, 
rather than, the four or five weeks it took by sailing vessel, 
their chances of realising a good profit would be greatly en-
66 hanced. Lending members of the mercantile community, led by 
Scarborough, on December 19, 1317, organised the Steamboat Com­
pany of Georgia, with a capital stock of $200,000.6? Those 
65 Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism, IS. 
66 George S. Barns ley, "A Biography of William Scarborough II," 
(unpublished), in Bams ley Papers, Scheucnstuhl. 
6? Amanda Johnson-, Georgia as Colony and State (Atlanta, 1938), 
237. 
49. 
listed as incorporators were: William Scarborough, A. B. Fannin, 
J. P. McKenne, Samuel Howard, Charles Howard, John Haslett» 
Hoses Rogers, A. S. Bullock, John Bogue, Andrew Low and Co., 
Robert Isaacs, I. Minis, S. C. Dunning, J. P. Henry, John Speakman, 
Robert Mitchell, R. and J. Habersham, James S. Bulloch, Gideon 
Pott, W, S, Gillett and Samuel Gates. The Board of Directors con­
sisted of Willism Scarborough, Robert Isaacs, S. C. Dunning, 
James S. Bulloch and Joseph Habersham. The single purpose of 
the company ms the building and operating of a steamship from 
Savannah to England. The members of the company of course ex­
pected to realise a fortune from their experiment but they were 
also eager to build up the trade of their seaport city and prove 
the feasibility of steam-powered ocean ships. In 1820 the regis­
tered tonnage of ships in the United States amounted to 619,000 
tons, of which only 7,000 were registered at Savannah. The four 
major ports of the South, Hew Orleans, Charleston, Mobile and 
Savannah, had registered but 40,000 tons. Of the Northern ports, 
Baltimore alone registered 45,000 tons, so it was obvious that 
with their considerable export trade and so few of their own ships, 
Southerners relied heavily on others for carrying their goods.  ^
The ship Scarborough and his company ordered wan built in 
 ^"An Address by Alexander R. Lawton," Georgia Historical 
Quarterly, III (June 1919), 46. Lawton says that the capital 
stock at the time of incorporation was only $50,000, but it 
seems more likely that the $200,000 mentioned above is correct. 
o;- Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism, 22. 
1818 in New York city by Pickett and Crockett, Shipbuilders, under 
the direction of Captain Hoses Rogers and was named Savannah in 
honor of the city where it was to be registered. It was a full 
rigged sailing ship of 380 tons, 130 feet long and twenty-six feet 
wide amidships and eighteen feet deep. It presented a completely 
unusual profile since just forward of the mainmast a black funnel 
poked skyward some eighteen feet. The engine was on the low-
pressure principle and was built by Daniel Dodd of Elisabethto m^, 
Hew Jersey and Stephen Neil of Hor gent own. Hew Jersey. Her wheels, 
one on each side, were made of iron and were so constructed that 
they could be closed up like a fan in a moment; and since there 
were no cumbersome wheelhouses, she could be quickly turned into 
a common sailing ship. She had heavy canvas on a boom, which pre­
vented water being thrown on her deck when under way by steam. 
70 Pitch pine was used as fuel. 
The Savannah really had two masters. Hoses Rogers was 
commander and engineer when under steam and was well qualified for 
the job. This bold and resourceful New England mariner had been 
in command of the Phoenix when, in 1808, she steamed from New York 
to Philadelphia. The ship was on the Atlantic from Sandy Hook to 
Cape May, the first steam vessel ever to go on an ocean. He had 
*71 moved to Savannah in 1817. Hie brother-In-law, Stevens Rogers, 
"u George S. Barnslay, "A Biography of William Scarborough II," 
(unpublished), in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
71 > "An Address by Alexander R. Lawton," Georgia Historical 
Quarterly, III (June 19X9), 49. 
was sailing ©aster, and together they made an incomparable team, 
magnificently suited for the purposes of the company. 
The Savaap&h began her trial trip 011 March 28, 181$,. when 
she left Hew York for Savannah. Upon her arrival there on April 
6 she received a tumultuous welcome from the thousands lining the 
shores of the river and from the United States revenue cutter 
79 Dallas, which fired a -salute in her honor. After staying there 
for a few weeks for her final "fitting-out," Scarborough sent her 
to Charleston where Captain Rogers presented the Company's invi­
tation to President Monroe and his party to sail with him to 
Savannah. Monroe, however, informed him that the people of Charles­
ton did not wish him to leave their state in a Georgia ship, so he 
would meet them in Savannah. A few days after his arrival in 
that city the President and his entourage joined Scarborough and 
the officials for a trip on board the vessel down, the Savannah 
River to the Tybee Right and back. This trip "proved to bo highly 
satisfactory." The President was so impressed with the advantages 
of the ship that he advised Scarborough to bring her to Washington 
after the projected trip across the Atlantic, since he felt "the 
government might purchase her for use as a cruiser off the coast 
of China."  ^
7? " R, P. Daily, Vessels That-Have Borne the Name, Savannah", 
The Georgia'Historical Quarterly. MIX! (June, 1934), 145. 
Report of the Committees of the Senate of the United States, 
for the first Session of .the 35fch Congress, Vol. II, 1857-
1858 (Washington, 1858), Report Ho. 316. 
if & « 
0a Hay 26, 18X9, with the cheers of the inhabitants of the 
city and the fond wishes of WUTtaia Scarborough and the rest of 
the owners ringing in their ears, the ship's company, sixteen 
members of the crew and three officers, sailed direct from 
Savannah for Liverpool. She a fast ship eight knots by 
her engines alone, and the passage across the Atlantic was a most 
successful one. The trip took only twenty-two days, fourteen of 
which were made by the engines and eight under sail, in order to 
conserve fuel. As the .Savannah, neared Cape Clear off the southern, 
tip of Ireland, under steam, she was reported by the lighthouse 
there to the Admiral at Cork as a ship on fire. The fast cutter 
.Kite was sent to help those "in distress," but could not catch 
her. Upon realising that he was creating concern on shore, and 
especially after several shots were fired in his direction, Captain 
Rogers stopped the engines and permitted the cutter to come along­
side. The astonished officers were allowed on board to inspect 
74 and marvel at her machinery. 
On June 20, 1319, the Savannah arrived off Liverpool, but 
had to wait for several hours for a sufficient tide. She finally 
entered the harbor under full steam amid the cheers of thousands 
who had assembled "to witness the arrival of the novelty." Her 
log entry is as follows: 
74 George S. Barnsley, "A Biography of William Scarborough II," 
Barnsley Papers, Scheucnstuhl. A discrepancy is noted concern­
ing the elapsed time of the trip from Savannah to Liverpool* 
Bams ley, Rogers and others say the ship left Savannah Hay 26 
and that the trip took twenty-two days, making a Liverpool 
arrival on June 15. The log has arrival on June 20. 
53. 
Sunday 20th, 1819 
at 2 P.M. hove too off the bar for the tide 
to rise ---
at 5 P.M. Shipped the wheels and firl'd the 
sails and run in to the Elver Kurcer 
at 6 P.M. catnc to anchor off Liverpool with 
the small Bower Anchor.  ^
A Lieutenant of a ship of His Royal Majesty's ITavy was sent 
on board to ask the authority for flying a broad blue pennant, 
ordinarily flown only by the Commander of a Squadron and ranking 
with the highest grade in the Wavy. Moses Rogers was incensed by 
the young man's impertinent attitude and loudly ordered the engin­
eer to "get the hot water pipes ready!" Though there were no such 
pipes on board, the command had the desired effect and forced the 
lieutenant and his boat crew to leave quickly. The word of his 
subsequent embarrassment spread through Liverpool so rapidly that 
the ship from which he had come quickly left the harbor during the 
night to avoid further humiliation. 
The Savannah stayed in Liverpool for thirty days, during 
which time her officers and men were treated very well and accorded 
many privileges. Dignitaries and other men of authority visited 
her as her fame spread widely through London. Speculation ran 
high as to her real purpose in being there. Word spread that she 
was to be used to rescue Napoleon from imprisonment on St, Helena, 
as if was about this time that Jerome, brother of Napoleon, had 
offered a large reward to any one who would accomplish the task. 
 ^Eifredn de Renne Barrow, Anchored Yesterdays (Savannah, 1956), 
99-100. 
54. 
The British government was so wary of her movements that men-of-
tear were stationed at strategic points along her proposed route to 
76 he certain that she went where she had indicated she was going. 
From Liverpool, Captain Rogers steamed his ship to Copen­
hagen where she aroused similar manifestations of wonder and 
curiosity. From there she went to Stockholm and was visited by 
the royal family, foreign ministers and others. They dined on 
board and took an overnight trip to a few neighboring islands. 
After leaving Stockholm, she sailed for St. Petersburg. 
Says Stevens Rogers of her trip to Russia, 
While at Stockholm she was visited . • * at t he 
invitation of $kr. Hughes, our minister, by Six 
Thomas Graham, Lord Lyndock, who was then on a 
tour through the north of Europe. . . , Lord 
Lyndock proceeded on board . . . to St. Petersburg. 
While on the passage to St. Petersburg, Lord 
Lyndock desired us to bring the vessel from 
steam to canvas. He held his watch and noted 
the t i m e  em ployed  t o  ch an g e  th e  v e s se l  . . . .  
This was accomplished in fifteen minutes and 
he was so delighted that he exclaimed, "X 
blai&a no man bom in the United States for 
being proud of his country, and were X a 
young man I'd go there myself. 
tlpoa her arrival in St. Petersburg :iehe oxcited the most 
unlimited wonder." The Russian royal family and many members of 
the court visited"her and trusted her superior qualities enough 
76 
77 
55. 
to take a trip on board from St. Petersburg to Cronsfcadt. Ike 
Czar, Alexander I, was so pleased that he gave orders for special 
attention to be shown her officers. They were present beside the 
Czar for a special review of 80,000 of Russia's finest troops. So 
impressed was the Csar with this evidence of American technological 
progress that prior to her departure from St. Petersburg, he en­
treated Captain Rogers to remain in Russian seas with his steamer, 
offering him the fullest protection and the exclusive navigation 
in steam of the Black and Baltic Seas for a number of years. 
From St. Petersburg, the Savannah began her return trip to 
the United States and sailed first for Arundel, Norway, and from 
there direct to Savannah, making the passage from Arundel in 
twenty-five days, nineteen of which were tinder steam. She arrived 
in Savannah on November 20, 1819, "with neither a screw, nor bolt, 
70 nor rope-yam parted."'' The whole performance of the ship was 
highly successful. The only reason she did not steam both ways 
entirely was to save fuel in case of emergency, and not from the 
inability of the ship to carry sufficient fuel. It was believed, 
however, that her engines would have to be changed in order to 
allow her to have, sufficient space for fuel plus cargo for such a 
long voyage, especially if she were to have cargo on her return 
trips from England. Upon her triumphant return to Savannah, 
George S. BarnsIcy, "A Biography of William Scarborough II," 
Barnsley Papers, Schcuenstuhl. 
79 Ibid. 
56. 
William Scarborough predicted confidently that the "ocean will be 
navigated regularly by steam in less than half a century.""1' 
According to the wishes of the President, Scarborough sent 
pi the ship to Washington, where she arrived on December 17, 1819," 
but for some undetermined reason the government did not wish to 
purchase her then. After returning to Savannah, her steam en­
gines were removed and she was sold at auction at a great loss to 
the Company. She then went into service as a coastal sailing 
packet, and in a terrible storm the night of November 4-5, 1821, 
F3 she went aground and broke up off Fire Island, New York. With 
her disintegration went much of William Scarborough's fortune,0'1 
and he never seemed to be able to recover from the staggering blow 
to his fondest dreams. BarnsXey frequently told the story of the 
Savannah to his children, relating to them the former importance 
80 por further references to the Savannah and her proposed trip, 
see the Hew York Register, August 24, 1819; London limes, June 
21, 1819; Hew York Mercantile Advertiser, March 27, 1819; The 
Savannah Georgian, April 7, 1819; The Georgian, May 19, 1819, 
June 24, 1819, For references after her trip, see The 
Savannah Georgian, November 22, 1819; The Georgian, November 
23, 1 8 1 9 . ' ~  
u Daily, "Vessels That Rive Borne the Name Savannah," 145. 
q<? Report of Senate Committees, Vol. 2, 35th Congress, 1 Session, 
Committee No. 316. 
83 Mike Edwards, "New Yorker Hopes to Locate Steamship Savannah," 
The Atlanta Journal, December 26, 1961. 
O A  
George S. Bamsley, "A Biography of William Scarborough II," 
Barnsley Papers, Seheuenstuhl; 
and prestige of their grandfather. In his later years, however, 
his memory dimmed somewhat, for he wrote to Anna, "I. . . saw the 
o +* 
Savannah, after the machinery was out of her." Bams ley did not 
arrive in the United States until 1824, three years after the de­
struction of the Savannah. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Barnsley Gilmour, 
December 13, 1869. 
CHAPTER III 
Cotton Merchant 
With the congratulations of friends and advice of older people 
admonishing that "true love must be reciprocal,""" Godfrey and Julia 
Barns Icy welcomed in the New Year of 1829. It \ms a year of im­
portant changes for Barnsley since he and Wright dissolved their 
partnership on December 31, 1828. Bams ley advertised in The 
Savannah Georgian that he would do business on his own account, but 
that he would care for any unsettled concerns of the late firm of 
Samuel Wright & Co. - He was convinced by this time that Savannah 
offered such a fine future that he should not have to depend on 
any other person in business. Ills connections with Wright were 
severed completely and on January 5, 1829, he sold to Wright his 
one-fourth interest in the ship Mary lord for $4,740.70. • 
Barnslcy's decision was a wise one, for his reputation as a man of 
integrity and honesty so era became well known. Some years later, 
a business associate in England wrote a friend who was opening a 
Liverpool cotton business: 
You will no doubt find it necessary to have 
Agents in all the principal Southern ports of 
<1 
Letter of James Robertson to Godfrey Barnsley, January 26, 1829, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
9 The Savannah Georgian, January 1, 1829. 
3 Ledger entry, January 5, 1829, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Several Ledgers covering a wide variety of receipts and expendi­
tures are in Mrs. Howard's possession. 
59. 
the United States. Under the circumstances, I 
have great pleasure in making you acquainted 
xriLth my excellent friend Mr. Godfrey Barnsley 
who has carried on a very extensive business in 
Savannah & it gives me great pleasure to add 
that a gentleman possessed of more talent, 
assiduity and integrity I never knew/" 
Most cotton factors made arrangements for the ships which took 
their cotton to Liverpool to return to Savannah with marketable 
commodities. Most often Barnsley imported bags of salt, boxes of 
earthenware, wine and wine bottles, hemp and flax bagging and other 
5 articles of linen." Thus he was able to realise profit as both ex­
porter and importer. The bulk of his business in these early years, 
however, was as exporter. An example is shown by the ship 
Tallahassee, which Bamsley cleared through the port of Savannah 
on January 17, 1329, This ship sailed for Liverpool with 1,520 bales 
of Upland cotton, and 191 bales of Sea Island cotton. These 1711 
bales weighed more than 275 tons and were worth $ 60,000.^  At his 
usual commission of two and one half per cent, this one shipment 
therefore meant a profit of $1,500. Within the next two months 
Bamsley had cleared six more ships, with cargoes nearly equal to 
n that of the Tallahassee. Much of this cotton had been consigned 
J 
* Letter of Joshua Milne, Manchester to James Hoiford, Liverpool, 
August 22, 1837, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
c The Savannah Georgian, January 13, 1829. 
6 Ibid., January 20, 1829 
1 I'bld,, January 27, 1829, February 2, 1829, February 21, 1829, 
March 4, 1829, March 9, 1829, March 21, 1829. 
to Bamsley from planters within the vicinity of Augusta who grew 
Upland cotton, and from near Darien where the valuable Sea Island 
cotton was grown. Shipments down the Savannah Elver were sent to 
him several times a week during the cotton season.® Other cotton 
was bought in Savannah with Bamsley bidding against other factors 
for it. 
In order to obtain cargo, Bamsley advertised in the Savannah 
newspapers whenever he had a ship ready to sail with less than a 
full cargo. On February 11, 182.9, he inserted a notice that the 
"fine new ship" Champion was to sail for Liverpool, and could take 
250 bales of cotton. On February 14, 1829, he advertised the "first 
class coppered and fast sailing ship Olive and Elisa." He seems 
not to have esqjcrienced any difficulties in obtaining cargoes. The 
ships were not his but he endeavored to fill each one on which he 
shipped cotton and paid the freight accordingly. This assured him 
a relatively fast trip to Liverpool for his cotton, since the master 
of the ship would not then have need of calling at other ports first 
to discharge cargo for others. 
Bamsley regularly bought cotton on consignment to fill orders 
for houses in Liverpool, Belfast or Glasgow. His responsibility was 
to purchase a certain type of cotton at a price not exceeding a limit 
set by the European importer. This importer stated the price, 
® January 22, 1829, February 3, 1829, February 10, 1829. 
Savannah Georgian, February 11, 1829, February 14, 1829, 
February 20, 1829. 
including purchase, commission and shipping charges beyond which he 
would not pay for cotton delivered to his harbor. He would pay the 
unloading and transfer charges. For payment for this cotton, Barns-
Icy would then draw on these various importers with specified "Bills 
of Exchange" through their houses or branches in Hew York, or di­
rectly through a bank in the United States dealing in foreign cur­
rency . For this service, these banks charged a specified discount, 
known as a "premium." Xn addition to this, Bamsley paid other ex­
penses, including wharfage, draysge to the warehouse and the ship, 
storage on the docks, fire insurance, labor, mending, canvas, twine 
for binding, postage and other small incidental items for all of 
10 which a fixed charge of twenty-five cents per bale was made. 
It was imperative that Bamsley be aware of the latest price 
cotton was bringing on the Liverpool market, and as an aid to him 
in the purchase of cotton in Savannah, business letters front im­
porters in Liverpool usually contained quotations of the current 
market prices at that port. When Bamsley believed it was warranted, 
he would purchase cotton for himself in Savannah and consign it di­
rectly to one of his business associates in Liverpool or Glasgow 
and have it sold at the highest price, paying the seller the usual 
factor*s commission of two and one half percent. In this manner it 
was frequently possible for him to realise a profit directly, the 
funds being credited to one of his several accounts in England or 
 ^Sworn statement of James Miller, Bamsley® s clerk, May 17, 1833, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
62. 
Scotland. On occasion, however, lie drew a Bill of Exchange on these 
accounts for what he thought would be his profit, although adjust­
ments at times had to be made when his estimates were over or under 
the correct amount. Furthermore, he had made arrangements with other 
cotton merchants in the cotton-producing areas to send him cotton 
whenever they were certain it would meet the high standards he had 
set. They then drew a Bill of Exchange on him for a price near 
what they expected the cotton to bring. An a result his account 
books show a wide variety of exchange and credit transactions.^ * 
There were occasions, however, when other arrangements were 
made to satisfy the particular desire of a certain customer, and Bams 
ley was always ready to adapt to whatever was wanted. His dealings 
with Richard Shaw of Liverpool seme to Illustrate this point: 
In consideration of your purchasing cotton 
either exclusively Upland or partly of that de­
scription and partly of Sea Island, at your 
discretion, & for the mutual advantage during 
the selling season from October to July inclu­
sive not exceeding in total value ten thousand 
pounds sterling; thereby engage to honor your 
drafts to not exceeding that amount with the 
understanding that you charge no commission 
for purchasing, and none will be charged by my­
self for selling, and that each party charge 
the property with only the actual expense in­
curred, ana that I shall effect sale whenever 
I think best for our Interest, which is to be 
equal & joint, in this adventure, and the di­
vision of loss or profit to be made accordingly. 
H Ledgers and Journals in Barnsley 
See also letter of Ashton B. Cox 
1830, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Papers, Emory, Duke and Howard, 
to Godfrey Barnsley, April 26, 
63. 
Shipments to be made by none but good vessels, 
and all cotton to be shipped to order.1*• 
He depended primarily for European price quotations on the 
weekly printed account of sales and imports, with current prices as 
published by the firm of his uncle, Godfrey Barnsley and Son, Liver­
pool, with whom he was formerly employed.13 t\ typical weekly cotton 
report is found on page 64. 
Ordinarily Barnsley had large discretionary powers from those 
in England and Scotland for whom he bought cotton. Uhen purchased, 
it was usually of various qualities of unequal value, and no pur­
chase could be made to the precise order of anyone. Barnsley 
usually had a one-foot square section of the burlap covering cut 
open, personally inspected each bale and graded it as to quality, 
marking it accordingly. After purchase and grading, the bales were 
thus arranged according to quality. Host of Barnsley1s customers 
in Great Britain preferred Upland cotton, which was rated in seven 
grades, each with a separate price. Those grades were; prime, very 
good, good, good-fair, fair, middling and ordinary* Sea Island cotton 
had all grades but prime, and its best quality was called "fine." 
A certain lot of cotton purchased at Savannah might consist of 
several of these qualities or grades, and when a certain quality 
3-2 Letter of Richard Shaw to Godfrey Barnsley, September 3, 1836, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
13 These cotton reports appear almost weekly during the early 
1830*8 and were excellent guides to Barnsley. They are now in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory and Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
64. 
ACCOUNT OF SALES AND IMPORTS 0 
From the "titli tilt, to this day inclusive. 
QUALITIES AND PRK?®S. 
J*r- ^  - V I I< J* Liver]1wit. Qctober 2, 1829. 
oi COTT^ O \ 
Sea Island Georgia..., 
Stained Ditto. 
Upland Ditto 
Alabama,Tennessee,iy ) 
Demerara If Deri 
MkkL | Fair ^...OoodFr. N^<«v. 
10}I0} III II; : 1 1} | 11} 1H I2 
5} I 6} :6} 6|  7 : 8 
5} 5} j 5} S| : 5} | si 5} : 8} 6 
8} I 8} S)| : 5} S|  8} 5} : 8} 
5} 8} | 8} : 8] 8} | 0 0} :0) 0} 
6} | o) ot t: cj j <>} : t 
5) 8} | 8} 8} : 8} 6 | 6 6} : 0} 
si|:5} c | o : cj 
: 8} 5} : si 
3) 3} I 3} 3} : 3} | 3} : 
6 : 0} I 100 7 7 } I 
• A lew extra quality, fijd. + 30 extra quality, 8d. * 18 extra quality, B.Jd. II From Sea Island Seed. 
Although the demand for export has fallen off considerably this week, that from the trade has been brisk, particularly on Monday, 
and up to the close of Wednesday, when }d. on low and middle American, that, and partially up to }d. on Sea Island and Rrar.il being demanded and 
obtained the sales have subsided to the usual daily quantity, holders becoming free sellers—the market, however, has closed without indication ot its 
receding, and as the new crop may be forward late, our accounts affording little or no inducements to ship, it is probable a small advance further may 
be obtained in low and middle American, as well as in ltraxil before its arrival in quantity. Th e attendance of the trade both dealers and consumers lias 
Leen considerable to-day; of the former are several who returned without purchasing last week, and of the latter many who rarely \isit thi-s market. 
4.000 American and 600 Surats have been taken on speculation, and 300 Egyptian, 300 Maranham, and 100Upland for export. 
GODFREY BARNSLEY. 
65. 
was especially desired, Barnsley personally selected it and arranged 
for it to be shipped to order. Hie qualities most suitable for the 
Glasgow market were the medium qualities —- fair, good-fair and 
good. Liverpool markets frequently ordered any or all types. This 
selection also meant regulating a price scale. A lot was purchased 
at a uniform price for all qualities it contained and then either 
more than the average price or less was put on each quality, but 
Barnsley was careful to see that such an apportionment of the cost 
price wa3 indicative of the total he had paid for the entire lot. 
In this way Godfrey Barnsley conducted his business. He be­
lieved it necessary to return to England nearly every summer to see 
for himself just what the possibilities for selling during the 
next cotton season would be, as well as to arrange for new customers 
he might be able to serve. So it was that on June 16, 1829, Barnsley 
and his young bride left Savannah on the ship Emperor for Liverpool 
via New York.15 
Samuel Wright, Barnsley1s partner until 1829, was vice-
consul of the Netherlands for the city of Savannah until early that 
year.The week before hi3 departure for Liverpool, Barnsley took 
over this position as revealed by the following notice in The Savannah 
Georgian, June 8, 1829: 
14 Sworn statement of James Killer, Barnsley* s clerk, July 1, 1840, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
15 The Savannah Georgian, June 17, 1829. 
16 Xbid.. March 3, 1329. 
66. 
The President has recognised Godfrey Bams ley, 
of this city, as vice Consul ad interim of the 
"Netherlands for the port of Savannah.^  
The temporary nature of this appointment, however, continued, 
for Bamsley held this post during the entire time he lived in 
Savannah. While in England during the summer of 1829 he was also 
appointed vice-consul for the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies for the 
port of Savannah, and so recognised by President Andrew Jackson. 
These two offices did not require much of his time or attention, 
since it would appear from the scarcity of correspondence on the 
subject and the few notations in his accounts that his duties in 
this connection were largely advisory. Not many world travellers 
left the United States for Europe from Savannah. Bamsley was ex­
pected to route no much business as possible to each of the two 
countries he represented, and to keep potential travellers, business 
or pleasure, informed of rules and regulations pertaining to them. 
The Sicilians particularly were interested in obtaining more business 
since he was asked to inform the Charge d* Affaires in Washington 
"what articles of commerce your state offers, in order to see if 
they will suit for Sicily."1^  These two appointments were quite an 
honor for a young man not yet twenty-four, and not a citisen of the 
17 Ibid., June 8, 1829. 
18 Ibid.» August 8, 1829 
Letter of Chevalier Bominus More Hi to Godfrey Bamsley, October 
6, 1835, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. See also letter of Monsieur 
le Chevalier Gcvers, New York to Bamsley as Consul of dea Pays 
Bas, April 29, 1845, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
67. 
United States, but he performed his duties in a responsible manner. 
Barnsley took advantage of his frequent trips to England to 
care for personal matters as well as business, though there is no 
evidence that he was ever in direct contact with any member of his 
immediate family after his departure in 1824. His closest family 
contact continued to be his uncle, Godfrey Barnsley, in Liverpool, 
and his cousin George. Barnsley was fond of both his uncle and hie 
cousin and heard through them frequently of his brother and his 
_ 20 parents. 
Both before and after his marriage Barnsley, showing his high 
artistic taste and respect for beauty, bought ejepensive personal 
items and pieces of furniture and fixtures for the home he hoped 
some day to have. His bills and receipts for his first ten years 
in the United States show, among others, the following interesting 
items: 
1 solid fine gold pendant with eagle and engraving $43.56 
May 10, 1825, Liverpool 
1 fine gold key 14.03 
May 16, 1825, Liverpool 
1 Piano forte, 260.00 
July 13, 1826, Liverpool 
1 engraved portrait of Napoleon 22.50 
April 30, 1828, S vannah 
1 gold chain, 1 pair gold rings, 26.00 
September 18, 1828, Hew York 
20 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley, Liverpool to Godfrey Barnsley, 
Savannah, April 10, 1829, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. Barnsley8s 
uncle writes: flI had a letter a few days ago from your Father 
as also one from your brother Joshua." 
21 These bills and receipts, plus many others, are in Barnsley 
Papers, Georgia. The cost of items bought in England has been 
calculated in dollars at the rate of one pound sterling being 
equal to $4.84, the normal exchange rate during that time. 
63. 
1 sett Pearl 120.00 
December 22, 1828, Savannah 
Cutlery, 192.91 
September 4, IS29, Liverpool 
72b yards best Brussels carpeting 83.49 
October 1, 1833, Liverpool 
Furniture, 217.25 
April and Kay, 1833, Savannah 
Silverware, 799,81 
October 1, 1833, Liverpool 
China and glass, 94.38 
October 16, 1833, Liverpool 
Linen and drapery, 798,08 
October 19, 1833, Liverpool 
1 Clock, 120.68 
July, 1833, Liverpool 
1 silver bread basket, 135.00 
June 9, 1834, Liverpool 
Total for furniture in 1833 6175.84 
These items merely indicate the type of household possessions 
Barnsley was gathering, Host of those purchased, while bought in 
Liverpool, actually came from widely scattered parts of Europe. 
Although there is no mention in his correspondence at the time of 
a home of his own, it is certain that when Barnsley purchased these 
expensive pieces of silver and furniture he did not plan to live 
always in the Scarborough house in Savannah, in which he and his 
family made their first home. 
The reason Barnsley wanted to take his wife to Liverpool with 
him in the summer of 1829 is not definitely known, but it is likely 
that he wanted to get her away from the domineering influence of her 
mother, who was still not reconciled to the marriage. In any event, 
Barnsley left his young bride in Liverpool in the care of his uncle 
while he returned to Savannah in the fall of the year. It is obvious 
that he preferred to have her stay in England to have their first 
child rather than subject her to the rigors of an Atlantic crossing 
juet before the time of birth. Lucy, youngest of the three Scar­
borough sisters, went to Liverpool to be there with Julia during her 
confinement. Julia* s first child, Anna Godwin Barnsley, was bom in 
Liverpool on October 14, 1829, and was christened in that city in 
St. Peter's Church. Her sponsors were her father's cousin George 
Barnsley, her Aunt Lucy and Margaret L. Isaac, who had made the 
trip with Lucy from Savannah to Liverpool. 
Having no partner at this time, Barnsley needed to be in 
Savannah as much as possible, yet also in New York and Liverpool 
to make contacts for future sales. Mrs. William Scarborough was 
disturbed that Bams ley had returned to the United States without 
his wife and wrote to Barnsley* a uncle to send her daughter and 
grand-daughter homo at once. Julia was eager to come back as soon 
as possible but Barnsley wrote her to wait there for him, as he did 
not want her to return alone with the child.,w By February, 1830, 
Julia was angry with Barnslev for leaving her in Liverpool for such 
a long time. Lucy had by this time returned to Savannah and Julia 
was eager to see some of her family. Business affairs prevented 
Barnsley from making the trip to England at the time so he arranged 
for her ten-year old brother Joseph to go to Liverpool and to enter 
school there. He was placed in Hiss Benton's School in Galmore, 
O 9 *"*• "Barnsley Family Register. " 
23 Letter of Godfrey Bams ley, Liverpool to Godfrey Barnsley, 
Savannah, December 7, 1829, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
70. 
near Liverpool, and Barnsley paid the expenses of his education. 
Mrs. William Scarborough was more than ever disturbed with Barns ley 
for arranging, and with her husband for permitting the residence 
of another of her children outside of the United States. Julia and 
the baby were living at this time at 63 Purcell Street, Liverpool, 
where she had a small suite of rooms and a few servants to assist 
her.24 Letters between Julia and Barnsley are not available for 
this period of their separation,^  but it is knotra that Bams ley 
wrote his wife frequently and received reports on the growth of his 
daughter from various sources. "Your daughter is a fine black-
haired lady," wrote Robert HacLellan, a business associate of Green-
0 c och, Scotland, who had visited Julia in Liverpool."u 
The cotton season of 1829-1330 was normal, as the Liverpool 
market showed the sale of 4,646 bales of American cotton out of a 
total of 8,437 bales during the first week of December, 1829. 
Buying cotton to ship when the market was doing so troll naturally 
kept Barasley quite busy. Furthermore, good business man that he 
24 itemized bill, Kiss Benton*s School, April 16, 1830, in Barnsley 
Papers, Emory. 
25 Just prior to the auction of the Barnsley estate in north Georgia 
in 1942, Prof. E. IL Coulter of the University of Georgia and 
other interested historians visited the house and gathered into 
boxes many of the letters, bills and ledgers which wore scattered 
over the floors of several rooms. Kany had been burned, or were 
otherwise lost. lira. Howard earlier had stopped Barasley*s 
granddaughter from burning all. 
26 Letter of Robert KacLellan to Godfrey Barasley, Hay 17, 1830, 
in Barasley Papers, Duke. 
2? See page 71. 
71. 
GODFREY BARNSLEY AHD SON, Liverpool20 
For y*mek ending December 4, 1829 
Prices 
Tot.il Silos 8437 bogs Sea Island I2^d. to 24d. 
Tofca! Imports 5771 bags Sea Island 
American Sales 4646 bags stained 6d. to 11 /8d. 
American Imports 1380 bags Upland 5%d. to 6 /4d. 
Ala., Tex., -
& Mobile 5;78d. to 6 /8d. 
Hcrw Orleans 5 /4d. to 8d. 
Liverpool. 
Import of cotton into Great Britain from January 1 to October 
1, 1830. 
From: Liverpool London Glasgow Total Total 
Hew Orleans 170,435 ) 1829 
Savannah 110,286 ) 524,023 3,375 39,204 566,602 ~ 
Charleston 109,576 ) 445,265 
Other ports 133,808 ) 
524,023 
Portugal & Brasil 129,478 2,279 132,257138,085 
East Indies 9,163 9,622 2,612 21,397 67,474 
West Indies 5,555 635 1,808 7,998 13,360 
Mediterranean 7,165 1,789 1,377 _10,331 21,124 
Total 675,384 ~ 18,200 45,501 739,085" 685,316 
Total 1st 9 months 1829 596,281 59,952 29,083 635,316 
Increase 79,103 16,418 53,769 
Decrease 41,752 
was Bnmsley sought to take advantage of every opportunity to turn 
a profit* In October, 1829, he advertised for sale 3,500 bushels 
of Liverpool salt which he had brought with him on his recent return, 
29 plus cotton bagging, mats and wine. * Some of the vine he brought 
or imported was not for sale, but for his own use or that of his 
30 friends. His wine cellar lists of the day were quite extensive. 
28 Weekly Report of Godfrey Bnmsley nnd Son, Liverpool, October 9, 
1830," in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
^ -Georgian, October 11, 1829. . . » ' 
Ledger for 1829, Barnoley Papers, Georgia. 
72. 
By the summer of 1830 it was possible for Bams ley to return 
to England on business. His stay there was concluded in September 
when he and his wife and their daughter sailed for New York aboard 
31 the Salem. There they transferred to the Tyhoe and made the trip 
to Savannah in six days, arriving on November 2, 1830. Passenger 
etiquette at the time called for a committee of passengers to be 
appointed to "respectfully tender to Captain Wood their warmest 
tliardcs for his attention to their comfort on the passage," Barnoley 
was one of the committee of three. 
The international cotton market was often influenced by unre­
lated events which caused factors no end of concern. In mid-
September, 1830, the Duke of Wellington visited Liverpool and the 
festivities in connection with his stay caused business to be sua-
33 ponded for nearly one week. In addition, the unfortunate death 
of William Huskisson, liberal President of the Board of Trade, 
greatly depressed financial matters throughout the country. He was 
killed in an accident caused by George Stephenson's famous Rocket 
on the day the Liverpool and Manchester Railroad was opened. Further­
more, a business associate wrote Barnsley that the "Revolutionary 
Spirit" on the Continent was sure to bring about a curtailment of 
The Georgian. November 1, 1830, 
32 Ibid., November 3, 1830. 
33 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, September 17, 
1830, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
cotton consumption, Holland and Belgium, united in 1815 by decree 
of the Congress of Vienna, were undergoing serious internal disorder, 
and people were quite unwilling to spend their money until they felt 
secure politically. The Revolution which broke out in Brussels on 
August 25, 1830, was directed against Dutch rule, and by the end of 
September Dutch troops had been driven out of the city. Peace and 
a resumption of business, however, did not follow immediately. It 
was well into 1831 when the Belgian Congress, thwarted by Britain 
in its attempt to put Louis Phillippe'a son on the throne, chose 
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg to be Belgium's king. Leopold immediately 
showed his political shrewdness by marrying Louis Phillippc's 
daughter, With the July Monarchy firmly entrenched in France and 
Belgium's shaky political situation strengthened, business along all 
fronts slowly began to improve. Barnsley was keenly interested in 
all these occurrences for their business implications as well as 
their political importance. 
The position of William Scarborough II at that time is of 
some importance. Because of his losses in connection with the 
Savannah, the Yellow Fever epidemic of 1820 and the particularly 
disastrous $4,000,000 fire in Savannah that same year, the bulk of 
his estate had disappeared. Except for his Savannah house, his 
possessions were negligible. He had made an attempt to go into the 
cotton factoring business on hie own in the late 1820*s but had not 
34 Letter of Thomas Lister to Godfrey Barnsley, October 12, 1830, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
74. 
succeeded. He still owned a few acres of good pine timber near 
Daricn, southwest of Savannah and with Barnsley1s financial assist­
ance operated a saw-mill there. In 1827 he had supplied one of 
Bams ley1 s customers with pine lumber of "excellent quality" and 
35 had a reputation as n lumber dealer of integrity. Now with Julia 
married and raising her own family, and his oldest daughter Charlotte 
married in April, 1829, to James Taylor of Scotland, his responsi­
bilities were lessening and he was becoming financially solvent 
once again. In January, 1831, out of gratitude for the help he had 
received, Scarborough began to deal exclusively with Barnsley for 
he wrote: "Please understand that from January 1, I shall not do 
36 any Business myself which can properly be done through you." Mrs. 
Scarborough was not with him in Darien but stayed in Savannah with 
their youngest son, Mil11 am III, who was then six years old. Scar­
borough was concerned about his inability to pay for the schooling 
of his son Joseph in England. "I hope to repay you soon," he wrote, 
"for funds advanced on behalf of Joseph. My slender means will pre­
vent me from paying you what you have laid out on the house, but I 
37 do appreciate it." * Within two weeks he had sent Bamoley a draft 
35 Letter of J. w. Gordon, Jamaica, B.M.I, to Samuel Wright and 
Co., December 5, 1830, in Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
~jb Letter of William Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, January 1, 
1831, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
37 Letter of William Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, May 24, 
1831, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
75. 
38 for $304.50 for expenses in connection i/ith Joseph's schooling." 
Barnsley sold this draft to the Planter's Bank in Savannah at a two 
per cent discount and credited Scarborough's account with him for 
39 $294.41, It is indicative of his business discipline that he 
kept hie financial dealings with friends, family and mercantile 
associates in a most impersonal manner, being scrupulously accurate 
and honest in all accounts. 
/ A Julia Bnrnsley had her first son on Hay 24, 1831,' when Anna 
was just over a year and a half old. Reginald Barnsley, named for 
a distant: ancestor of William Scarborough, was bora in Savannah but 
lived only two and a half years. His early death of a respiratory 
ailment on November 1, 1833, was a blow to Barnsley, as he was very 
proud of his son. The child was buried in the vault of a close 
/ 1 friend, Robert Isaac, in the Old Cemetery in Savannah.* ' 
Barnsley's trip to England in the summer of 1831 was much the 
same aa preceding ones. He conducted his own business affairs, 
made plans for future cotton shipments and purchased personal items 
of clothing, furniture, etc., for his friends and family. Having 
recently acquired a business partner, Horace Sistare, a former 
Connecticut Yankee interested in the expanding cotton trade, Barnsley 
JO Letter of William Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, June 2, 1831, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Godfrey Bnrnsley to William Scarborough, June 4, 1831, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
q-lj t! Barnsley Family Register/5 
41 Ibid. 
76. 
felt more at ease on his European trips and took care of many more 
personal requests of his friends. As Sistare wrote him, "We Savannah 
people are famous, you are aware, for troubling our absent frieiids 
AO in the Summer." * Perhaps the most unusual request, however, came 
from J. B. Howard, Georgia State Comptroller, who wrote from 
Milledgeville, the capital, to ask Barnsley to import from England 
"two pairs of the most approved stock of English Grass Hogs." He 
wanted them of different breeds and at least twelve months old. 
Sistare, who forwarded Howard1s request, remarked: 
I know this is a troublesome and disagreeable 
request, but please select them and send them 
home by the Oglethorpe. Ask toy brother to care 
for them and see they have sufficient food, as 
I am anxious to oblige Mr. Howard, who has much 
influence in the interior. Please pet a pedigree 
of them, too, and how to feed them.'" 
The hogs were duly sent and received in Savannah. As far as can be 
determined, this was Barnsley*a only connection with the importation 
of livestock into the United States.' 
Back in Savannah by November, 1831, Barnsley plunged immedi­
ately into his factoring business, '*** but the tempo of mercantile 
matters in the cotton market in Savannah was greatly influenced 
2^ Letter of Horace Sistare to Godfrey Barnsley, August 3, 1831, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
tf3 Letter of Horace Sistare to Godfrey Barnsley, July 30, 1831, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
44 Correspondence and Ledgers show reference to cattle and other 
livestock purchased by Barnsley but always from herds existing 
in the United States. 
J The Georgian, November 19, 1831. 
again by the political situation in England. Parliamentary reform 
was felt to be a distinct necessity by citisens of the middle 
classes, not; quite angry over the defeat of a proposed Reform Bill 
on October 7 by the House of Lords. Riots brolce out all over the 
country. At Bristol a mob controlled the city for three days in a 
state of complete anarchy. The jails at Derby were unlocked and 
prisoners set free, and the castle of the Duke of Nottingham was 
gutted by fire. Agitation 011 the part of these unhappy and per­
sistent people continued throughout autumn, and they did not hesi­
tate to appeal to the lower classes for help, enticing them with 
talk of universal manhood suffrage, A good Reform Bill was wanted, 
especially since the enlightened efforts of George Canning and 
Robert Peel had temporarily relieved the immediate plight of the 
people. Now a guarantees that they would continue was believed 
essential. 
By late 1831 it was obvious that trouble would continue until 
corae satisfaction was obtained. John Greaves, cotton importer of 
Liverpool, xrrote Baraaley that if William IV did not support the 
Hiuisters in pushing the new Reform Bill through the Lords, & 
"general civil Revolution" would occur, in which case cotton would 
decline nearly one pence per pound;.,,,. But, he believed, there was 
much reason for optimism for he was certain the ministers and the 
King would see it through. In addition, there were other signs of 
encouragement on the horizon, he felt, A more favorable balance 
of trade made money less expensive to borrow; Holland and Belgium 
were settling their affairs amicably; Poland appeared likely to be 
better governed by Russia; and even "the cholera epidemic is lessen­
ing. Taking all appearances together, I feel justified in again 
confirming my letter dated 4th instant, and in conformity do direct 
you to ship if not already done."'*0 Greaves proved to be an ex­
cellent prophet. William IV coerced the House of Lords by threaten­
ing the creation by royal pcrogative of enough new Whig Lords to put 
the Reform through. That was enough. The Reform Bill passed on 
June 4, 1832, and ended the immediate danger of revolt. What was 
more important to Rnmsley,. it terminated the possibility of a 
drastic and unprofitable reduction in the price of cotton. 
With a good market therefore assured through the winter of 
1831-1832, Bern aley and his associates were greatly encouraged. On 
December 31, 1831, Lucy Scarborough, youngest daughter of William 
and Julia Scarborough, married Barnsloy1o business partner, Horace 
Sistare. Sistare had come from Hew London, Connecticut,'"' and had 
brought with him a thorough knowledge of the shipping business. 
He made an excellent business associate, for he provided Barnsley 
with a more accurate appraisal of ships and shipping. With his 
help, Barnsley continued to advertise ships as loading, or about 
to load for Liverpool, Belfast and Glasgow; and when these ships 
returned they continued to bring back to Barnsley salt, Y?ine, and 
46 Letter of John Greaves to Godfrey Barnsley, October 18, 1831, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
47 "Extract of the Cotton Manuscripts," 
79, 
hardware items of many types.4t~ 
Julia Barnsley gave birth to her third child, a boy, on October 
16, 1032. Ha was named Harold and was christened in Savannah at 
Christ Church with Kr, and Mrs. William Scarborough as sponsors ; 
Mrs. Scarborough had by this time become reconciled to Godfrey 
Barnsley as her son-in-law, since, to some extent, the entire family 
was dependent upon him more than any other person for their financial 
security. Her vanishing social importance in Savannah had a quiet­
ing effect upon her and she grew quite fond of Barnsley, relying 
greatly upon him in many ways. 
While it is evident that political affairs in England had a 
definite effect on cotton prices in the United States, so it is 
true that political difficulties in the Cotton States had reper­
cussions abroad. George Barnsley wrote in January, 1833, that it 
appeared to him by the newspapers that matters in the United States 
had assumed a "war-like aspect," especially in the Carolines. "The 
Governor of South Carolina uses very strong language and if he 
purposes acting up to it I should imagine a struggle was inevi-
50 t a b l e H e  h a d  r e f e r e n c e  t o  t h e  f a c t  t h a t  i n  o p p o s i t i o n  t o  H e n r y  
Clay's new highly protective tariff bill, which had been approved 
48 The Georgian, February 7, 1832 ff. 
4-9 "Barnsley Family Register." 
50 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, January 30, 
1833, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
by Congress on July 14, 1832, a State Convention had been called 
in South Carolina for that Fall. On November 24 this Convention 
declared that for South Carolina the tariff was "unauthorised by 
the Constitution of the United States . . . null, void and no law, 
31 nor binding upon this State, its officers or citizens."" Collec­
tion of duties after February 1, 1833, was forbidden and instant 
secession was threatened if the Federal Government used force. 
The Governor and other state officials were quite vocal in their 
denunciation of the Act. President Andrew Jackson was just as out­
spoken in his proclamation to the effect that the tariff laws would 
be enforced. Congress backed him up by passing the Force Act, which 
became law on March 2, 1833, after which South Carolina agreed that 
resistance would be unwise. The Compromise Tariff of 1833 was then 
passed, providing for a general reduction of the tariff duties. 
But during the negotiations, George Barnoley pointed out that there 
was not much demand on the cotton market, and in view of the fact 
that the United States cotton crop might possibly be below expecta­
tions and thereby increase prices, thosewho held a stock of cotton 
52 "were not showing a wish to sell." Uilliara Prince, fearful of a 
disastrous blow to the cotton market, wrote in early February, "I 
see there has been a row in the United States. Do you think there 
will be any material reduction in the Tariff duties or, if not 
51 Commager, Henry S., ed., Documents of American History (New York, 
1963) I, Document No. 143. 
52 Letter of George Bams ley to Godfrey Barnsley, January 30, 
1833, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
a disunion?" " The South Carolina Nullification controversy did not, 
of course, lead immediately to the "struggle" of which George 
Bams ley spoke, nor the "disunion" mentioned by Prince, though it 
was one of the foundation stones of the structure of Southern econ­
omy which led to the separation twenty-eight years later. 
Another factor affecting the cotton market was the possible 
involvement of the United States in a war with France. In the 
late fall of 1835, President Jaclcson tried to uphold a claim 
against the government of Louis Philippe. There was an amount due 
the United States for spoliations under the Berlin and Milan 
Decrees and though the French had agreed in 1831 to pay 25,000,000 
francs, all attempts to collect the amount had met with complete 
failure. Jackson offended France in December of 1834 by ordering 
the Navy to prepare for active service and asked Congress to seise 
French property. This had the effect of coercing.the French Legis­
lature to vote the money on the condition that Jackson apologize. 
This he refused to do, though in December of 1835 he said he had 
had no intention of insulting France and he would not apologise for 
doing his duty. Through British mediation, however, war was 
averted and honor maintained. The United States collected the 
money. But prior to the final settlement, there was a possibility 
that the cotton market might be affected. George Earnsley wrote: 
53 Letter of William Prince to Godfrey Barnsley, February 12, 
1833, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
There is some anxiety felt here with respect 
to the American and French questionj the present 
picture of Affairs loolcs very warlike, and 
if there be much Gunpowder in President 
Jackson's speech, the French will take fire. 
You will of course estimate this business in 
shipping your cotton hither. 
Bams ley had other matters of concern, however, in addition 
to a possible American embroilment with France. Savannah was 
faced with a serious problem. She was beginning to lose out in 
her bid to maintain supremacy of all cotton-shipping ports along 
the southeastern Atlantic coast. All of the seaport corns in the 
1820ss and 1830ss competed for the interior cotton trade, and of 
all of these, the merchants of Charleston were probably most far-
sighted. 
Because of the lack of fully adequate waterways to their 
harbor, Charlestonians had felt the need of providing alternative 
means of transportation into the city. Deciding to take advantage 
of the increasing importance of Augusta, Georgia, as the main 
point of distribution for the cotton of the fertile Georgia-South 
Carolina belt, a group of Charleston business men procured a 
charter in 1827 and began the construction of a railroad. When com­
pleted to the river bank opposite Augusta in 1833 it was the long­
est lino in the world — 136 miles, and sufficient to encroach upon 
the trade of Savannah. But the citiaens of Savannah did not give 
up, and though they began late, planters and up-state business men 
co-operated with a group of city merchants and formed the Central 
54 ' Letter of George Barns ley to Godfrey Barns ley, December 8, 
1335, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
G3. 
55 of Georgia Railroad with W. W, Gordon as president. lu 1833 a 
charter was issued for construction and operation of a railroad 
from Savannah to Macon, Georgia, and within a few years locomotives 
for the first time brought cotton to Savannah's wharves. The rail­
road did not reach Macon until 1843 end by then that city had 
become the hub of the rich cotton trade of Middle Georgia. 
Savannah1s position as Charleston's arch-rival for the cotton 
trade was again firmly established. 
George Barnsley came from Liverpool to visit his cousin in 
Savannah during the Spring of 1833 and lived in an apartment on 
Bryan Street, on the north side of Franklin Square. His purpose 
in coming was to see for himself this wealthy cotton-producing 
area and to visit with his American relatives. His visit was 
enjoyable, though quite short, and he and Godfrey sailed for 
Liverpool on June 24, 1833, when it became necessary for Barnsley 
to make his annual business trip abroad.-^  
Though he was not an American citizen, Barnsley nevertheless 
co-operated to the fullest with the Savannah civic authorities 
and took advantage of the many social opportunities the city 
offered. In March of 1834 he was drawn as a juror for the term of 
55 philips, Life and Labor in the Old - South, 147. 
56 '* Coulter, A Short History of Georgia? 242. Murphy and 
Hartridge, Savannah, 8.-
rThc Georgian% June 24, 1833. 
CO the Court of Cosmon Pleas. He was elected Secretary of the 
Junior Coit Club, one of the leading social groups in the city. 
Because of his absence in England during the time, the Club did 
not meet from July to November, 1834. Savannah society made 
much of national and religious holidays and celebrated each with 
parties and dances. One of the largest of such affairs each year 
was the Washington*s Birthday Ball. Bamsley and four others 
were appointed a committee to arrange for a military parade and a 
Ball to be held on February 23, 1335,vH"" The 22nd was on a Sunday 
and social functions were not held on the Sabbath. The parade 
took place in the afternoon and the Ball and dinner in the evening, 
with all guests in the Armed Forces in dress uniform. The 
festivities were held in the Exchange Assembly Hall, the largest 
and most beautiful the city had to offer. The Ball began at 8:30 
p.m., the dinner at 1 a.m., and many of the guests, including 
Godfrey and Julia Bamsley, lingered until dawn.  ^
Because of the birth of their fourth child and second 
daughter, Adelaide, in Savannah on January 22, 1834, Julia did not 
accompany BarnsIcy on his annual trip to England during the summer 
of that year. She was consistent in her letters to him while he 
58 Ibid., April 7, 1834. 
59 IMd., June 28, 1834. 
60 *kid., January 20, 1835. 
 ^Sbid», February 17, 1835 through February 23, 1835. 
was away and kept him fully informed of the health and welfare of 
his family. But he seems to have been too busy attending to busi­
ness to write to her, as she continually berated him for his failure 
to correspond. 
Though in his later years Barnsley was considered by many to 
be a "family man," it is obvious that in these early years most of 
his time and interests were concerned with business. This seemed 
to him to be necessary because of his desire to accumulate a large 
fortune which would enable hiri to take his family to England, there 
to retire in ease. Furthermore, his position as a leader in 
Savannah society w&o becoming more apparent and such a prestigious 
spot meant a corresponding need for financial security. Prior to 
1837, Barnsley seemed to have no trouble staying financially solvent, 
though he too was at the mercy of the constant fluctuation in the 
price of cotton. As an example, on February 21, 1829, he shipped 
200 bales of cotton to Liverpool on which his commission was $139.19. 
Tim next month he shipped 192 bales on which he made only $48.00. 
Nine days later his shipment was 205 bales with a commission of 
$103.49.0> It is evident, therefore, that a cotton factor was not 
assured of a consistently high income, but had to be content with 
x-Thatevcr cotton would bring at the moment. Though not all of 
Barnsley*s personal income during these years was through commissions, 
~ Ibid., February 17, 1835 through February 23, 1835. 
63 Ledger for 1829, Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
a considerable portion of it was earned in this way. His ledger 
books for the period November, 1828, to November, 1836, show the 
64 following total commissions for handling cotton for others: 
November 1028 to November 1829 $10,354.35 
November 1829 to November 1830 3,408.56 
November 1830 to November 1831 3,901,76 
November 1831 to November 1832 4,935.70 
November 1032 to November 1833 5,794.32 
November 1033 to November 1834 8,960.99 
November 1834 to November 1635 15,633.34 
November 1S35 to November 1836 13,927.25 
In addition to income from commissions, Barnsley as a cotton 
factor was banker to many people, usually loaning money at sisc or 
eight per cent, but at times as high as thirty per cent, if the 
risk were great. On occasion he was asked to buy sterling and told 
at what "premium" (exchange rate) the purchaser was willing to pay. 
His task was then to buy it as much under that rate as he could. 
In this way he was also engaged in international finance for a few 
6s* of his business associates. ' He also dealt to a small degree in 
stocks, buying and selling where a profit was to be made. On 
December 17, 1836, he bought ten shares of Iron Steamboat :Company 
of Savannah stock for $1,950.00, and on December 28 of that same 
year sold it for $2,000.00. His largest single profits, however, 
seem to have come to him from joint "adventures" with others in 
buying cotton for themselves and reaping what profits they could 
f /» Ledger for 1837, Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Letter of Sands, Turner and Company, New York to Godfrey Barns-
ley, March 4, 1835, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. Bamsley was 
asked to buy 3815,000/- sterling at 6k premium. 
87. 
after it had been shipped to England or Scotland and sold for the 
highest price possible. Such profits were usually shared equally 
by all partners as they were in November, 1832, when Bams ley and 
his close friend, William Duncan, also a Savannah cotton factor, 
sent a shipload of cotton to John MacLellan and Co. of Greenoch, 
Scotland. The gross amount returned to each of the partners in 
this "adventure" was $8,663.69, with a net profit of about twenty-
66 five per cent, or $2,167.67. Kj'J His profits from sales of earthen­
ware, salt, potatoes, whiskey and wines were not as spectacular as 
those mentioned above but nonetheless added to his growing financial 
stature.0^  
Successful business men such as Barnoley built up a sizeable 
list of importers, escporters and shippers, both in and out of this 
country with whom most of their business was transacted. In 
Eirnslcy1s case, his account books show many entries for each of 
the following! 
In, Savannah 
Uilliam Stansfield 
Charles Green 
Robert Taylor 
Samuel Corbitt 
Horace Sistare 
Uilliam Scarborough 
R. U. King 
John II* Reid 
John Denniston 
Uilliam Taylor 
00 Ledger for 1832, Bams ley Papers, Howard. Other Ledger entries 
for similar "adventures" show varying profits, most of which 
approximated this amount. 
Ledgers for various years show many entries for receipts and 
sales of these items, in Barnsley Papers, Emory, Duke and Howard. 
88. 
William Duncan 
Adams and Burroughs 
Smuel Wright 
James Reid 
In Augusta 
J. P. Stuart 
Samuel Ashton 
W. G. Casey 
Ashton B. Cox 
HcKenaie and Bannock 
In Mobile 
William Purvis and Co. 
In Net? York 
..-.William Smith 
Sands, Turner and Co. 
John Taylor and Sons 
Ralph Orrell 
In Greenoch 
John HocLeilan and Co. 
\ 
In Glasgow 
William Redston and Sons 
In London 
Baring Bros, and Co. 
In Liverpool 
John Greaves 
Thomas Wilson 
Wright, Taylor and Co. 
Sands, Hodgson and Co. 
Godfrey Bamslev and Co. 
In Manchester 
Joshua Hilnc 
To t!iis list k" other names were added for relatively short 
periods of time, but those mentioned above remained through the years 
as rather constant business associates. 
 ^Ledgers for 1828 through 1845 are in Bams ley Papers, Howard, 
Georgia and Duke. 
89. 
Working for most of the time with but two clerks, Joseph Clarke 
and James Wilier, Barnsley spent much time himself in the purchase 
of, or checking, grading and shipping the bales of cotton for which 
he became responsible. During the period from May, 1833, through 
December, 1835, in addition to the many ships on which he sent 
partial loads, he cleared twenty-two ships through the port of 
Savannah personally. These, of course, were not his own, but were 
such vessels as the Science, Isabella, Everefcfce and Walter Scott, 
with whose masters he chose to deal. Sometimes these ships would 
return direct to hira in ballast, so as to make the trip quickly and 
permit him to reload and return them to Liverpool. But most fre­
quently his associates in Great Britain filled the ships with his 
orders for salt, wines' and earthenware.'® 
Though business matters took an inordinate amount of time, 
Bamsley was always ready to assist when needed by any of his family. 
As previously noted, Joseph Scarborough had been sent to England in 
1830 to go to school, but by 1835 he had been transferred to a private 
school operated by Andret? Robertson in Scotland. Plans were made 
to send young William Scarborough to join his brother, also at 
71 Barnsley*a expense. When Barnsley and his wife went to Liverpool 
69 ' Letter of Godfrey Barnsley and Son to Godfrey Bamsley, December 
22, 1836, in Barnsley Papers, Emory, 
''® Shipping notices in the Savannah newspapers for the entire time 
Barnsley lived in Savannah (1324-1845) contain notifications of 
several hundred ships arriving for and being cleared by Barnsley. 
71 Letter of Andrew Robertson to Godfrey Bamsley, March 16, 1835, 
in Barnsley Papers„ Emory. 
in June, 1835, they took along William and their three children. 
Leaving William behind in Scotland they returned to Savannah in 
79 November of that year. * William, however, was not able to spend 
as long a time abroad as his brother due to financial reverses, and 
Bams ley was obliged to bring him home in August, 1838, ^  
Bams ley1 s affluent position in the early 1830* a permitted him 
to live in a rather luxurious manner, with servants to care for the 
needs of his family. He preferred to have white servants in his 
domestic employ, but Julia did own a few slaves. There seems to 
have been no more than twenty-four of these at any one time, though 
Barnsley frequently hired Negroes as day laborers. While he and 
Julia were in England during the summer of 1835, a slight typhoid 
epidemic hit Savannah and Barnsley was informed that all of Julia's 
Negroes but one had escaped completely and that even that one had 
3ince recovered. Furthermore, he was told, "you are fortunate in 
your domestics —- a more orderly and subordinate little colony I 
never saw -— and that is no small solace in these turbulent times." 
His evident interest in hiring white domestics does not stem 
from the fact that Barnsley disapproved in any way of the institu­
tion of slavery, but that he found Negroes generally more inefficient 
than whites. A manf8 labor was, to Barnsley, his talent, and it 
 ^ Georgian, November 2, 1835 
73 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to William Isaac, August 24, 1835, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
fik Letter of Charles Green to Godfrey Barnsley, ugust 23, 1835, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
must be paid for accordingly. To spend up to $1,000 for a "fine 
young male" was folly, especially when this same Negro must be fed, 
clothed and housed. In addition, sickness and death were always 
possibilities, thus making the entire system questionable. It was 
far better to pay a good, daily wage to a man, and then be free of 
other worries about him. The Negroes Julia owned were old family 
retainers, having been given to her by her parents. But though 
Barns ley refused to heave slaves, or in any way depend on them, he 
did not take part in any of the Abolition Societies, some of whose 
leaders were quite aetive in Savannah in the summer of 1835. 
Charles Green, a business associate, wrote him while he was in 
England that the pamphlets of Arthur Tappan, William Lloyd Garrison 
and others were being circulated in an attempt to sow discontent 
among the slave population of the South. Many Georgians were Irate 
about their activities and a subscription list was made up !£or the 
purpose of collecting suclnameiuount as would induce someone to 
kidnap Tappan and bring him here that he may undergo summary punish­
ment." A leading member of the mercantile community of the city 
had started the list and had given $1,000 with the promise of a 
second thousand on delivery. Other amounts had swelled the total 
to $5,200 and it was expected to go to $20,000. "Though I deplore 
the actions of Tappan and Garrison," wrote Green, "I cannot approve 
of measures so savage and unmanly as those concerted against them. 
--- -Can Englishmen lend themselves to these things? but 
92, 
this is a mob eraf"'  ^
Financial successes brought opportunities for leisure and 
luxury. In 1836 before Barn8ley conceived his plan for a home in 
the mountains of north Georgia, he arranged for his family to spend 
the summer in New England and had a business associate in Derby, 
Connecticut make all the arrangements.'* Barnsloy took his wife 
and children and Mrs. William Scarborough as far as New York in 
July, 1836, and went on to England by himself. In a few weeks 
Horace Sistare wrote him from New York that all were enjoying them­
selves in New Haven, Connecticut, where they hoped to remain until 
77 his return. 
The cotton market in 1836 was unusual. In February, Barnsley 
received encouraging news from Richard Shaw lri Liverpool that trade 
in general throughout all of England had not been so healthy so 
early in the year for a long time and that there was every indica­
tion that it would continue. This was causing ex-tensive activity 
in cotton. To take advantage of this excellent possibility, Bamsley 
sent John Day, then in his employ, to Columbus, Georgia, to purchase 
cotton for him. But Day wrote that because of the weather and the 
Indian menace there was little possibility that the crop for 1836 
76 Letter of Edward Darken to Godfrey Barnsley, January 1, 1836, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
77 Letter of Horace Sistare to Godfrey Barnsley, July 31, 1836, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
93. 
would be as good as that for 1835, and that he was certain that 
Barnsley*s estimate of a total crop of 1,400,000 bales was far too 
78 much."' Barnsley stuck by his estimate and it is a further indica­
tion of his knowledge of his business that records for the year 
1836 show that the total United States cotton crop was within 
40,000 bales of his prediction. Furthermore, by astute studying of 
market reports, Barnsley was able to predict closely what the total 
sales of cotton bales would be in other export cities. In 1836 he 
predicted that sales in New Orleans for the year would be approxi­
mately 50,000 bales short of the previous year. The records show 
a New Orleans receipt of 474,647 bales in 1836 as against 511,146 
79 for 3.335, an actual shortage of nearly 37,000 bales. In view of 
the shortage and the resulting high prices, Barnsley was forced to 
80 write Day not to buy any more cotton. 
The reduction in the American crojj of this year hurt both 
planter and factor and may be seen from a comparison of cotton stock 
in Liverpool in October, 1835, and October, 1836: 
American stock, October 28, 1835 164,000 bales 
American stock, October 20, 1836 146,800 bales 
Total stock, October 28, 1835 245,300 bales 
Total stock, October 23, 1G3G 247,400 bales 
This indicates that the increase in total stock of 2,100 bale® had 
io Letter of John Day to Godfrey Barnsley, February 7, 1836, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
#>s Bonne XL, History of Cotton, 235. 
00 Letter of John Day to Godfrey Barnsley, February 23, 1836, in 
Barnsley Papers, Dulce. 
94. 
not come from the United States but from>other cotton producing 
areas of the world. In that same month prices, with the exception 
of Sea Island cotton, had generally started to go down, as can be 
seen from a comparison of rates on the Liverpool market in April 
and October, 1836; 
April, 1836 October, 1836 
Sea Island 23d to 30d 26d to 38d 
Upland lOd to 11 3/4 8d to 11 3/4 
Alabama lOd to 10 3/4 7 3/8 to 9h 
Mobile lid to 12d 8d to 
Hew Orleans 10-:;d to 12d 7 3/4 to 12^ ;d81 
Cotton planters and factors were fearful that if they did not pro­
tect themselves when they first saw signs of a possible financial 
panic, they would suffer to such an extent that they would not 
recover. Speculation was exceedingly high in the United States in 
many business affairs, and cotton was not omitted. Though the 
market by January, 1837, had recovered somewhat, there was little 
cause for real rejoicing. Bamsley* a only large order at this time 
was from Sands, Turner and Co. whose officials instructed him to 
on purchase cotton for them to a value of up to L50,000. Ho other 
cotton purchaser evidenced this kind of faith. 
The general financial picture in the United States in early 
1837 was quite discouraging, for although.Incoming President Martin 
Van Buren had received Andrew Jackson1s blessing, he had inherited 
from his predecessor what was beginning to be a severe depression. 
®J Weekly Cotton Report, Godfrey Bamsley and Son, Liverpool, 
October 28, 1836, Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
2^ Letter of Sands, Turner and Co. to Godfrey Bamsley, January 6, 
1837, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
95. 
The Panic of 1837 was primarily caused by over-speculation, evident 
in such business ventures as canals, railroads, slaves and cotton. 
In addition to this gambling, Jacksonian financial measures proved 
too much for Van Buren. The War on the Bank, the Specie Circular 
and natural disasters such as the Hessian fly and the lack of rain 
forced grain prices out of reason. Riots took place in the larger 
cities even before Jackson left office, completely bewildering Van 
Buren, American banks, including some "pet banks," collapsed by the 
hundreds and took with them government funds. Prices in general 
dropped rapidly and the unemployed groped in the darkness of a 
financial morass. Van Buren1o main remedy was his proposed Inde­
pendent Treasury Plan, which would keep government funds locked up 
and disbursed only as needed. After long and acrimonious debate 
the Bill passed but by that time (1840) the country was pulling 
itself back into the joys of prosperity. 
By the beginning of 1837, Bams ley had acquired such a fortune 
that he had decided it was time to return to England with his family 
so that his children could be educated in the land of his birth 
and he and his wife could spend the best part of their lives in 
ease and comfort. After arranging his affairs to permit him to 
conduct his business in England, he made plans with his wife and 
father-in-law to give a large, ornate and very expensive "Fancy 
Ball"0 ^  which "remains still the high point in the society annals 
S3 George S. Bnmsley, "Hotes on the Fancy Ball," (unpxVblished), 
Bams ley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
96. 
of Savannah."^  The Ball was held in the William Scarborough house, 
where Bams ley and his family had been living. Bams ley had been 
maintaining the house for some time, having spent over $10,000 in 
repairs on it from January, 1336, until the time of the Ball.°-> 
Held in mid-March, 1837, the Ball was a huge success, Barnsley 
has bean described as "the master of the mansion" who "with right 
old English hospitality" welcomed his friends and bade "the wine cup 
fly^ **86 Activities and scenes connected with the Fancy Ball have 
been preserved in a poem written by Henry B. Anthony who, according 
to Barnsley, was "a young roan then on a visit to Savannah, who has 
since been a governor of llhode Island and, in 1864 was a United 
States Senator and an ultra Black Republican, The poem has passages 
of beauty and it would have been better for his reputation if he had 
devoted his future to literary pursuits instead of politics." 
Generals and Colonels were there, young people and old, --- all of 
them of the elite of Savannah society. As Barnsley recalled, 
Many scenes and tableaux were presented with the 
guests each playing different parts. Some were 
from operas, others from poems and literary 
classics. Lucy was very beautiful — your Mother 
appeared in one as Mrs, Primrose; your grandfather 
impersonated the Bishop. Mrs.Wayne, wife of Judge 
Wayne of the United States Supreme Court was there. 
There were many pleasant rehearsals during the weeks 
previous to the Ball. At one end of the Ball­
room we erected a low stage, on a level with 
the inside of the bottom of a massive picture 
frame some 15 or 18 inches deep over which was 
stretched black gauze, producing a fine effect. 
 ^Murphy and Hartridge, Savannah» 8-9. 
1836 and 1837 Ledgers, Barnsley Papers, Howard, 
Murphy and Hartridge, Savannah, 8-9. 
97. 
The stage rose slightly as it receded from the 
front. The Tableaux were excellent and were a 
display of grace and beauty in both sexes. My 
duties were arduous as 'stage manager*, and left 
me without an opportunity of getting at more than 
one or two of them. The arrangements were good 
and but little time intervened between the tableaux. 
I write this so when you are as old as I it may 
remind you of the scenes and persons belonging to 
a by-gone age."'' 
Anthony's poem, entitled simply "The Fancy Ball," was written 
shortly after the Ball was held and was printed at Oulaoki House, 
Savannah, dated March 30, 1337. It was printed "for private cir­
culation" and was intended "to describe an entertainment given at 
the residence of ilr. Barnsley, one of the merchant princes of 
Savannah, a gentleman well remembered by the older citizens for his 
courtesy, his high character and his elegant hospitality."*^  The 
author would not give his permission for it to be printed in Savannah 
newspapers, and The Georgian openly regretted that, it could not re-
89 ceive permission to publish it. 
The poem is rich in its description of the festivities: 
As floats the fancies of a gorgeous dream 
That vanished with the morning's earliest beam, 
An haunts the ear some half-remembered strain 
It once hath heard and seems to hear again; 
As flowers whose beauty and whose bloom hath fled, 
Each bright leaf withered and each green one dead, 
A grateful, and undying fragrance bear. 
87 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to George S. Bams ley, January 
13, 1864, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuensfcuhl. 
QQ Henry B. Anthony, The Fancy Ball, reprinted privately (Providence, 
1075), preface; a copy is now in the Georgia Historical Society, 
Savannah. 
89 The Georgian, April 15, 1337 
To tell what blushing beauty once was there 
So turns say memory to that brilliant sight 
When wit and beauty held their festal night; 
When the thronged hall its glittering groups displayed 
Of nature's livliness, by art arrayed; 
Of graceful forms that mocked the sculptor's art, 
And eyes whose glances reached the coldest heart, 
Of all that beauty loves or taste admires, 
Of all that valor warms or genius fires. 
First raise your curtain;-view the scenes that pass 
Like shadows floating o'er a magic glass 
Ho canvas here, no painter tries his skill 
To fix the visions that his fancy fill; 
But living pictures fast before us rise 
And breathing lovlincss salutes our eyes. 
Behold that form, in queenly beauty stand, 
Two graceful maidens, kneeling at each hand; 
Round her slight wrist the glittering jewels tie, 
Jewels loss brilliant than her own dark eye. 
But change the scene. Blushing before us now 
A Novice kneels to take her sacred vow; 
Pure as the tear-drop glistening in her eye, 
Fair as the roses at her feet that lie. 
Close at her side a holy Bishop stands, 
The Book of Truth spread open in his hands. 
The mitred Abess, bending o'er her low, 
Cuts the bright tresses clustering round her brow, 
And, breathing to her to her patron Saint one prayer, 
She gives to Heaven a maid for earth too fair. 
See the bold Brigand, leaning o'er the rocks 
Whose cragged height the sunny vale o'er-tops, 
Point the unerring rifle a£ the foe .... 
Hie Brigand fades; the mountain passage falls; 
And, in its place, behold the cottage walls. 
A Scottish maiden on a sofa lies; 
Bull Somnus waves his sceptre o'er her eyes .... 
She dreams of one, her lover, far away; 
But nearer than she thinks, he's raised the latch, 
And bends his lips, the long-wished kiss to snatch . . 
Behold the curtain slowly rise; 
A fairer, soften scene now greets our eyes. 
Two Lovers, from Albania's classic land 
Are seated side by side, and hand in hand; 
She, blushing as the rose she gases on; 
He, wondering how such beauty may be won .... 
99. 
Next Selitn stands, and, kneeling at his side, 
Zuleika, blooming as an Eastern bride .... 
But changed again; once more the curtain raise; 
Spain1s lovliest Maiden greets the raptured gaze; 
Demure she stands, while the Duenna reads 
Many a long lesson that she never heeds. 
Behind her chair, her listening lover stands 
And hears, with beating heart and upraised hands . • . . 
From every clime where beauty smiles 
From Scotland1a hills -« from Greecef s isles 
From India's spicy groves — 
From Cashmere's perfumed vale of flowers --
From Russia's snows — from Persia's bowers — 
The throng of beauty moves .... 
With coat embroidered, and with powdered hair, 
And dress of half a century gone by, 
The Master of the Mansion; standing there. 
Receives each guest and bids the wine cup fly. 
The Banquet comes and the broad tables groan 
'Neath the heaped luxuries of every zone; 
And wines and liquors bottles 'ere the flood, 
Pour their rich tide and spill the purple blood. 
Horning! and nothing of the scene remains, 
Save the dull headache, throbbing In the veins, 
And every bird that dared the evening blaze, 
Pales its false plumage in the sun's bright rays. 
Hunter and Brigand, Turk and Courtly Lord, 
Doff the gay plume and lay aside the sword, 
Spaniard and Moslem meet to ask the price 
Of cotton strictly prime and "common" rice. 
I saw a Duke and Knight together meet 
Low bent the Duke, yet not at valor's shrine, 
Down knelt the Knight -- yet not at beauty's feet, 
But striving both to pick "good fair" from "prime." 
Alas! Alas! the week-day work-day life — 
That's all that's brightest, all that's noblest, best, 
All that consoles us for its weary strife 
And all that gives to time its little rest, 
Should be, at most, but fancy's transient beam, 
Fade in a tableaux, vanish in a dream. 
Anthony, Hie Fancy Ball. Excerpts are significant passages from 
the forty-six page poem. 
100. 
The Fancy Ball cost more than $20,000 and, according to 
biographical notes written by Barnsley* a son George, nari incident 
happened at the tine which greatly affected fey life." All of the 
ships which sailed in the service of his father carried a small 
cannon, which could be fired in case of shipwreck or could announce 
their arrival in port. Prior to the Fancy Ball, originally con­
sidered to be his "goodbye to Savannah," Godfrey Barnsley had sent 
several ships with cotton to Liverpool, the proceeds of which were 
to remain in England to provide him with funds there. As George 
remembered it, 
All of a sudden the Banks of Liverpool failed and 
many in the United States. The price of cotton 
went down to a ridiculously low point and every­
body 1 in the swim1 struck out for himself. My 
father lost everything and came out some $600,000 
in debt. News travelled slowly in those days and 
it took a ship 30 days to cross the Atlantic. Dur­
ing the evening while the Fancy Ball was in pro­
gress the boom of the camions of his returning 
ships was heard in the city as they anchored. A 
small boat brought the mails to the city. The 
charades had been enacted, the Ball was in full swing, 
with everyone happy and excited. My father was 
called aside and told that his mail was in his 
office. Quietly withdrawing, he hurriedly read 
through his letters and found that not only had he 
lost his immense fortune but was in debt for 
another great one. He returned quickly to the Ball 
and entered once again into the activities which 
continued until morning. He mentioned to no one --
not even my Mother — his bankruptcy and debt. 
He did not wince, nor groan nor shed a tear, but 
simply went to work again. Such was his stem 
uprightness, his marvelous honesty and eminent 
ability that those who had ruined him by their own 
dishonesty came to his relief. In a few years he 
had not only paid up but had amassed another 
fortune ...?*• 
Bamsley, "llotcs on the Fancy Ball." 
George Barnsley"s opinion of the extent of his father's 
financial disaster of 1G37 seems to be greatly exaggerated. No 
evidence can be found in journals, ledgers or letters which supports 
the thesis of such a large loss, though it is certain that he 
suffered to such an extent that he had to cancel his plans to move 
with his family to England. This Panic of 1837 wreaked havoc pri­
marily in the Southwest, where land values hid spiralled downward, 
and the Southeast had really not been prosperous enough before the 
Panic to be dragged down. Many planters and farmers in the cotton 
states, however, were burdened with debt, and the nore cotton they 
picked the more cotton prices fell, llanv factors faced bankruptcy, 
while bales of cotton remained unsold in warehouses, Although 
Godfrey Barnsley"o dream of luxurious retirement in England xras 
shattered, a new one was soon to take its place. 
92 Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sactlona 1 ismt 264. 
CHAPTER IV 
Escape to the Mountains 
The severe financial setback of 1837 slowed Godfrey Barnsley, 
but did not stop him. As a business man concerned with a product 
that fluctuated greatly in price and therefore in profits, he 
seemed to be able to take financial misfortunes in stride. All had 
not been completely smooth sailing for hira prior to 1837 as his 
dealings with the firm of John MacLellan and Company of Greenoch 
show. 
In March, 1830, MacLellan and Company first contacted Barnsley 
and asked him to supply them with cotton, and suggested also that 
they would be pleased to act as his agent in Greenoch for cotton he 
wished to sell on his own account.^  Through the rest of that year 
and into 1831 he supplied them with cotton to their complete satis­
faction. The amount of their order continued to increase until in 
October, 1831, he was instructed to ship to them from 300 to 500 
bales.2 By April, 1832, he had been given "discretionary power" 
because of their confidence in him to buy at above the price they 
had set and to increase the number of bales in their order "acting 
for us the same as for yourselfSuch letters continued to come 
* Letter of John MacLellan end Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, March 19, 
1830, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
 ^ Letter of John MacLellan and Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, October 20, 
1831, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
3 " Letter of John MacLellan and Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, April 28, 
1832, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
103. 
throughout the years 1832 through 1835, complimenting Barasley on 
his choice of cotton and his fair methods of handling their business/1' 
f* At times he was instructed to send them as much as 3,000 bales'' 
and in March, 1835, "a couple of cargoes.nb 
Barnsley was so careful in his transactions in connection 
with this account that he frequently disappointed MacLeiIan and Co. 
by not sending thera enough cotton. Whenever he was convinced there 
\ms a chance that they might suffer a financial loss, he reduced 
his shipment, waiting for a better tine. But because of the great 
delay in transfer of shipping news and cotton prices, they were at 
a loss to understand his reasons. "The Science got here . . . 
bringing us your various favors and only 30 Bales of cotton on our 
account. This has so disappointed and vexed us, that we have sent 
her to Honduras . . . This disappointment on their part led 
to a severing of business connections for a few months, but by 
their letter of October 13, 1830, he had been instructed to send 
them fifty bales*0 
There are twenty-seven such letters in Barnoloy Papers, Emory. 
5 better of John HacLellrm 8 Co. to Godfrey Bams ley, December 28, 
1833, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
r Letter of John HacLellan & Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, March 12, 
1835, in Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
7 Letter of John HacLellan & Co. to Godfrey Bams Icy, February 6, 
1336, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
8 Letter of John HacLellan & Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, October 13, 
1836, in Bams ley Papers, Emory, 
104. 
Within a month, however, line Lot Inn and Co. had become 
alarmed over the possible fall in prices due to the increase in the 
cotton crop of Egypt, the East Indies and Brasi1. "Wc doom it our 
safest course," they wrote, "to vithe! raw operations for some little 
time & therefore request that you do not ship us any cotton after 
the receipt of this, till you hear from us again."*1 Three weeks 
later, after their fears had failed to materialise, Bams ley was 
instructed again to ship them "200 to 300 Bales of Good fair to 
Good as tlx* operating for yourself.""'* 
Barnsley, after these many years of doing business with 
MncLellan and Co., was accustomed to sudden changes in orders from 
them, though It in evident that other than their "disappointment" 
with him in early 1836 for not shipping them enough cotton, their 
transactions were cordial and satisfactory. In early 1037 they 
wrote him that though things were not too bright in England and 
Scotland, brought about by "the very early large imports -*« 
your extensive crops the heavy pressure for money among the 
Joint Stock Banks in England and some heavy failures in London," 
9 Letter of John HacLellan 6? Go. to Godfrey Barnsley, November 3, 
1836, in Bnmolcy Papers, Emory, 
Av Letter of John MacLellun 6c Co. to Godfrey Bamsley, November 
22, 1836, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
he was still to ship them up to 400 bales.1 -• This letter was 
followed by another written three days later informing him that 
"the market has taken a very unfavorable turn, so have decided not 
to import any more. Please do not ship until further orders " 
In the meantime, Burnsley continued to ship cotton to them 
according to their latest orders. The normal time required for 
sending letters from Scotland to Savannah was about seven weeks, 
during which time the cotton market might possibly have suffered 
a serious setback—-and, indeed, recovered once more. Barnsley 
naturally continued to act on the latest advice he had received, 
and even though their letter of February seventh reflected their 
serious concern, he was entirely unaware of their cancellation when 
he shipped to them in early March 400 bales of upland and sent them 
an invoice for $22,093.16. It is evident that he was uneasy over 
the high price of Sen Island, mentioning that lie had just bought 
30ine at forty-nine cents per pound. Even though it was five cents 
per pound less than the week before, he felt the price situation 
f T Letter of John liacLellan &. Co. to Godfrey Bams ley, February 4, 
1337, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. The margin of this letter is 
inscribed: ''The original of this Letter was transmitted by the 
Packet of the otk Pehy, from Liverpool, which arrived at Hew 
York on the 16 March —It bears the Hew York postmark of the 
17th Kerch and it would reach Savannah in about 8 days afterwards 
The duplicate of the Letter bears the Hew York postmark of the 
27th March." 
12 Letter of John liacLellan to Godfrey Bamsley, February 7, 1337, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. The margin of this letter is in­
scribed: "The original and the duplicate of this Letter bear 
the Hew York postmark of the. 22 March & were both received at 
Savannah on the 3lot March.11 
106. 
would continue because, as he wrote, "My opinion la . . . that plant­
ers arc so rich and the value of provisions and property generally 
so much higher than a few years ago that low prices are out of the 
1C question this year/' 
Nearly three weeks later, end shortly before the Fancy Ball 
was held, Barnsley wrote MaeLellan that he had received word of a 
decline in prices in Liverpool, and believed that '"if prices . . . 
go much lower a considerable quantity will be reclaimed by fcho 
planters in the Atlantic States." Shortly after writing this, 
he received their letter of February fourth in which they instructed 
him to ship them three to four hundred bales at "9 pence laid down, 
(delivered in Greenoeh), He therefore arranged to ship 400 bales 
on the Royal Adelaide, but lowered this to 150 bales when other re­
ports of Liverpool prices reached Savannah. "The accounts are so 
excessively gloomy," he wrote, "that I shall not buy a Bale for 
anyone until a change takes piece," Remembering their displeasure 
of 1836 over his short shipment, he wrote that if and when news of 
better prices was received he would send the balance of their order, 
but not until then. For these 150 bales, Bamsley xrrotc, "I have 
drawn on you under this date at 60 d/sfc payed in London favor Isaac, 
Law & Co., No. 278, LI,500 0 10 premium, equal to $7,333.33. The 
Letter of Godfrey Bams ley to John MaeLellan & Co., Kerch 3, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
* * Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to MaeLellan. & Co., March 29, 1837 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
107. 
1 r 
cotton will be on board in one or two days . . * . " 
On March 31, 1837, Barnsley wrote MacLollan 6c Co. that as ho 
had informed therm in his letter two days earlier, he was shipping 
them 150 bales on the Royal Adelaide and that he had drawn on them 
the sum of $7,333.33. "Today," wrote Barnsley, "X have received 
your letter of February 7th cancelling the order and of course I 
shall make no further purchases until I again hear from you." The 
situation had by this time gotten so bad, he said, that planters 
were planning on holding their cotton until May or June and perhaps 
on through the summer waiting for a change. There was absolutely 
i / 
nothing doing on the cotton market. By April 8 Barnsley was ready 
to send them the final invoice, which was for 158 bales of Upland, 
sent by the Royal Adelaide and amounting to $7,300.90, meaning he 
had over-drawn on them and therefore owed them $32.43. He wrote 
that he had no word from them since their letter of February 7 so 
that he was not sending them any cotton until authorised to do so. 
"The state of things in this country can hardly be described,11 he 
wrote. "Many have failed in all the cities and few are left with 
credit to effect negotiations to any extent. We are looking forward 
17 to the next accounts from your side with great anxiety." 
15 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Made 1 Ian & Co., March 29, 1837, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to John MacLellan 6s Co., March 31, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory, 
17 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to John MacLellan & Co., April 8, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Business affairs concerning foreign trade were transacted in 
duplicate by Barnsley as insurance against loss at sea, so on April 
17, he sent the duplicate of the invoice mentioned in the letter of 
April 8. Still no further word from MacLellan & Co., wrote Barns ley, 
pointing out that "the rapid & strange decline of prices on your 
side has set aside all calculation." He indicated his wish that the 
156 bales would not lose money, for when bought it was considered 
a great purchase. Business continued so poor throughout the country 
it had affected the credit of every house engaged in mercantile 
transactions. Ac described by Barnsley, "Georgia and South Carolina 
are.holding. In Alabama they are building sheds over their cotton 
at the landings on the banks of the River. In one county the Sheriff 
advertises for Sale early next month 1300 Negroes the value of which 
has fallen so much that they and the land arc almost thrown away. 
IS The next cotton crop will be much lower." 
MacLellan's next letter, however, brought out clearly the 
reality of the situation. They had received Barnsley'a letter of 
March 29 and noted he had bought 150 bales on their account, as per 
their letter of February 4. The communicati<..: continued: "But as 
the same Mew York Packet carried out counter instructions from us 
not to ship us a Bag, we must refuse the Cotton and your Draft for 
19 it. ' Isaac, Low & Co., Liverpool, with whom Barnsley had always 
IS Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to John MacLellan & Co., April 17, 
1337, in Barnsley Fcpers, Emory. 
*"*' Letter of John MacLellan & Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, April 28, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
109. 
had most cordial relations, then attempted to get MaeLellan & Co, 
to accept the bill of exchange,but they refused, saying that the 
cotton which was coming on the Royal Adelaide was Barnsley1s and 
21 not theirs. 
Upon receipt of the above, Barnsley left for England and upon 
his arrival there was confronted with the sad news of his Uncle 
o? Godfrey Barnsley1g death/"*" From Liverpool he wrote MaeLellan that 
he wanted to know all the particulars of the difficulties that had 
93 arisen." He suggested that they honor the "Second", or duplicate, 
of the bill of Exchange. Furthermore, he had sent them prior to 
his departure from Savannah 100 balo3 by the Franklin to be sold 
on his mm account and would appreciate their sending him the 
proceeds.2^  
Barnoloy tried to present his side of the case clearly but 
MaeLellan & Co. refused to see the matter as he did and were sure 
they could prove their cancellation letter had been sent on the same 
ahip as their letter of February 4 with the origlual order. They 
20 Letter of Isaac, Low & Co. to John MaeLellan & Co., May 10, 
1037, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of John MaeLellan to Isaac, Low & Co., May 12, 1837, in 
Barnsley Papers, Enory. 
22 Letter of Horace Sistare to Godfrey Barnsley, July 29, 1837, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
23 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to John MaeLellan, June 30, 1837, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to John MaeLellan & Co., July 15, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
110. 
stilly however, were desirous of retaining business relations as 
before. But Bams Icy wrote HacLcllan of Isaac, Low & Company's 
concern, and "unless something is done quickly, they will begin 
legal proceedings against both of us. This would be more embarrass** 
ing to you than to me." 
There then ensued a series of letters between the two parties 
regarding dates of letters, postmarks, sailing times of ships and 
arrival in Savannah. Barns ley proved that their count emend lag 
order of February 7 could not have been sent in the same ship sail­
ing February S with the original of February 4, but it did in fact 
leave by the Hew York packet of ten days Inter, February 18. There­
fore he was of the opinion he had carried out their instructions 
27 and tliey were obliged to pay the bill, " Isaac, Low & Co. were also 
convinced that Barnsley was correct. In the meantime, Barnslcy 
wrote HacLellan, "please sell the cotton, and pay Isaac, Low & Co. 
whatever the proceeds are and future argument will have only to 
00 concern the difference.15** 
25 Letter of John HacLcllan & Co. to Godfrey Barnsley, July 18, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
26 ** Letter of Godfrey Barnslcy to John HacLellan & Co., July 20, 
1837, in Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
97 Letters of John HacLellan & Co. to Godfrey Earnsley, July 24, 
1837, and July 25, 1837, and letter of Bamsley to HacLellan, 
July 27, 1837, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
28 " Letter of Isaac, Low & Co. to Godfrey Bamsley, August 8, 
1837, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
m. 
Though invited to visit Grcenoch by Kacl»ellan to talk over 
on their difficulties,'"' Bnrnsley refused to go, saying that his time 
was so short he could not get away. "Even if I did I doubt that a 
r>/\ further personal communication would avail much."*"'" Barns ley gave 
full legal power to Wilson & Co. to act as his attorney, and he made 
plans to leave Liverpool by the end of September. Before his de­
parture, however, Isaac, Low & Co. tried once more to receive soma 
satisfaction from KacLellan & Co., informing them that unless they 
suggested a plan of action within a week, they would carry the matter 
to court. "Your liability is so palpable that Mr. Bnrnsley will 
allow of no compromise which would at all affect his character as 
a man of business and he has furnished us with a power of attorney 
31 and the requisite documents to sustain the claim."* KacLellan 
replied that since Bnrnsley refused to come to Grcenoch to talk 
32 over their differences, they could not be hold accountable. 
When Bnrnsley left for Savannah on September 27, 1837, the 
matter with KacLellan was still unsettled. In addition to this, 
other firms, including Stevenson and Co. and James Finley and Co.* 
Letter of Godfrey Bams ley to John KacLellan & Co., August 16, 
1837, in Bnrnsley Parsers, Emory. 
30 Letter of John KacLellan & Co. to Godfrey Bnrnsley, September 
5, 1S37, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
31 Letter of Isaac, Low & Co. to John KacLellan & Co., September 
21, 1337, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
39 ~ Letter of John KacLellan A Co. to Isaac, Low & Co., September 
23, 1837, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
112. 
both of Glasgow, and Brown and Co. of Liverpool, had presented Mm 
a list of protested bills received by them for which Barn3ley was 
33 accountable totalling 132,481-1-7. Shortly after his arrival in 
Savannah, he received from the Georgia Insurance and Trust Co. of 
Augusta notification of protested bills totalling LS,764-17-1 drawn 
*y/< on them,"5** including another one of 11,532-13-10 for UucLellan and 
Co. This was followed a few days Inter by notice from J., J. Cohen 
& Brother of Savannah of bills totalling $31,020.22 drawn against 
them.^ "* This made a total of nearly $230,000 for which Barnaley 
was responsible. 
Bamsley was pleased to receive wort! in late November that 
the Georgia Insurance &. Trust: Co.. had appointed Iilrn to be their agent 
in the settling of their claims," especially since. lie was so person­
ally involved raid had close contact with those vho were, concerned 
in England. Psychologically, his spirits were elevated, since he 
had again convinced at least some of his business associates of his 
integrity and honesty, 
Bamsley worked through his cousin George Bamoloy in Liver­
pool in matters concerning the settlement of the I-lnc.Lollan affair. 
33 List of protested bills, Bamsley Papers, Emory, 
Letter of Georgia Insurance & Trust Co., November 9, 1837, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
33 Letter of J, J. Cohen to Godfrey Bamsley, November 17, 1837, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
36 letters of Georgia Insurance & Trust Co., November 28, 1837 and 
December 5, 1837, In Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
27 Letter of David Adams to Godfrey Barasloy, November 28, 1837, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
113. 
Isaac, Low and Co. turned their interest in the matter over to the 
law firm of Lowndes and Robinson'^ -' and the suit of Godfrey Barnsley 
against John KacLelland and Co. was begun the spring of 1838. As 
part of the trial in May, 1838, witnesses v?cre examined in the of­
fices of Justice of the Peace George Schley in Savannah uon the 
part and behalf of the plantiff under and by virtue of a commission 
issued out of the Court of Exchequer in England bearing date the 
5th day of February 1838 In a cause there depending wherein Godfrey 
Barnsley is Plaintiff and Jolui line Lei Ian is Defendant."" 
The depositions of the witnesses provide an interesting viex? 
both of the activities of a cotton factor, and of the normal 
business and commercial activities in Savannah. As part of the proof 
of his proper conduct in the matter, it was imperative that Barnsley 
show, by the testimony of his witnesses, that the shipment in question 
had indeed been purchased for MacLellan and Company prior to his 
receipt of their cancellation letter. James Millar, one of his 
clerks at the time, explained the normal procedure of sending and 
receiving letters through the mail. There were three kinds of mail 
from Hew York in March, 1037. The fastest mail was Express, which 
coot seventy-five cento for a single letter, and daily letters were 
not sent by this method unless so marked. This usually took five 
Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Boms lev, February 23, 1838, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
j9 "deposition of Witnesses," (no date), Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
See above, page 60. 
days from Mew York to Savannah, with only occasional failures. The 
common daily mail was most often used, costing twenty-five cents 
for a single letter. This usually took eight days from Now York 
but at times as many as twelve days. The third method was by steam­
boat, which brought mail from Hew York as far as Charleston and from 
there it was sent by land to Savannah. All regular mail went by 
Ste.ar.icr if it was posted the day the ship sailed, with the charge 
being the same as for ordinary mil plus two cents additional if 
sent to or from a city other than Charleston. Boat mail took five 
or six days but did not maintain a regular schedule. Both of Knc~ 
Lcllmirs letters of February 4 and 7 came by the common, or regular 
mail/ '" Killer*3 statement regarding the mails was confirmed by 
/, ry Uilllam 0. Latimer, Assistant Postmaster at Savannah. 
In further testimony, it was brought out that Barnsley had 
purchased 150 bales of cotton from Harch 23 to March 27, which were 
used to complete part of KacLcllen* s order of February 4 which 
arrived on March 25. After drawing LI,500/- on KacLellan, Barastey 
realised lie lied drawn too much, so added six more bales to make 
the total of 156 bales. Tills was a simpler business transaction 
than returning part of the money, especially since ho had arbitrarily 
reduced their apparent order for up to 400 bales to 150. Miller 
pointed out that Bamsley placed a value on the bales after Battling 
Deposition of James Miller, May 17, 1830, Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
42 Deposition of ITilliam 0. Latimer, Kay 17, 1338, Bamsley Papers, 
Emory, 
them, often asking the opinion of other factors, and always paying 
the sellers a fair price. It was customary to make payments when 
asked but not to pay the bills in full until it was certain there 
would be no reduction for false packing, loss of weight, etc. As 
Miller pointed out, "Cotton is almost invariably sold for cash but 
generally a few days elapses before the seller calls upon the buyer 
for the money." Miller also made it clear that Barnsley sent by 
the same ship, the Royal Adelaide, 347 bales for other consignees, 
plus 72 bales on his own account in addition to the 156 bales for 
MacLcllan. Of these 156 bales, 98 were put on board before April 1, 
5 on April 3 and 53 on April 5. J It was therefore obvious that 
although Bams ley had received their cancellation order on March 
31, he. interpreted it to mean he was not to purchase any more cotton 
for them, but that they wore bound to accept hie drafts on them for 
cotton he had already purchased for them. He was of the opinion he 
had done them a genuine service in not completely filling their 
original order for three to four hundred bales. 
When Joseph Clarke, Bamsley1 s second clerk, was called upon 
to testify, he recalled that Bnrnaley had bean sick in bed on March 
31, 1837, and he had taken the February 7 letter to his house to 
read it to him there. By that time most, if not all, of the cotton 
had been marked as MacLe Han*a and that which was not already on 
board ship was in the warehouse waiting for the ship to take it on 
 ^Deposition <£ James Miller, May 17, 1833, Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
116. 
board,^ * 
Representing both himself and the Georgia Insurance and Trust 
Co., Barnsley arrived in Grecnoch in August, 1833, to be there for 
the trial, talcing with him all the relevant papers and the deposi-
t, tions of witnesses in Savannah."1*' Lmjyers an each side presented 
lengthy statements and the Judge weighed each on its own merits. It 
was obvious from the beginning that there had been a serious mis­
understanding but that Barnsley had acted entirely in good, faith. 
It was therefore the opinion of the Court that HacLellan should pay 
Barnsley the total of LI,493/-. This amount, plus court costs, ' 
brought the total paid by KacLcllan to nearly LI,500/-. 
Throughout this financial misunderstanding, Barnsley was also 
in another with TIaeLellan concerning the 400 bales of cotton sent 
them in February, 1337, worth L4,532-13-10. Two drafts of LI,500-
each on this had been paid by KacLcllan, but since the price of the 
cotton delivered in Grecnoch was higher than the limits placed on it 
by them, they contended they were not liable for the payment of the 
& p third draft for LI,532-13-10. rU Barnsley pointed to their letters 
44 Deposition of Joseph Clarice, Kay 17, 1338, Barnsley Papers, 
Emory. 
45 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Thomas 1/ilson & Co., August 7, 
1838, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
 ^Deposition of Godfrey Barnsley in Second Trial, July 1, 1340, 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
/, 7 • See noove, page 105. 
Statement of KacLcllan and Co. at the Trial, February 6, 1839, 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
giving liira discretionary power, but they countered that such dis­
cretion referred only to quantity and not to price. Tills case dragged 
through the courts until July, 1840, with MaeLellan end Co. contending 
that they sold the cotton in excess of the 143,000/-, which they had 
already paid as Bams ley1 s own, and that he was liable for the 
difference. The Judge thought otherwise and this amount, too, was 
finally paid by KacLcllan arid Co. upon a court order. 
It may therefore be seen that Godfrey Barnsley suffered because 
of the Panic of 1337 but that he was able to continue in business. 
He did not claim bankruptcy, as did some of his competitors, nor did 
he lose as much as George Bamisley later claimed. Since he was a 
highly reelected citizen of such character and integrity, he was 
soon able to arrange credit with banks and business houses in the 
United States and in England. The cotton market began to recover 
and even the death of Uilliam IV later in the year caused but little 
concern. As Sistare pointed out, "what political effect it is to 
have we are yet to learn. I look for some improvement in business 
matters. The worst has already been experienced. Cotton has seen 
its lowest point."*'1- He was right. 
Prior to Bams ley* s departure from Savannah in the summer of 
1837, he thought it best to make Uilliam Scarborough his financial 
 ^Trial, Godfrey Barnsley vs. John KacLcllan and Co., July 4, 
1840, Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of Horace Sistaro to Godfrey Bamsley, July 29, 1837, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
1X8. 
agent. Ite and Scarborough therefore signed an indenture, trans­
ferring to Scarborough his property which included four XTegroes 
Barnsley had recently bought. He was to hold this property in trust 
for Barnsley, for disposition xdien necessary to pay Bams ley10 credit­
ors. As it turned out this property did not have to be sold, and 
Sistare wrote Barnsley that "the old Cent cecras perfectly happy in 
C Q Superintending the men A keeping then close by.""*" Scarborough also 
acted as Barnsley*s representative at the. Savannah stockholders* 
meeting of the Pioneer Steam Boat Company. In his letter of report 
on this to Barnsley he concluded, "He hope to hear shortly from you, 
and ohI may the Intelligence you communicate be more favorable than 
we anticipate it will be."-'-5 The news Barnsley then wrote about the 
KacLollnn difficulties was not encouraging and Scarborough was moved 
to console him: 
Sorry to hear of the difficulties you encounter 
there. Do not brood over them. Misery loves 
fellowship and you are by no means deficient in 
companions -- you have many things to cheer and 
encourage you -- even beyond a pure conscience and 
good Intentions, which for the present have bepn 
frustrated by a supreme uncontrollable Power.JV 
51 Copy of Indenture between Godfrey Barnsley and William Scar­
borough, May 29, 1837, Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of Horace Sietare to Godfrey Barnsley, July 21, 1837, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
j3 Letter of William Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, July 29, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
54 Letter of William Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, August 19, 
1837, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
119. 
Although ho was unsuccessful in obtaining a quick settlement 
from MacLellan and Company, Bams Icy returned to Savannah in the 
fall of 1037 and began to do business again with English firms.*0 
Business picked up rapidly during the last few months of 1837 and 
early 1838, so that by June 15 the Liverpool market showed an excess 
in stock of American cotton of 48,300 bales over the corresponding 
Cf period of the previous year.* 
George Bnrnsley wrote in May, 1833, that he had a letter from 
Joshua, Barnaleyfs brother, that his father was not well, but gave 
no particulars as to his illness. It in likely that Barnsley speeded 
up his proposed departure from the United States in 1838 because of 
his father's illness, for he went to New York in June. William Scar­
borough, who had been ill for several weeks, went with him but the 
trip apparently taxed his strength severely. He died in New York 
in late June, 1838.-
Barnsley arrived in Liverpool in August, 1838, saddened by 
the death of his father-in-law and apprehensive about the health of 
his father and his financial difficulties with MacLellan and Company. 
But by the time of his departure from England in September, his 
Letter of Thomas Holland to Godfrey Barnsley, October 9, 1837, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
56 Weekly Report of Godfrey Barnsley & Son, Liverpool, June 15, 
1838, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, May 24, 1838, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
58 jitter of Godfrey Barnsley to Thomas Nilson & Co., August 7, 
1838, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
X20. 
spirits were high and he was able to write prospective clients that 
his business arrangements "are again on the most respectable foot* ; ; 
ing,u-^  and "I have the pleasure of stating that ray prospects of 
60 doing a good business are again flattering." " Prospects were 
flattering for all factors, for by December 14, 1333, American stock 
in Liverpool was 215,350 bales as opposed to 56,700 bales in December, 
C1 1837. The cotton season of 1838-39 continued to be good, since 
American stock in Liverpool on June 7, 1039, was 388,450 bales as 
against 282,950 the same date the year before. 
It was at this time that Barn3ley, again feeling the sensations 
of success, decided to expand his sphere of business. Turning down 
the suggestion of a friend that he give up the cotton business and 
buy a farm near Zane3ville, Ohio. he considered a move to Hex? 
Orleans,^  but decided, partially because of the pressure put on him 
by his wife, to remain in Savannah. Sistare had severed business 
Jy Letter of Godfrey Bams ley to Reds ton & Sons, September 15, 
1833, in BarnsIcy Papers, Emory. 
Letter of Godfrey Bamsley to James Stevenson & Co., September 
15, 1833, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
61 Weekly cotton report, Godfrey Barnslcy & Son, December 14, 1838, 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
-62 Weekly cotton report, Godfrey Bamsley 6s Son, June 7, 1839, 
Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of 17. J. Hamilton to Godfrey Bamsley, November 22, 1838, 
in Barnslcy Papers, Duke. 
Letter of J. H. Holland to Godfrey Barn3ley, November 5, 1839, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
relations with him prior to the financial disaster of 1837 and he 
now believed it would be wise to choose a partner. John Day, who 
had represented him as buyer in western Georgia in late 1836, entered 
into a partnership with Barnsley on January 1, 1840, and they formed 
a corporation known as Godfrey Barnsley 8s Co., organized to carry 
on a general commission business. The agreement was for one year 
only on a profit and loss basis of seventy-five per cevit for Barnsley 
and twenty-five per cent for Day.^ ~ This initial agreement was re­
newed on December 31, 1840, for a period of throe years on the new 
term of two-thirds for Barnsley and one-third for Day, > This 
partnership proved to be immediately profitable, for in addition to 
the independent shipments each of the partners made on his own 
account, Godfrey Bnraeley & Co. shipped during the two months of 
April and June, 1040, a total of 5,565 bales of cotton on which they 
received a commission of $3,698.35. 
By the summer of 1840 Bams ley had decided that the time had 
come for him to make arrangements for a home of his own. Since the 
death of William Scarborough in June, 1033, the situation regarding 
the Scarborough property in Savannah had become intolerable, 
Charlotte Taylor, as the oldest child, demanded full and complete 
authority in family matters and proved to be quite disagreeable in 
subseqtient discussions. She made it clear that Godfrey and Julia 
 ^5 Notice of Partnership, Godfrey Barnsley 6c Co., January 1, 1840, 
Barnsley Papers. Emory* 
66 y Inscribed on reverse of above notice. 
• 67 led ger for 1040, Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Bamsley were living at "The Castle" only because of her kindness 
to them. Julia was not eager to become legal owner of the Scar­
borough house, but she was greatly disturbed over the animosity the 
situation was creating. Furthermore, her health wan rapidly be­
coming poorer, and she was anticipating living out of the disease 
and heat of the city. Lucy Sistarc and her husband had taken an 
apartment in Savannah and she wanted her share of whatever the 
estate might bring. The desires of the two Scarborough boys, Joseph 
and William, did not seem to have been of any importance at all to 
lire. Taylor, although Joseph was nearly twenty-one and William was 
fifteen. The same may be said for the wishes of Mrs. Julia Scar­
borough, though she was allowed to live at the house whenever she 
wanted to. 
Julia*s poor health was causing Barnalcy much concern. While 
he was in England in July, 1339, Sistarc wrote him that Julia had 
had another attack of fever and that she, Anna and Harold had left 
on July 20 with Mrs. J. 11. Re id for Athens, He was of the opinion 
that her health was not good enough to warrant her pending the summer 
in Savannah. Therefore, he and Lucy were caring for the "Three 
little ones, Laic, Sissy and Sonny" ---Adelaide, Julia and 
CO George.1 Julia had been born in Savannah on January 27, 1836, and 
George in the same city on November 7, 1837.^  
Letter of Horace Sistare to Godfrey Barnslcy, July 26, 1839, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
"Bamsley Family Register." 
The first tine Barnsley sev; the nountains of northwestern 
Georgia is not known though it is possible that Mrs. Saylor was 
correct when she said it was "on a sightseeing cr-rpcdition to Lookout 
Mountain .... This excursion was made in a wagon train; .and it 
was then that Godfrey determined to have a tract of land here for 
the estate he had dreamed of ... . Though the. roads were mere 
trails, infested with robbers and Indians, several wagons full of 
70 society leaders made the. trip . . . ." 
It is quite probable that two of the "society leaders" of whom 
she spoke were the Rev. Charles Wallace Howard and William H. Stiles, 
who with BarnsIcy were among the early settlers of Cass County 
*7*1 and encouraged each other to buy land there.' The three wore good 
friends and helped each other in the establishment of their new 
homes. 
William Henry Stiles was born in Savannah on January 1, 1.308, 
He studied law at Yale and was admitted to the Bar in 1331, practic­
ing in his native city. Appointed Solicitor General for the Eastern 
District of Georgia in 1833, he served with distinction until 1836 
when he became State Attorney General. Elected to Congress, ho 
served as Representative from Georgia from March 4, 1343, until 
March 4, 1845, and a month later was appointed by President Polk to 
» be American Charge dfAffaires in Vienna, serving in that position 
70 Mrs. Addle B. Saylor, "Ghosts of Bnrnsley Gardens", The Atlanta 
Journal, January 11, 1942. 
71 '* Lucy Josephine Cunyus, The History of Bartow County, Formerly 
Cass (Bartow County, 1933), 47k 
.until 1849. He then resinned the practice, of lew in Savannah and 
was elected to the Georgia House of representatives, where he was 
chosen Speaker in 181)8. As a member of the Georgia delegation to 
the Commercial Congress in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1858, he impressed 
the other delegates with his logical arguments and oratorical ability. 
In I860 he was elected a delegate from Georgia to the Democratic 
national Convention in Baltimore. During the Civil tier, ho organised 
the 60th Georgia Regiment and served it as Colonel. His home in 
Cass County was known as "Etowah Cliffs" and ho spent as much time 
as possible there prior to his death in Savannah on December 20, 
' Charles Wallace Howard was bora in 1311 and was educated at 
Princeton for the ministry. He was ordained as Pastor of the Milled,ge-
ville Presbyterian Church in 1834, and when the Georgia General 
Assembly granted a charter on December 21, 1835, for the establish-
the name "Oglethorpe." Howard and Samuel IC. TaImage were appointed 
by the Trustees to raise funds for the University and Howard managed 
to collect more than $120,000 in one year for the school. In August, 
1836, Howard was appointed Chaplain and Financial Agent of Ogle­
thorpe. Ho went to Europe in 1S38 and soon returned with valuable 
scientific equipment for the school1s new laboratories.' *' In May, 
2^ ibid.., 94. See also the Keith Reid Collection, Stiles Papers, 
in the University of Georgia Library. 
1365 72 
1951), 5-7. 
74 Ibid., 9. 
125. 
1839, however, he sent In his resignation to the Trustees because 
of a difference of opinion on the policy of the Presbyterian Church 
and its union vrith the Congregational Church in 1800. Howard was 
opposed to rescinding the plan of Union and he and several other 
ministers withdrew from the Presbytery and formed their own in 
north Georgia. As an Oglethorpe alumnus 1ms pointed out, "while no 
one man can be called the founder of Oglethorpe University, Charles 
U. Howard did more than any other person to deserve the honor."7 5 
Though Mrs. Saylor was of the opinion that Howard bought 10,000 
acres of land for her grandfather, which he never saw until after 
the purchase,*1" the facts do not hear this out. The purchase of 
land by any interested party naturally was only possible because 
of the "Cherokee Indian Policy" of the United States Government and 
the state of Georgia. This rather sordid historical occurrence 
needs some short appraisal. 
In 1802 Georgia had ceded its western lands to the federal 
government with the stipulation that the Indians should be removed 
from the area as soon as it was practicable to do so. In 1822 ten 
million acres of Georgia land were still in possession of the 
Cherokees and Creeks. Governor George H. Troup demanded that the 
United States expel the Indians, but President James Monroe declared 
75 Ibid., 23-24. 
 ^Mrs. Saylor, "Barnsley Gardens," Atlanta Journal, January 11, 
1942. 
126. 
that "there ;ls no obligation on the United. States to remove the 
Indians by force."^ Troup then replied that X-ionrae's actios had 
jonexe the compact between Georgia and the United States "null and 
void, and leaves no alternative to Georgia but acquiescence or 
< 7 f> ^ rceistancc."In 1S25 r. Chief of the Creoles signed a treaty with 
the federal government:., but because it did not represent the rill 
of most of the tribe Georgia began iraiiedio.toXy to make a survey 
of the area, President John Quincy Adams vas of the opinion that 
Georgia had encroached on the territory secured by the treaty, 
and lie threatened military force,'^ Governor Troup, resting his 
case 0:1 the sovereign rights of the state of Georgia, replied that 
"from the first decisive act of hostility, you trill be considered 
and treated ao a public enemy,The. legislature of Georgia stood 
firmly behind their Governor. In the debate which then ensued in 
Congress, Southerners as s. group sided vrJLfch the Governor against 
the President. The problem ttus not really solved until Andrew 
Jackson became President, 
After the election of 1020, Georgians realised that with 
Jackson in the TThite House there was now the possibility of a satis­
factory solution to the problem of these Indian lands. On December 
77 
73 
79 
80 
James D, Richard con (c.omp,), Messages and Papers of the Presi­
dents, 1789-1902 (Washington,"~903), II, 804 
Edward J. Harden, The Life of George H, Troup (Savannah, 1859), 
"210, . *' 
Richardson, Hogsagos and Papers of the Presidents, II, 804. 
Harden, George H. Troups 485. 
,20, 1828, Georgia passed an act annexing that part of the Cherokee 
lands within her chartered limits and extended her Jurisdiction 
over it, declaring null and void all laws and customs of the Chcrolcees. 
In the celebrated Supreme Court case of Worcester v. Georgia» Chief 
Justice John liarshall ruled the Georgia laws relating to the Cherokee 
territory null and void, but the Indians soon found Georgia stronger 
than the Court, Andrew Jackson did not even consider enforcing 
Marshall's decision. Wilson Lumpkin, elected Governor of Georgia 
in October, 1831, completely ignored the ruling of the Chief Justice 
and ordered a survey begun immediately for the occupancy of the 
Cherokee territory by Georgia citizens. Jackson refused to atop 
the Governor, which in turn so pleased the citizens of Georgia that 
they were unwilling to cooperate with South Carolina in her struggle 
o«3 x-?ifch Jackson over the tariff. The entire area in northwest Georgia 
which had been occupied by the Indians was known as Cherokee. Fol­
lowing the order of Governor Lumpkin it was surveyed in 1831 
into four sections and laid off into land districts nine miles 
square. Thirty-three districts in the area were divided into 40-
acre lots called "Gold Lots" because of the possibility they might 
contain gold. Sixty districts were laid off into 160-acre lots 
J. C. Bonner and L. C. Roberts. Studies in Georgia History and 
Government (Athens, 1940), 65. 
Albert Berry Sayc, A Constitutional History of Georgia, 1732-
1945 (Athens, 1945), 205. 
go ' J Heeseltine, The South In American History, 198. 
128. 
designated "Land Lots." There x-jss a total of 54,000 lots and because 
P A of surveying errors, some additional fractional lots. In order to 
have this area populated as rapidly as possible, Georgia, by acts 
of its General Assembly of December 21, 1830, and December 22, 1831, 
decided upon a lottery. Those qualified to participate xfere white 
males over eighteen and nidox/3. Provision was made so that large 
families, orphans, and the deaf, dumb and blind x*ould each receive 
an extra drnxj. The lottery took place during the x?inter of 1832-33, 
and the lots, when dravni, were sold at from three dollars to eighteen 
dollars, with the only condition being that they must be deeded 
within five year3 from the drax/ing or they x/ould revert to the 
o e State for sale. 
By an act of the Georgia General Assembly on December 3, 1832, 
Cherokee was divided into ten counties, one of which x?as named "Cass." » 
It xns named for General LcxtIs Cass, \*ho had been Governor of Michi­
gan in 1813. He x*ao a lawyer and was appointed Secretary of Mar by 
President Jackson in 1831. In 1836 lie x-ras Minister to France and 
O/t ran unsuccessfully for President on the Democratic ticket in 1848,u 
Tlie county was formed from parts of districts 21, 22 and 23 of the 
second section, and districts 4, 5, 6, 15, 16 and 17 of the third 
Cunyus, Bartow County» 10-13. 
85 James F. Saith, The Cherokee Land Lottery (Hew York, 1838), 4. 
ou Allen Johnson v and Dumas Ha lone, eds., Dictionary pfe American 
Biography (Hew York, 1944), III, 562. 
129. 
section. Casoville, the county seat, was laid out in July, 1833.°' 
All of the above action took place prior to the signing of a 
satisfactory treaty with the Cherokccs. Several agreements had been 
drawn up and signed with small groups of Indians but none proved satis­
factory to the full tribal council. Finally, on December 21, 1035, 
at Hew Echotn, Georgia, the capital of the Cherokee nation, proceed­
ings were begun again for negotiating a treaty with the Cherokee©. 
Of more than three hundred Cherokees who gathered there for confer­
ences with representatives of the federal government, less than one 
hundred signed the final treaty on December 29, 1035, which ceded to 
the United States the whole remaining territory east of the Mississip­
pi for $5,000,000 and a home in the West, The Indians were to be re­
moved at the expense of the United States Government and provided for 
by them for one year after their arrival in their new home. The 
treaty was signed by the llev. J. F. Schcnnerhorn and William Carroll 
as United States Commissioners. Of the Cherokees who signed, none 
was an important officer in the nation. Despite opposition from most 
of the Cherokees and members of Congress, the treaty passed the Senate 
by one vote and was signed by the President on May 23, 1836,00 The 
anguished removal of the Cherokees, popularly known as "The Trail of 
Tears," was finally carried out in July and August of 1838 by General 
Winfield Scott and his 7,000 nen.uv 
87 Cunyus, Bartow County. 10. 
88 Grant Foreman, Indian Removal (Norman, 1953), 264-270. 
89 Xbid., 284-311. See also, Coramager, ed., Documents of American 
History, Vol., I, documents 140, 141, 142; "Francis T?aul Prucha, 
*'Thomas L. UcKenney and the Hew York Indian Board," Mississippi 
Valley Historical Review, XLVIII. (March, 1962). 
Fourth Third Second First 
Section Section Section Section 
DISTRICT No. 16 
Cunyus, Bartow County, 10. 
131 
Bap-ox dec Lion 3> district Ho. 16, Cass County, Georgia. 
Hie shaded area indicates the Barnsley dctate. Sic C. Y/. Itoard 
house, "Spring Ban]:,« vras located in Lot Ho. 188. 
132.. 
It was Cass County that Interested Godfrey Barnsley, and be­
cause of the availability of good quality timber and pasture land, 
91 ho took his family there in June, 1841. * On this first visit they 
stayed with the C. W, Howard family at "Spring Bank" and made arrange­
ments for the purchase of land nearby. By this time much of the land 
which had been distributed by the 1832 Lottery had been resold and 
original purchasers who settled in the area were few. 
Ultimately Codfroy Bams Icy purchased twenty-three lots of 
160 acres each, or a total of 3,680 acres, for which he paid $5,800.00. 
All of his land was in district No. 16 of section No. 3, and while 
his lots were contiguous, there were seven lots belonging to others 
within the area enclosed by his land . Ills attempts to purchase this 
land were unsuccessful. The accompanying maps and charts show the 
location or hx.s estate. 
The first lot bought by Bamsley was No. 96 and was purchased 
on June 30, 1841, from the original drawer, W. G. HcBride. The 
price wa3 $150 and the dead was made out to Joseph Scarborough, 
Julia1 s brother, to be held in trust for the Bamsley children.^  
Host of the land Barnnley bought in Cass County was deeded in trust 
to Joseph Scarborough or to Bams leyr a long-time Savannah friend 
and business associate, William Duncan. Hie only lots not deeded 
91 Letter of John Day to Godfrey Bamsley, June 21, 1841, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
92 Many of the original deeds, and all of the later title transfers 
are now in the possession of Mr. W. E. MeClesky, present owner 
of the former Bamsley estate, 
93 Deed for Lot No. 96, in possession of W. E. MeClesky. 
133 
•in trust xrere Uo. 5 end Ho. 56, both deeded directly to Godfrey 
Bamslcy, and Ho. 67 which was deeded to "Julia Be.msley or her 
heirs." It must be remembered that Barn a ley was not an American 
eitisen and in order to overcome any difficulties which might later 
arise concerning the ownership of these lots, he had most of them 
held for his children by trustees. Barnsley was well satisfied with 
his original purchase and in less than three months had added another 
160-acre lot to it."^  Reference to the map above will show that 
the C. U, Howard house on lot Ho. 183 put that family within good 
walking distance of the Bamcleys, who bu5.lt their first crude 
95 residence on the lot of their initial purchase, Ho. 96. 
Barnslcy bought his last lot in January, 1853, paying $650 
for lot Ho. 5, thus completing the purchase of his land in just 
over eleven years. He was careful in his purchases, as he was in 
all his business transactions, often taking months in the bargaining 
process in an attempt to acquire good quality land, yet near enough 
to his original purchase to make it convenient to use. For example, 
the purchase deed for lot Ho. 94 was not signed until February 16, 
1848. Yet more than a year earlier Barnsley had received a letter 
from G. TJ. Fish, the owner, who was trying to sell it for fifty 
dollars. The lot, wrote Fish, "is generally level . • .well timbered 
—- the land is generally poor, though there is some pretty good 
94 h^cae deeds are in the possession of W. E. XIcCleaky. 
5^ Fran a map in Bamoley Papers, Georgia. 
134. 
Soil on But because of its price and location, Barnsley 
bought it. 
As an indication of the sale and resale of these lots, only 
one acquired by Barnsley was purchased from the original drawer. 
In each case the original deed is similar to that for lot No. 116, 
purchased on January 11, 1342, for sixty-five dollars and deeded to 
Joseph Scarborough in trust. It had originally been granted on 
September 12, 1334, to John Gilbert of Jackson County, Georgia, 
and signed by Governor Wilson Bumpkin; 
Know yo, that in Pursuance of the several 
Acta of the General Assembly of this State, 
passed the 21at December, 1830, and the 22nd 
of December 1831, to authorise the survey and 
disposition of the Lands, within the limits 
of Georgia, in the occupancy of the Cherokee 
tribe of Indians, and all other unlocated 
lands, within the limits of the said state, claimed 
as Creek lands, and forming the county of 
Cherokee, I have given and granted, and by these 
presents, do give and grant unto . • . . 
Only one of the lots of the twenty-three he purchased came 
to Barnaley as the original drawer, though it was deeded to Joseph 
Scarborough in trust. On November 19, 1845, Governor George Craw­
ford granted lot No. 84 to Scarborough "according to an Act of 
the General Assembly of Georgia passed December 21, 1843, authoris­
ing any citizen of this State . . • to take out In his . • , name 
a Grant or Grants for any Lot or Lots of Land in the counties of 
 ^Letter of G, W. Fish to Godfrey Barnsley, October 21, 1846, 
among Barnsley Papers owned by W. £. McClesky. 
Q7 From the deed to Lot No. 116, now in the possession of W. E. 
HeClesky. 
originally Cherokee, but now . . . Cass , . . which shall not then 
0iavG been) granted. 
All of the other lots-"!l were transferred to Bams ley, or the 
trustee, by a deed similar to the following: 
State of Georgia 
Cass County 
Know all men by these presents that we, Hncouri 
Cams and Jonathan Godwin of said State and 
County for and in consideration of the sum of 
Three hundred and si::ty dollars to us in hand 
paid by William Duncan of the city of Savannah, 
County of Chatham, State of Georgia, Trustee 
of the children of the late Hrs. Julia Henrietta 
Earnsley the receipt of which we do hereby 
acknowledge, do hereby give, grant, bargain, soil, 
enfeoff and confirm unto the said Trustee afore­
said for the cestui qui use aforesaid and to his 
heirs and assigns in fee simple forever all that 
lot or tract of land, known as Lot Dumber Thirty-
three (33) in the Third Section and Sixteenth 
District in the county of Cass and State of 
Georgia together with all and singular the rights, 
members and appurtenances thereunto belonging 
or in any wise appertaining. To have and to Hold the 
above granted Premises, to the said Trustee for 
the use aforesaid his successors and his heirs 
and assigns to their use and behoof forever. 
And we do covenant with the said Trustee 
aforesaid, his heirs and assigns, that wc 
are lawfully seised in fee of the aforesaid 
premises, that they are free of all encumbrances; 
that we have a good right to sell and convey the 
same to the onid Trustee aforesaid his heirs 
and assigns and that we will warrant and defend 
the said premises to the said Trustee for the use 
aforesaid, his heirs and assigns forever against 
the lawful claims and demands of all persons. 
98 From the deed to Lot Ho. 84, now in the possession of W. E. 
1-IcClesky. 
i?'* See Appendix D. 
136. 
In witness whereof we the said Ilasouri Cams 
and Jonathan II. God\7in have hereunto set our hands 
and affixed our seals this second day of August 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and fifty-one. 
Ilasouri Cams 
Jonathan Godwin^ Q 
Barnsley chose to build a house on lot No. 96, the first he 
purchased, just to the aide of Thomas1 Creek. This first house 
was quite crude and was made of logs. While living in this cabin, 
he supervised the building of a larger frame house, known at the 
time as the "New House," which subsequently became one wing of the 
mansion he was to build on the site. Even in these early years 
at "Woodlands," as the Cass County estate soon became known, his 
plana for formal gardens were in his mind. His expenses included 
the following: 
Log house $500 
Spring house 250 
Out houses and corn 
cribs 500 
Clearing 60 acres 480 
New House 800 
Terrace & Gardens 540 
$3,070 1C)2 
It is evident that Barnsley planned to have his land farmed 
at once and to make the estate self-supporting as far as possible. 
An inventory of farming implements shows such essential farming 
100 deed to Lot No. 54, now in the possession of W. E. 
McCleaky. 
101 From a map in an undated Ledger, Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
102 prom aa old Ledger bearing accounts dated from 1841 to 1843, 
Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
137 
t 
-j no items as: one plough, one pitchfork, five rakes, two hoes, one 
scythe, four spades, two shovels, one pickaxe, one hedge shears, 
one patent hedge shears, one corn mill, one grind stone, two pairs 
trace chains, three halter chains, one carriage wrench, one pair 
of copper scales and weights and one corn sheller. 
A nearby spring, over which Barnsley had built a substantial 
spring house, provided ample water in these early years. In later 
years, however, as demands for more and more water continued to 
mount, he had installed in a ravine on the east side of the large 
manor house a ram pump of intricate design, which was operated by 
the flow of water from a larger spring. The "Hew House" also pro­
vided hlra the first place of his own in which he could install the 
many purchases of furniture and other household items he had been 
gathering in Europe .and the United States during the past fifteen 
years. 
While Barnsley and his family stayed in the temporary log 
cabin, plans were drawn for another frame dwelling to be built 
about 100 yards east of the "Hew House." The second frame house 
was not built for several years but as far as Barnsley was concerned, 
the move to Cass county was a permanent removal, though it was still 
necessary for him to be in Savannah several months of the year on 
lVj Ihid. 
Bills and receipts for these items are in Barnsley Papers, 
Georgia. 
138. 
business. He hired caretakers idio served as managers of the estate. 
The first few months at Woodlands" the caretaker was Edward 
Villiers, a local farmer who decided he could do better working 
for Bams ley. Villiers was put to work immediately after the orig-
lf)C inal purchase clearing land and planting the first corn crop. 
In June, 1842, John Connelly, an industrious and vocal Irishman be­
came manager and served Baraslcy faithfully for many years. 
Barnsley* a factoring business was in such good order in early 
1041 that for the most part John Bay could take care of the business 
arrangements that had to be made in Savannah, and Barnsley could 
spend most of the year with his family at "Woodlands," The American 
cotton stock in Liverpool by January, 1841, showed a substantial 
increase over the year before, but by September there had been a 
noticeable drop.1®11 George Barnsley, writing to say he had for­
warded a letter from Godfrey Bams ley to his father and a watch to 
his brother Joshua, mentioned the failure of several business houses 
In August and September, 1841, and reported that the trade had 
gotten generally worse.By the summer of 1842, however, George 
1 OR Barns ley was able to report some improvement in the cotton trade, l(y 
105 better of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, August 3, 1841, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Weakly cotton reports, Godfrey Barnsley c« Son, January 29, 1841, 
hnd September 17, 1841, Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
107 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, September 18, 
1841, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
108 jitter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, July 19, 1842, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Barnsley was back in Savannah in June of 1842, having left his wife 
and children at Woodlands." His school-age daughters wore planning 
to attend C. XI. Howard's private school, and Howard asked Barnsley 
in November to bring or send to Cass County many necessary school 
109 materials end items of clothing for his Negroes. 
The school which Howard planned to establish was to be limited 
to twenty girls and all were to sleep in the Howard house, eating 
together as members of one family. The advertising brochure said 
that complete seclusion was the essential principle, and that day 
scholars were not acceptable. The cost was fifteen dollars for the 
five months session for the ordinary branches of education, including 
reading, writing, spelling, geography, grammar and arithmetic. For 
the higher branches—-history, science and the classics, the rate 
was twenty dollars per session. Vacations were tho months of June 
and December. Board was nine dollars a month in advance or ten 
dollars if paid at the end of the session. Parents were allowed 
to send beds and bedding if they chose. Children were not allowed 
to visit their homes more often than once a month and Church and 
Sunday School attendance was expected of each one. "Full provision," 
Howard advertised, "will be made for such amusements as will con­
duce to the health of the pupils. A comfortable Bath house will be 
erected before the next summer," and a flower garden, to aid in the 
109 x»etter of C. 11. Howard to Godfrey Barnsley, November 5, 1042, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
wo. 
study of botany, was to be started, 
When Julia Bams ley decided to go to Savannah during the 
winter of 1842, she took along her son, Lucion, born in Savannah 
on November 12, 1840, and her baby, Godfrey, junior, bom in "Wood­
lands" on July 29, 1842. She left her sons Harold and George with 
the W. 11. Stiles family. Adelaide and Julia went to the Howard's 
early in December and were ready for the first term of school which 
111 began in January, 1843. The eldest daughter, Anna, was a student 
at the Hontpelier School in Monroe County. Throughout the spring 
of 1843, both Howard and Stiles kept Barnsley informed about the 
activities in Cass County and the health of his children. Howard 
told Barnsley he had turned down a call to a church in Charleston, 
but that he wanted to build a church nearby. This could wait, 
> 
however, until Barnciey could help with the plan, and presumably 
the financing. In the meantime, he urged Bamsley to keep his eye 
open for a young man who would cone as minister of the new church 
at an annual salary of $1,000. Howard reported that north Georgia 
was thriving, for in Rome, ten miles west of "Woodlands," some 
men had "begun their Railroad in good earnest---nearly all stock 
sold."A~': Barnsley did finance the building of the small church 
110 brochure advertising Mr. Howard1o School, November 5, 1842, 
Barnsley Paperc, Emory. 
111 jitter of John Conolly to Godfrey Bamsley, December 19,' 1842, 
in Barnslcy Papers, Duke. 
Better of C. W. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley, May 12, 1343, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
141, 
nearly four miles vest of the "New Ikm3e." This later was to be­
come the Bams ley Methodist Church. 
During these years Barnsley and W. H. Stiles found occasion 
to do favors for each other. Early in 1843 Stiles wrote Barnsley 
in Savannah to find a lawyer there to search the probate records 
for some friends of his."*11 Later that year after his election 
to the House of Representatives, Stiles wrote Barnsley asking him 
to be his backer in a financial arrangement involving land he was 
purchasing for which lie was willing to give Barnsley five or six 
114 slaves as secitrxty. 
Bamalcy had been elected president of the Chamber of 
Commerce of Savannah several years before*-*--' and now had reason to 
ask a favor of Stiles. Barnsley wrote Stiles at the House of 
Representatives in 1843 about the establishment of a postoffice at 
C. 11. Hovrard*s home and about the possibility of a reduction in the 
postage rates then current. Stiles was on the committee of Post-
offices and Postreads and wrote that he believed a reduction would 
be made, but he could not say how much. Furthermore, he kept 
Barnsley informed on the matter of the proposed change in tariff 
rates, which was of interest to both of them. Stiles was of the 
113 Letter of II. H. Stiles to Godfrey Barnsley, January 30, 1843, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
114 v Letter of W. II. Stiles to Godfrey Barnsley, September 13, 1843, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
115 "" There is no mention in any of Barnsley1 s papers as to the date 
of his election to this office. The Chamber of Commerce in 
Savannah has no records prior to the Civil War and no apparent 
knowledge of the fact that Barnsley served as president of the 
Chamber until 1845. 
142. 
opinion that: 
The rate of the Tariff is as yet uncertain. 
The friends of the two candidates for the 
Presidency fsicj Calhoun and Van Buren are be­
having very imprudently. The Calhoun men are 
determined to make Van Buren*s friends show 
their hands upon that subject before the May 
convention and the latter are determined to 
resist their movements, so that the sincere and 
proper views of the Northern men upon that point 
has not yet been developed.-•® 
The Chamber of Commerce in Savannah was of course very much 
interested in both the matter of a lower tariff and a reduction in 
the postage rates. Stiles sent Barnsley as president of the 
Savannah Chamber of Commerce a copy of the proposed Tariff Bill and 
received Bamsley*s favorable comments on it. As Stiles pointed 
out, the New York TJhig papers abused it, "but that is good evidence 
of its virtue. It seems approved of here pretty generally except 
in the articles of sugar and iron in which the duties are not suf­
ficiently reduced. It will pass the House but as you suggest the 
difficulty will be in the Senate. 
He indicated that he iiad intended to speak on the proposed 
tariff, but was of the opinion that so many had already planned to 
that he would not. But as an aid to him in another matter, he 
wrote, "I should be glad to have your views upon a subject which 
will soon be before us and which I have not yet had time to examine, 
Letter of U. H. Stiles to Godfrey Bamsley, January 12,  1844, 
in Bam a Icy Papers, Emory. 
117 Letter of W. H. Stiles to Godfrey Barnsley, March 17, 1844, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
143. 
vis -- the propriety of receiving railroad iron duty free or partial­
ly so." He was also happy to report, he said, that the Committee on 
Haval Affairs had promised him an appropriation of $50,000 for deep­
ening the Savannah River. , 
Tiiio was the kind of news that the Chamber of Commerce liked 
to hear, but they were still very much interested In the postal rate 
and decided that in order to bring the matter more forcibly to the 
House of Representatives, they would send a 'Memorial" from the 
people of Savannah, 
Sent to Congress in March, 1844, the 'Memorial" is -as follows': 
To the Honorable the Senate and House of Repre­
sentatives of the United States in Congress 
assembled. 
The Memorial of the Citizens of Savannah, 
Respectfully Shewcth, 
That your Memorialists have seen with pleasure 
the recommendation of the Post-Master General, in 
his Report to Congress, that the rates of Postage 
be materially reduced; and your Memorialists 
earnestly entreat your honorable body will pass a 
law to that effect. 
The injustice of the present Postage Law 
requires no comment beyond a reference to the 
fact, that about three-fourths of the revenue of 
the Post Office Department is derivable from 
commercial and trading men — numerically a small 
proportion of the total population; and who, if left 
to their own resources, as is proved by the present 
existence of Private Express, could, for the most 
part, carry on their correspondence at a coot of 
one-third or perhaps one-fourth of that they are now 
subjected to. 
11S Letter of W. H. Stiles to Godfrey Bams ley, March 17, 1844, in 
Burnsley Papers, Emory. 
From the freedom of the political institution 
of the United States, the greatest practical 
improvements of the ago either have their origin 
or are immediately adopted in this country; yet an 
expensive postage system exists as an anomaly, 
years after the introduction of a complete reform in 
the leading country of Europe.. 
Your Memorialists do not entertain the hope that 
a "penny" Postage system will at present he estab­
lished, but they respectfully protest against the 
prevailing fallacy, that the expenses of the Department 
should be defrayed from its revenue, for if the 
political interests and safety of the country require 
a Hail system, the Government, in which all ere pro­
tected, should contribute its proportion. 
The present time is peculiarly favorable for the 
reduction of Postage, as the public revenue far 
exceeds the expenditures, and in no way, as your 
Memorialists believe, can a surplus revenue be 
better applied than in equalising the burden on all 
classes of the people. 
By a material reduction in the Rates of Postage, 
the increase of letters by mail, as yottr Memorial­
ists infer from the experiment in Great Britain, will, 
although gradual, be very great; and your Memorial­
ists, relying in the wisdom of your honorable body 
for the enactment of an efficient lav?, have only 
briefly, but respectfully, to suggest that Postage be 
regulated by weight, and all letters, excepting 
Foreign, be prepaid by Government stamps, in Federal 
currency; that the franking privilege be abolished, 
and in lieu thereof, Members of Congress be supplied 
with Stamps chargeable to the proper Department. 
And your Memorialists, as in duty bound, will 
ever pray, etc. 
Though not agreeing with the idea expressed in the Memorial 
of doing sway with the franking privilege, Congress did in 1847 
approve the idea of charging postage rates by weight and introduced 
the first United States adhesive postage stamps that year. 
J A copy of the Memorial is in Bams ley Papers, Georgia. 
145. 
Concerning the natter of tariff revision, both parties spoke 
out during the Presidential campaign of 1844. The Whigs nominated 
Henry Clay and the Democrats chose James K. Polk, As soon as ho was 
elected, Polk committed his administration to a downward revision 
by hia appointment of Robert J. Walker as Secretary of the Treasury. 
The tariff van not revised until July, 1846, and it closely followed 
Walker's recocsnendationo. It substituted ad valorem for specific 
duties and placed the tariff on a substantially revenue basis. Pro­
tection was still there, but touch below the tariff of 1842. Neither 
the low tariff of 1846 nor the high tariff of 1042 caused the economic 
distress its opponents predicted. Thus the Democratic Congress 
passed its Walker tariff, which remained in effect from 1846 to 
1857. 
Bams ley was still dividing his time between s'Woodlands" and 
Savannah when tragedy struck the family in raid-summer of 1843. 
Godfrey, junior, aged one year and one day, died of fever on July 
30, 1843. Ilis body was taken by his grieving father to Savannah 
120 and there interred in the vault of Robert Isaac. 
Charlotte Taylor, Julia's sister, was 3till endeavoring to 
obtain full legal control of the Scarborough house in Savannah and 
by 1842 had won the passive support of Hrs. Julia Scarborough. 
William Scarborough's will had provided that the estate should be 
divided equally among the children, but since his death no division 
120 "Barnsley Family Register." 
146. 
of any kind had been made. Bamsley had become greatly annoyed with 
hit mother-in-law because of her attitude in the matter, so much 
so that Julia, in a letter to Bamsley, was moved Cp remark -'Give 
my love to MaKpa . . . and do not part in anger with her, 1 beseech 
you, for God delights in the ways of an honest man and such little 
trials are given to us for our good. Nothing will arise from disten-
sion . . . "121 
Joseph Scarborough, too, had given up trying to get the house, 
especially since "the Old Lady" had sided with the Taylors in the 
matter. "I found the 'Castle1 so hot and the atmosphere so un-
122 pleasant that I left there." ~ Bamsley wrote him that "no induce­
ment" would bring him back to the house, which greatly disappointed 
123 Joseph who then wrote that "the house is going to ruin fast." He 
had hoped that if Barnsley stayed at the house during his business 
trips to Savannah the situation would tend to calm down. But by 
October of the next year, that matter had been settled. With the 
help of her brother-in-law Horace Sistare, Charlotte Taylor had won 
occupancy, but not full legal possession of the house. Julia was 
quite disturbed srnd with reference to Slstare wrote Bamsley, "Oh — 
121 Letter of Julia Barns ley to Godfrey Bamsley, June 21, 1842, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke* 
122 Letter of Joseph Scarborough to Godfrey Bamsley, August 25, 
1843, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
123 jitter of Joseph Scarborough to Godfrey Bamsley, October 6, 
1843, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
147. 
these Yankees! I detest them worse than ever!"^  
The cotton market through 1843 and 1044 was not as good as 
Barnsley had hoped, which was partly responsible for his decision 
to go into the bagging business as well. He Imported 100 bales of 
burlap bagging from England which arrived in Savannah during Septem­
ber, 1843. John Bay represented Godfrey Bamsley and Co. in 
Liverpool in February, 1844, and wrote Bamsley that the cotton 
market there was quite unsettled. If it had not been so, he wrote, 
he would have suggested to Bamsley that they branch out, adding a 
house in Hew York or Hew Orleans, "but we would be requfred to put 
up some capital, which we cannot do now."*^  
Godfrey Bamsley and Co., however, managed to keep busy. In 
the year 1844, the South produced 2,460,000 bales of the world cotton 
crop of 2,750,000 bales. The excess of supply over demand that year 
was estimated at 300,000 bales, meaning that the United States pro­
duced approximately as much cotton as spinners throughout the world 
required. By January, 1845, with an excess of cotton in hand, the 
price had dropped three eighths of a pence per pound lower than ever 
recorded on the English market. The price of cotton ranged between 
six cents and ten cents per pound at New York between 1844 and 1846, 
124 Letter of Julia Bamsley to Godfrey Bamsley, November 10, 1844, 
In Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
I O C  Letter of Joseph Scarborough to Godfrey Barns ey, August 25, 
1843, In Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
126 Letter of John Day to Godfrey Bamsley, February 3, 1844, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
us. 
and It was feared that over-production would reduce the price still 
127 lower, perhaps as low as from two cents to five cents per pound. 
On October 18, 1844, the American stock in hand in Liverpool was 
630,400 bales compared with 535,510 bales the same date in 1843. 
Prices ranged from 4 l/4d to 5d*^ 8 Nevertheless, even though price® 
were lower, the year ending December 31, 1844, was a good one for 
Bamsley. His books for the year showed a personal income of 
$51,114.73. His expenses were primarily in connection with 'Wood­
lands'1 and a large share toward the support of lire. Julia Scarborough. 
In addition he paid for repairs to her Savannah house, even though 
129 Charlotte Taylor wao occupying It. 
By the winter of 1844, Julia's illness had grown so serious 
that most of her days were spent in pain. Bamsley was confronted 
with the frustrating slutatiou of having to be away from his wife 
for long periods of time on business in Savannah, leaving her in her 
ever-increasing illness to care for the home and the children in the 
mountains away from the comforts of civilisation. Charlotte Taylor 
had made life so unpleasant for them at the Scarborough house in 
Savannah that Bamsley could not take Julia with him when he went. 
Charlotte showed no concern at all about her sister Julia or her 
children. Furthermore, Julie had built up within herself a strong 
Bonner, Georgia History and Government, 136. 
128 Ueekly Cotton Eeport, Godfrey Bamsley and Son, October 18, 
1844, Bamsley Paper®, Emory. 
129 prosa the Balance Sheet of 1844, Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
149» 
feeling of antipathy toward Savannah, not wishing to be there longer 
than necessary. It is true, however, that her health would probably 
have improved if she had gone to Savannah with Bams ley, for there 
she could have had the services of a physician. There were many 
friends with whom she could have stayed, but Julia hesitated to go 
off too far from her young daughters, Adelaide and Julia, who in 1844 
were only ten and eight years old. Bams ley was away from home 
because of business and not because of any lack of interest in his 
wife or his children. He and Julia seemed to have reached that level 
of mutual love and understanding which comes to couples who have 
several children and have lived through fifteen years of marriage. 
As Julia wrote a friend, Kiss Madeleine Williamson of Savannah, 
"you must take care of Mr. Barns ley and if he does not make himself 
very sociable your Mother must give him every now and then a good 
setting down. He understands it well." **• Nevertheless* lie re­
gretted his absences from his wife, inquiring solicitously after her 
health in each letter and signing them with warm tenderness. 
Writing from Savannah on the occasion of their fifteenth wedding 
anniversary, Bams ley reminded her of their many happy days together 
and bade her goodbye with "believe me now more affectionately yours 
131 than even when wo met before the altar a long time ago." 
130 letter of Julia Brums ley to Madelaine Williamson, November 18, 
1843, In Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
131 x^ etter of Godfrey Bams ley to Julia Barnaley, December 24, 
1843, in Barasley Papers, Duke. 
150. 
This affection was mutual. By the summer of 1844, when Bams ley had 
been gone from "Woodlands" for many months, Julia wrote 11 the children 
. . . x*arit to see you as much as I do. Bray make haste. I have been 
completely cheated this year going on 8 months since I have had the 
pleasure of seeing you." -
Though Juliet health seemed to improve during the summer 
133 months of 1844, * by October she had written to her children that 
134 she was so sick she could not answer their letters. Her health 
seemed to improve on occasions, perhaps due in part to a rise in 
her spirits because of the presence at "Woodlands" of her mother. 
Joseph Scarborough had xnritten Barnsley in September, 1844, that 
his mother had "had enough of Savannah" and he wanted Barnsley to 
find a farm in the mountains for her.*35 Barnsley was not sure this 
was a good idea so he had a few of her servants bring her to 'Hood-
lands." He had arrived there earlier in the summer. 
Barnsley was back in Savannah in November and lira. Scarborough 
remained at "Woodlands" to take care of Julia and the children. 
132 Letter of Julia Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, June 28, 1844, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
133 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, October 9, 1844, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
134 - — Letter of Julia Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, October 11, 1844, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Joseph Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, September 2, 
1844, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Being away from Savannah was good for the older lady for Julia 
wrote, '•Harsaia looks better than for years. Her mind has recovered 
moat astonishingly.'11 '; 
Because Charles Hallace Howard could not get enough students 
for his school, he was forced to close it and take a church In 
Charleston, South Carolina.*37 Adelaide and Julia Barnsley were 
therefore left without schooling during the winter of 1344. Since 
Julia's health continued to grow worse, Barnsley wrote her to come 
to Savannah where he had arranged for her to stay with their long­
time friends, Mr. and Mrs. John H. Reid. Before she left for 
Savannah, however, Julia suggested to BarnsIcy that he hire as a 
tutor for all of their children a Hr. John Burahaia of Savannah, If 
this could not be arranged, she planned to leave all of the children 
except Harold at "Hoodlands" with her mother. Anna could be their 
teacher and she would bring Harold with her and put him in school 
there. *33 
She agreed x/ith Barnsley's decision for her trip to Savannah 
because there was no physician near "Woodlands." With the harsh 
xrintev approaching, her cough had not shown signs of improvement. 
Therefore she wrote Bams ley that she would come when she was 
13(5 Letter of Julia Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, November 10, 1044 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
*37 Letter of C. XL Howard to Godfrey Barnsley, December 8, 1844, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
138 0f juiia Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, November SO, 1844 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
certain that things were all in order at hone for she wanted c.ocv-
139 plctc quiet and rest. ~ Barnsley does not appear to have compre­
hended fully the seriousness of her illness for ho wrote her that 
she had better stay at ,fUoodlandn" until after Christinas. Anna, 
who had gone to "Woodlands" with Harold, wrote her father of their 
plans to spend Christmas xrith lor. and Mrs. V. II. Stiles. "We all 
regret very much that you will not be present to celebrate Christmas 
eve your wedding night, but will all think of you with great 
happiness.0*4® 
Bams ley arranged to send Bumhara as tutor for the children 
at "l-Joodlands" and to leave all the children but Anna there in the 
care of their grandmother. Anna returned to Nontpelier to school 
shortly after January 1, 1045, and Julia went by train from CaSeville 
to Savannah. A few days after her arrival there, Barnaley wrote 
h.ia mother-in-lew, 
I have been requested by Julia to write to you today 
and say that last night she received your letter 
dated the 4th to which she will herself reply as soon 
as she is able to do so. She is looking much worse 
that when I left and am surprised she has been able 
to come doxm at all. On Monday she suffered dread­
fully on the railroad and was unable to walk, but she 
can now move about a little. Doctors Hollock and 
Arnold have attended her nnd after their examination 
give a favorable account of her lungs, stating her 
diseases arise chiefly from Dyspepsia. Mrs. Reid is 
as kind to her as possible and she is as comfortable 
139 Letter of Julia Bamslcy to Godfrey Bamsley, December 6, 1844, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
i/ftJ Letter of Anna Bamsley to Godfrey Barnsley, December 9, 1844, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
153. 
as she can be. Repose and attention will I trust 
bring her round again. Hourly all her frierida and 
acquaintances have called or sent to inquire after 
liar .... With love to the children and kisses from 
the ir  H o  t he r  . . . .  
Julia1s condition showed some little improvement toward the 
end of January so that Bamsley was able to make a. trip to "Wood­
lands." Hie trip was for two reasons: Julia was concerned .about 
her children and did not want them left alone too long just in the 
care of her mother and John Burnham. Secondly, Bams ley wanted 
the workmen to hurry with the building of a more substantial house 
for he was certain that the frame house in which the family had 
been living was not adequate for winters and was probably one of 
the causes of his wife's ill health. This was the beginning of the 
large, three-story brick mansion which was destined never to be 
finished. The house in which the family had been living aftcwards 
became the kitchen and billiard room for the large house. 
Ilis solicitous letters to Julia while he was at "Woodlands" 
showed his deep concern for her health. "I hope to hear that your 
health is improving," he wrote on February 6, "and that I may 
c:-rpcct to find you seated at the table in the parlor when I 
return. . . 
Letter of Godfrey Barns ley to Mrs. William Scarborough, 
January 10, 1845, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
142 Tetter of Godfrey Bamsley to Julia Bamsley, February 6, 
1045, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
154. 
Meanwhile, letters to him began to tell of the sudden 
seriousness of Julia's condition. "Mrs. Barnsley would have writ­
ten herself thi3 evening,n wrote Mrs. Reid, tsbut is rather unwell 
from one of her nervous attacks, which she has been troubled with 
occasionally lately."1^ 3 John Day, Barnsley'a partner, wrote, 
Sorry to say Mrs. Bams ley1 s health is much worse. 
Since your departure she has become much weaker and 
more nervous . . . and for the last three days she 
has been unable to go out. She had a bad and rest­
less night last night but was easier this morning. 
Doctor Arnold lias expressed a wish that you were licrc^  
, ... I am very uneasy about her and wish you back. "• * 
Two days later Day wrote, 
My letter of the 10th will, I trust, induce you to 
return as early as possible. Mrs. B. is not better. 
Mrs. Reid thinks she gets still weaker and Doctor 
Arnold has said he wished you to be written to, 
to return he says she is in a very doubtful state, 
Mr. Reid . . . recommends to come down at once.l4J 
Barnsley received Day's letter of February 10 on February 15, 
and left immediately for Savannah only to arrive there too late. 
Julia Barnsley died on February 16, 1845, having been under the 
constant care of Dr. Arnold-4and Mrs. Reid, She was interred in 
143 hotter of Mrs. John II. Reid to Godfrey Barnsley, February 7, 
1845, in Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
144 jitter of John Day to Godfrey Barnsley, February 10, 1045, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
145 Letter of John Day to Godfrey Barnsley, February 12, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
146  ^bill sent by Dr. Arnold was paid by Barnsley on October 30, 
1045, and shows calls on Julia Barnsley nearly every day for 
more than a month prior to her death. Barnsley Papers, 
Georgia, 
155. 
the vault of Robert Isaac in the Old Cemetery, Savannah, by the side 
ox her two baby sons, Reginald, who died in 1831 and Godfrey, Jr., 
who died in 1043.~v : 
The funeral service was conducted by the Rev. Edward Hcufville, 
rector of Christ Church, Savannah, who had performed the ceremony 
uniting Julia and Godfrey Barnsley in marriage. Several days after 
the funeral, Neufville wrote Barns ley of a conversation he had with 
Julia a few hours before her death. He regretted he had not gotten 
to knot? her better, and added, 
Altho1 she had not entered into the outward commission 
of the church or received the emblem of Christ*s body 
broken and blood shed, I feel assured that her earnest 
desire so to do was accepted .... I attach but little 
importance to tho mere fact of her not having received 
the Sacrament, at least as far as it having any effect 
in judging of her eternal state. She had a perfect 
disposition and charity which prompted the last desire 
she expressed, that I would pray for lier enemies .... 
BarnsIcy did not war!to his children the sad news immediately 
but did so as soon as he had time to spare. Friends both in 
Savannah and Cass County were deeply saddened by the death of 
Julia and Charles Wallace Howard was moved to write that ho was 
"full of grief. Ho loss of a friend out of my irrncdiate home 
circle could have affected me so much .... From the conversations, 
which incidentally I have held with her, there cannot be a doubt 
1 / "7 "Bamsley Family Register." 
1 AO **v Letter of Edward Hcufville to Godfrey Bams lay, February 27, 
1845, in Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
156. 
that she was prepared for it,"^ 1^  John Connolly, manager of "Wood­
lands, " wrote to console Bamsley in his "irreparable loss" and added 
that "the children are all well, and seem to have taken the death of 
their III very well."150 
The older children, however, felt the loss of their mother 
keenly, and perhaps no one more than her oldest daughter Anna, who 
was nearing sixteen. Sensing the seriousness of her mother's ill­
ness, she had written from Loroar Hall at Monfcpelier after her return 
to school in January, 1845, that she missed her mother so much that 
she cried every day about her.Julia never saw the letter. 
Anna preserved her feelings on the occasion of her mother1s 
death in a poem found in an old copy book: 
I Miss Thee My Mother 
I miss thee my Mother! Thy image is still 
The deepest impress*d on my heart 
And the tablet so faithful in death must be still 
Ere a line of that image depart. 
Thou was torn from my side when I treasured 
thee moot 
When my reason could measure thy worth 
When I knew but too well that the idol I'd lost 1 Could be never replaced upon earth. 
Letter of C. U. Howard to Godfrey Barnsley, (?) 1845, in 
Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
150 X/etter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bamsley, March 4, 1845, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
1 51 " Letter of Anna Bamsley to Julia Barnoley, February 14, 1845, 
in Bamsley Tapers, Duke. 
15*? ~ A copy book of poems belonging to Anna Bamsley, Bamsley 
Papers, Georgia. 
As for BarnsIcy, the loss of his beloved wife was a blow that 
was most difficult to bear. Ho put aside business matters and 
turned his attention to his family, for they needed him as he needed 
them. The weight of responsibility for the care and education of 
their six children was now his, but he was to prove as equal to the 
task as he was to the recovery of financial losses in 1837. 
CHAPTER V 
The Lonely Years 
The death of Godfrey Bamsley* a wife brought about a change in 
his way of living as well as in his personality. He keenly felt the 
responsibility of his north Georgia home and his six children, and 
made several experiments regarding their care and education. In 
addition, he lost the rather carefree abandon with which he had 
viewed life and became much more serious and intense, often showing 
great lack of understanding concerning his children. Such changes 
in personality may be understood, however, in view of the fact that 
no one was more surprised and shocked at the death of his wife than 
irasThe. 
Bamsley and his wifa had been staying with the J. H. Reid 
family in Savannah during her illness, and after her death he re­
mained there for nearly two months. His decision to leave the house 
was made rather suddenly and Barnsley wrote lire. Reid that he felt 
obliged to leave for two reasons: his sad and morose demeanor was 
awkward for them to have to live with and, furthermore, he was of 
the opinion that he was already deeply enough in their debt. As he 
wfcote, 
I fear I cannot express to you adequately my 
gratitude for your more than sisterly kindness 
to her who is now no more —- the remembrance 
of your self-sacrificing devotion to her during 
her suffering will ever be warmly cherished by 
me and my prayers have been made to 'the giver 
159, 
of all good gifts.1 He v?ill abundantly reward 
you. * 
Mrs. Julia Scarborough had taken the shock of her daughter1s 
death with great composure. As Julia Bams ley had been aware some 
months before, her mother had seemed to be slightly mentally dis­
turbed and it is possible that the death of Julia caused a further 
relapse. Her letters to Bamslcy during this time indicate that her 
first concern was that Barnsley send her quickly some proper mourning 
clothes since "I am afraid someone will come and find me in color." 
She asked Barnsley to send her two mourning dresses, plus a bonnet, 
two pairs of black silk stockings, two pairs of black kid gloves 
and a small black shawl.^  Barnsley sent them as ordered, along with 
others for his daughters, but they were lost in transit. The servants 
3 then made proper clothing for those at "Woodlands." Anna at Herat-
poller received the dress Barnsley sent her, so in due course all 
were properly dressed/1 But to Anna, the period of mourning was 
more than just a tine of wearing black. "lly dear mother," ohe wrote, 
5 "is in tny thoughts naming and night. Haver shall I forget her/1 
Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Mrs. John II. Raid, April 14, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
~ Letters of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, March 18, 1845 
and April 21, 1845, in Bamslcy Papers, Duke. 
3 Letter of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, May 25, 1843, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
** Letter of Anna Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, March 12, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
J Letter of Anna Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsicy, October 10, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
160. 
lire. Scarborough was ably assisted nt 1 "Woodlands" by Bridget 
Haffoy, the Irish maid whom Bams ley had hired several months prior 
to Julia's death. Bridget's responsibility was to see that the 
little Barnsley boys, George and Lucien, were properly outfitted 
with clothes. She worked closely with John Connolly who now, more 
than ever, was depended on by Barnsley to rim the estate for Mrs. 
Scarborough was not really capable of such a large responsibility. 
This was especially true after Anna returned to "Woodlands" for the 
simmer of 1845. Mrs. Scarborough seemed quite disturbed because 
Anna, then not quite sixteen, was entering the rather limited social 
life of Cass County.Ij Barnsley made a quick trip to 'Woodlands" in 
June, 1845, and his presence had a calming effect on all of the 
children, though Anna was still interested in parties. John Connolly 
wrote, "Anna . . . wants the carriage painted, and wants to go to 
Caosville often."'7 Barnsley stayed there but a short time and left 
for Liverpool by way of New York, not to return until November. 
Through all of the sadness of the early part of 1845 the estate 
under Connolly's efficient care continued to prosper. Corn remained 
the best crop, filling all of the cribs. Potatoes, ground nuts and 
peas provided the family with most of the vegetables needed. 
6 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, July 19, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
7 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, July 22, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
3 u Letter of W. D. Bumham to Godfrey Barnsley, October 10, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
There were five calves anions the rest of the stock, twenty-four pigs 
and five hogs* The garden and the orchards looked to be in good 
9 condition* As convincing evidence that Barnsley planned to make 
his estate a profitable concern in addition to ono where he could 
experiment, he purchased in January, 1842, from D. Landreth and 
Fulton Co., Philadelphia, the following trees, which were planted in 
selected areas near the Hew House: twelve apple, four apricot, two 
English walnut, five English filbert, one Spanish chestnut, three 
quince, eight cherry, three pear, and eight plutn. Other trees pur­
chased in March of the same year included two apple, two pear, four 
apricot, five pli-na two almond, ten gooseberry mid two cherry. In 
the same order were included several kinds of strawberry plants, 
10 plus one double flowering apple tree and one mountain ash*" Moot 
of these grew very well and the family enjoyed their use for many 
years. Roses and a wide variety of other flowers and shrubs were 
also planted along the slight rise, between the old frame house and 
the Hew House, on which Barrioley was beginning to build his larger 
Manor House. The formal gardens in front of the site of the Manor 
House had been planned from the beginning, and Julia wrote to Barns-
ley before her last trip to Savannah that Connolly was "busy with the 
serpentina walks that look very grand; they will be beautiful when 
J Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Earnsley, January 27, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
10 u0ted in an old copy book in Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
the hill is finished/'^  
Barnsley's first unpleasant experience concerning the care of 
his children came in the spring of 1845. At that time Mrs. Mary 
Hazelton, a widow from Jacksonville, Alabama, wrote that she under­
stood Bamslcy had decided to keep his family at "'Woodlands,1' and she 
wondered if ho wanted to engage a "lady of Suitable age and require­
ments to take charge of your children and household affairs. Those 
dear little ones are now at that tender age, that moot requires 
17 maternal care and Solicitude." w Her offer intrigued Barnsley and 
he wrote her of his interest, but requested an interview before hir­
ing her.^  After his arrival at "Woodlands" in June, 1845, however, 
he immediately became aware of the fact that Mrs. Scarborough could 
not handle the house and the children even with the help of the 
servants. Since he expected the Manor House to be completed and 
ready for occupancy by October 1, he asked Mrs. Hazelton to come at 
that time to "exercise a maternal care over my family of little ones. 
To avoid unpleasantness hereafter we had better look at the matter in 
a business point of view . . . ." He then offered her $100 a year 
1/. plus room and board."'" Size accepted Barnoley1 s offer but instead 
11 Letter of Julia Bams ley to Godfrey Barns ley, December 18, 1344, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Mary Hazelton to Godfrey Barnsley, April 8, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
13 Letter of Mary Hazelton to Godfrey Barnoley, May 3, 1845, in 
Barn3ley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Mary Hazelton, June 1, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
1.63. 
of waiting until October to come, she waited only until after his 
departure for Europe from 1'Woodlands11 on June 29 and wrote John 
15 Connolly to meet her at Rone. 
From the moment of lira. Hazelton1o arrival at "Woodlands," 
difficulties arose on the estate. She demanded immediate attention 
and constant obedience from all members of the family as well as the 
servants. Mrs. Scarborough wrote Barnsley that within a week the 
servants were in rebellion and that all the children disliked her. 
"She must find a home till you return or I go home — which I cannot 
do and leave my poor children in such selfish disagreeable hands. 
The poor children are afraid to open their mouths and Mr. Buraham 
is so nervous he cannot do his work .... He is disgusted with 
her."17 
Mrs. Hazelton was likewise unhappy. She felt unwanted and was 
not allowed to take charge of things as she wanted to. "I cannot 
bear the way things are. The children are permitted to eat any trash 
at all, and there is no order in the house. Breakfast is sometimes 
IS at 8, 10 or 11 . . . they come only when they are ready.""" 
Barnsley realized that his biggest mistake was to have hired 
15 Better of Mary Haselton to John Connolly, July 4, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
*6 Letter of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, July 11, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, July 13, 1845, 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
18 Letter of Mary Haselton to Godfrey Barnsley, July 14, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
I Irs. Hazelton before he had an opportunity co interview her. But he 
had left "Woodlands" and there was not much he could do from New 
York, so he wrote Burnham pleading with him to cooperate with her 
until his return from England. Burnham agreed."' and matters seemed 
to stay in a state of mutual distrust and intense ill-feeling during 
the rest of the summer and early fall of 1845. Mrs. Haselton wrote 
that she was sorry she had come at all and that her "coming proved 
on almost to be a martydon." 
There is no need to account further for Bamaley's feeling of 
uneasiness concerning his home and his children during his 1845 trip 
to Liverpool. Upon his return and his quick appraisal of the situa­
tion, he paid Mrs. Haeelton her portion of a year*s salary, and with 
no regrets on the part of anyone concerned she left "Woodlands" for 
employment with Major A. F. Woolley, a neighboring Cass County 
nl farmer." Barnsloy was very much impressed with the ability of his 
daughter, Anna, and turned the operation of the house over to her. 
Matters immediately returned to a peaceful state and Burnham wrote, 
"Anna la doing well . . . meals are more regular. Few young ladies 
99 could do so well.""*" 
19 Letter of William D. Burnham to Godfrey Barneley, July 22, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
20 Letter of Mary Haselton to Godfrey Barnsley, October 19, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
21 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, January 10, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
22 Letter of William D. Burnham to Godfrey Barnsley, December 13, 
1845, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
1G5. 
With the gradual opening up of the cotton farming lands to the 
west of Georgia, Savannah as a port for the shipment of cotton began 
to decrease in importance. As early as 1335 both Mobile and New 
Orleans had surpassed Savannah in cotton stock for shipment. ^  
After the death of his wife, Bamsley felt that there was no real 
reason why he should not move on if the opportunity was presented. 
That opportunity came when he received an offer to go into 
partnership with former business associates from New Orleans and 
Mobile. While in New York, on the way to Liverpool, the articles of 
partnership were drawn up and the following notice was printed: 
New York, 21st July, 1345 
We beg to inform you that we have entered 
into copartnership for the transaction of 
CCS'iMISSION BUSINESS, under the firms of 
Gardner, Sager & Co. at Now Orleans, and 
Bamsley, Sager & Co., Mobile. The busi­
ness at the former city will bo attended 
to by John R. Gardner and James Sager, 
and at the latter by G. Bamsley and Ed­
mund 11. Sager. 
Respectfully tendering our services at 
either place, and referring to our respec­
tive signatures, 
We are, 
Very truly 
JOHN R. GARDNER 
JAMES SAGER 
GODFREY BAMSLEY 
EDMUND K. SAGER 
9*5 Weekly Cotton Report, Godfrey Bamsley & Son, February 13, 
1835, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
A Copy in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
166. 
Barnsley had allowed his yearly arrangement with John Day to 
lapse at the end of 1844, and his new partnership proved profitable. 
An order for cotton was received from a client in England while 
Barnsley wan there in October, 1045, informing him that it could be 
filled through his office in Mobile- or in Ilex; Orleans, "but we would 
rather you selected the cotton, as x?e can rely fully on your judg­
ment."'0 
Barnsley quickly moved to Mobile after his return from Liver-
x 
pool and his short visit to "Woodlands." J. R. Gardner had written 
him that he was wanted in Mobile "soon, as business will be running 
hot and heavy""0 in a short tine. Though Gardner was a good prophet 
and the cotton season was brisk, it was much slower in Savannah, as 
John Day xnrote th t he had "done very little in cotton & prospects 
are far from cheering.""' Barnsley1s move to Mobile naturally meant 
that he could no longer serve the Chamber of Commerce of Savannah as 
its president. His resignation was received and accepted on December 
1, 1845, and the following resolution was proposed and passed: 
That the Secretary be instructed to convey to 
Mr. Barnsley the regrets of the Savannah Chamber 
of Commerce that his immediate connections xdLth 
their Body should cease, and that in now record­
ing him as an Honorary Member for Life, they 
" Letter of John Stanley to Godfrey Barnsley, October 1, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
26 Letter of J. R. Gardner to Godfrey Barnsley, November 7, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
27 Letter of John Day to Godfrey Bamsley, December 5, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
167. 
hope to secure for the chamber a continuance 
of come portion of that interact which lie go 
warmly evinced while presiding over its 
deliberations. 
Charles Green, 
Secretary-" 
At about the same time Bams ley also resigned his office as 
vice-consul of the Netherlands, which he had held since. 1829. This 
was done in m letter to the Charge'd1 Affaires in Washington on 
December 18, 1845.  ^ Ho records are available showing his resigna­
tion from the similar office ho held for the Kingdom of the Two 
Sicilies, but it is presumed he resigned from this office at the 
same time. 
As the winter of 1845 approached, the Honor House at "Wood­
lands " was not completed and die family faced the prospects of 
another winter in the rather small Hew House. Connolly blamed the 
slow progress on the poor weather. Barneley woo eager to have the 
large quantity of imported furniture, garden statuary and works of 
art which he had collected over the years sent to "Woodlands," It 
was in storage in Savannah, and proved a. problem to him as to how to 
get it to Cass County in good condition. Connolly wrote that the 
railroad from Atlanta, making connections there with trains from 
Savannah and Augusta, had been completed to Kingston, seven miles 
south of ,JWoodlands," on December 27, 1845. "Therefore," he wrote, 
28 *" Copy in Bamcley Papers, Emory. 
29 Letter of le Chevalier F. K. U. Testa to Godfrey Bamsley, 
April 16, 1846, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
160. 
•30 "ship up the many articles you have in Savannah.*' 
"The great domestic affliction . . . recently suffered" * made 
1S45 more of a year of sadness for Barnaley than any year previous. 
The strain and anxiety, the tension and the worry over his many 
problems were no doubt responsible for the short illness he suffered 
39 as the year drew to a close/ " Uilliari Duncan, however, wrote and 
wished him a happier year to come than the one just finishing. 
Though there was much to lament, he wrote, there was reason to rejoice, 
for 11 during the year about closing, you enlisted in the side of re­
ligion, and it is my privilege & joy to hail you ns a fellow soldier 
03 of the Cross .... {'""" 
Prospects for a good year in cotton for 1846 were doubtful as 
the year opened, especially in Savannah and Liverpool. John Day 
34 wrote that business was so poor he might as well close his doors, 
and George Barnsley stated that in Liverpool the market was "very 
£lat.,,JjM Prices remained so high in Savannah that of all the ships 
30 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, December 30, 1045, 
- in Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
31 Letter of Godfrey Barns ley to liajor A. F. Uoolley, Kerch 0, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
u3" Letter of John II. Reid to Godfrey Barnsley, December 19, 1845, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
A A 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, December 31, 1845, 
Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
letter of John D y to Godfrey Barnsley, January 1G, 1846, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
35 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, January 17, 1046, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
169. 
in the harbor, uthere is not a Bala of cotton on board any vessel 
36 here for a foreign Port." llany were loading lumber. Though buoi-
nosa was slow also in Kobile and Hew Orleans, James Sagcr wrote 
Earnsley, "I am satisfied that \rith judicious management . . . money 
37 is nearly always to be made. . . Soger, of course, had refer­
ence to the fact that if one could be aware of future trends to such 
an extent that he could buy an excess of cotton when the price was 
low and sell it when prices rose, his profits would be large. Bay 
confessed to Baraolcy that he had missed a grand opportunity in 
cotton since receipts in Savannah were down 290,000 bales from the 
previous year, forcing prices up to where great profits could be 
made.^  
Though business was dull in Hobile, Barnoley had decided to 
attend some of the city1® social functions since a year had passed 
after his wife's death. Ulien he attended a Fancy Ball at the 
39 Alhanbra Hotel in February 24, 1846, he must have remembered 
nostalgically the night nine years before at a similar affair in 
Savannah. He did not make it a practice to attend such affairs with 
any regularity, however, but preferred to spend his leisure time by 
himself, reading his favorite periodical, the Southorn Quarterly 
3G Letter of John Day to Godfrey Bnmsley, January 23, 1846, in 
Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
0/ Letter of James Soger to Godfrey Bamsley, January 27, 1046, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
30 Letter of John Bay to Godfrey Baraolcy, February 27, 1846, in 
Barasley Papers, Duke. 
39 The invitation is dated February 10, 1346, Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
170. 
Review.  ^ Furthermore, he often made the rather short trip by ship 
to Hew Orleans to help in the operations of the firm there. 
It was with some pride that Gardner wrote Barasley at the end 
of the cotton season in 1846, 
He have certainly not made as much money 
this season as our orders and prospects led 
us to look for but I don't think there in 
anyone in the south who has made more commis­
sion. After ©jtpenscs we shall have about $4500, ^ 
clear for each x>ar trier* - -maybe even $5000 each. ' * 
One of the unpredictable parts of the cotton business was the 
effect that international tensions caused, and Barnsloy was continually 
aware of their impact. The Uar with Mexico was one such matter, 
though some of his friends were of the opinion that it would not 
amount to much. Even though Mexico and the United States were both 
marching troops to Texas, a friend believed that "the whole proceed-
49 lugs will come off in a puff if Great Britain does not interfere." 
The uncertainty continued into 1846 and James Sager was of the 
opinion that the indecision on the part of both Mexico and the United 
States about peace or war kept the cotton market in an especially 
^ A 
unsettled state.41 John Reid was certain that no one thought there 
 ^Letter of John Day to Godfrey Bam3ley, February 13, 1846, in 
Barnsly Papers, Duke. 
 ^Letter of John R. Gardner to Godfrey Barasley, April 13, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
42 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Br.moley, September 6, 1845, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
43 Letter of James Soger to Godfrey Bhrnsley, January 17, 1846, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
really would be a war, and stated that "I cannot believe that the 
countries will fight about nothing at all.t! 
But Re id was not aware of the desires of President James K. 
Polk. In reality, Polk was more interested in the acquisition of 
California than in a war with Mexico. He sent John Slidell, a Ixjuioi-
ana Democrat, to Mexico City late in 1045 with an offer of $25,000,000 
for the purchase of California and the territory between it and Texas. 
The Mexicans, with whom the United States did not then have diplo­
matic relations, refused to consider the proposal. Polk was therefore 
convinced that a war was necessary. He had informed his cabinet on 
Hay 9, 1046, of his intention to ask Congress to declare war on 
Mexico, partially on the basis of Slidell1s rejection but he was 
coon provided with what was considered a legitimate excuse for war. 
The forces of Mexican General Arista had killed sixteen men of General 
Zachary Taylor's command on April 24, 1046, in the disputed territory 
4 5 between the llucceo River and the Rio Grande River, 
The Mexican War was hard-fought with the American forces under 
Generals Uinfield Scott, Zachary Taylor and Stephen ICearny ultimately 
successful. The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, signed by Nicholas P, 
Trist for the. United States on February 2, 104S, was finally ratified 
by the Senate, thirty-eight to fourteen. According to its terms, 
(}£* Letter of J. II. Reid to Godfrey Barnsley, January 29, 1S46, 
in Baxmsley Papers, Duke. 
£s D Commager, Documents of American History, documents 163, 171. 
172, 
the United States* claim to Terms was confirmed and the territory 
from Terras to Oregon and the Pacific, including California, was ceded 
by Herd.co to the United States for $15,000,000, plus $3,250,000 in 
AC claims of American citizens against Mexico. 
The war was of great concern to cotton factors, and although 
it did not disrupt business to any great extent, there was the possi­
bility of disaster if Great Britain had gone to war against the 
United Statc3. Thi3 was a distinct possibility because of the differ­
ence of opinion over Oregon. In 1818 the United Stateo and Great 
Britain had agreed on the 49th parallel as separating the area claimed 
by the two countries, excepting the territory knoxra ns the Oregon 
Country. The two countries agreed to joint occupancy in that area 
and according to a provision in an 1827 revision of the Treaty, the 
arrangement could be terminated on a one year notice. On April 27, 
1846, Congress gave the President discretionary authority to end the 
agreement. 
The 1344 Presidential campaign between James K, Polk and Henry 
Clay centered around the acquisition of Oregon and Texas. Even 
though Polk1s platform had called for the occupation of all of Oregon 
to its northern border of 54° 40*, after his election he had no in­
tention of insisting on it. The continuing migration of American 
pioneers by way of the Oregon Trail caused the British subjects in 
the area to be heavily outnumbered. Therefore, early in 1846 the 
British, rather than risking a war to solidify their tenuous claim 
46 Smith, Justin H,, The War Uith Mexico (Hew York, 1919), II, 264 f£. 
173 
to all the area north of the Columbia River, requested agreement on 
the line of 49°. The Senate quickly accepted the offer and approved, 
/ 7 on June 15, 1046, the Oregon Treaty, 1 Already at war with Mexico, 
another with Great Britain over the extension of a boundary further . 
into an enormous wilderness would have been uncalled for. 
Both of these conflicts caused cotton factors concern and they 
kept constantly aware of all developments and the possible effect 
each might have had on the markets both in England and in the United 
States. 
International problems were not the only concerns Bamslcy had. 
Being responsible for the continuing growth of "Hoodlands" while 
trying to earn a living elsewhere created many problems, but Bams ley 
was still content to rely on the good judgment of John Connolly. 
Through the spring of 1846, work continued on the large Manor House. 
The roof was completed in February on the frame shell of the structure, 
and at last Bamslcy had a place for use or storage of many of his 
boxes and crates of furnishings which had been in warehouses in 
Savannah. These were shipped by rail to Kingston, the nearest station 
to "Woodlands.*5 Their arrival in that small town created quite a 
commotion and many people wondered if Barnsley had made plans to 
AD marry again. rU It took some time to have all of them transported 
for John Day wrote Bnmsley in April that there were still 131 boxes 
f 7 * Coramagcr, Documents of American Hi story, documents 166, 169. 
Aq Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, January 30, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
174. 
and crates in Savannah in a warehouse, in addition to a large lcitchcn 
i o range and sone ciiandeliers. r 
Added to the problems of selling cotton and directing operations 
at "Uoodlands" was the constant concern Barnsley felt about the wel­
fare of his children. Although Anna vac caring for the house and 
the four smaller children living at home, mid though Mrs. Scarborough 
and Buraham wore also there, the guiding presence of a mother or a 
father xrao urgently needed. "I mi so my dear Mother so much," wrote 
Anna, "having no one to talk to me and in every place I can see her 
f A dear face before iae." The younger children, however, continued 
to grow and for the. most part remained healthy. Their grandmother, 
perhaps with the perceptive eyes of a person of age, described then 
to their father: 
Julia is the smartest and made for the ups and 
downs of life. . . . She is ouch a saucy little 
independent & is forever in some scrape or other 
— just like her grandmother. Adelaide will be 
tall I think and is progressing rapidly to womanhood 
& will make a handsome woman and a good house­
keeper. George is trying very hard to learn but so 
alow with it. He will be a noble looking man. 
Lucien will be a great orator . . . and is very 
active and loud. Harry is Uncle Joe and wli«m 
he sows his wild oats xrill make a good man, J 
 ^Letter of John Day to Godfrey Bams ley, April 13, 1346, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Anna Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, March 23, 1346, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey B msley, Hay 25-26, 1345, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. As an indication of her own independ­
ence, which she accused her granddaughter Julia of having, the 
older lady always spelled her last name "Scarbrough" instead of 
"Scarborough," the way her husband and children spelled it. 
175. 
Barnsley' s decision to go to England during the summer of 1846 
was a sincere disappointment to his children, especially to Anna who 
had been hoping that they could all spend the summer together at 
"Woodlands." A3 she confided in Barnsley, "you are now the only one 
X have to gratify; therefore my prayer to God morning and evening 
*52 is that I may be able to do so." But business interests were com­
pelling and though he did not want to make the trip, it was necessary. 
Barnsley was not satisfied with the situation at his Cass County 
estate, especially after his return from England in October when he 
found out that Anna had been having "gentlemen visitors, Both* are 
very respectable," wrote Connolly. "One is a Mr. HcKenney from 
Augusta and the other a Mr. Stovall, also from Augusta. She seems 
53 to prefer the latter."Anna at age seventeen was too young for 
such affairs, thought Barnsley, and he reprimanded her. But Duncan 
reminded him that scolding "is unprofitable, and does no good. Take 
things easy -- and make allowances."^ 1 
Barnsley's answer to the situation was to send Julia and 
Adelaide to C. W. Howard's new school in Charleston, Harold to Charles 
U. Greene's private school for boys at Jamaica Plain near Boston, 
and to leave George and Lucien at "Woodlands" with Anna and their 
52 Letter of Anna Bams ley to Godfrey Barns ley, May 8, 1846, in 
Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
53 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bams ley, October 6, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bams ley, November 12, 1846, 
in Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
176. 
grandmother. He returned to Mobile by way of Savannah and C. 17. 
Howard came for the little girls. But Anna, showing the independence 
of a young lady who had recently been given a great deal of responsi­
bility, insisted on visiting a lady friend in Augusta and went with 
cc theia." ' It was obvious to all that she was also interested in being 
in Augusta for at least one other reason. She decided, however, to 
56 go to Charleston to spend Christmas with Julia and Adelaide. 
Of all of his children, Barnsley naturally seemed to expect 
more from his eldest son Harold, but attempting to teach a thirteen 
year-old boy the fine art of manly development from a distance of 
several hundred miles was exceedingly difficult. Barnsley constantly 
reminded him not to forget his "affectionate mother who may, though 
57 unseen, be watching over you.'w' After Harold1 s removal to Massa­
chusetts, letters to and from each of them to the other show a 
genuine interest and affection. It was Barnsley* a plan for Harold 
to take courses there which would prepare him for college, though as 
Greene pointed out upon Harold1s arrival, "I do not find him much 
advanced in his studies." Though his manners were all that could 
have been expected of a Southern Gentleman, "his first act was to 
Jj Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bams ley, December 12, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
56 i^ ter 0f Anna Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, December 31, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
J/ Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, February 20, 1846, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
177. 
.g plunge, TTithout preparation, into the enow. 
The cotton business at Mobile continued to occupy most of Barns-
ley's time and though it was necessary for him to leave George and 
Lucien at "Woodlands," he was kept: well informed as to their health 
and progress. The move to Mobile continued throughout the year to 
59 have been a wise one for his personal profits steadily mounted. 
. Anna did not stay long in Charleston but went in January, 1847, 
to Savannah where she stayed with the John H. Reid family, as her 
mother and father had done in 1845.^  Anna entered into the social 
Ufa of Savannah, and "attending a party nearly every night, she 
62 has become quite a belle." Mrs. Scarborough, sensing that she 
should be near Anna to keep a watchful eye on her, went to Savannah 
in February, 1347, and lived in an apartment with Joseph, But she 
felt guilty about leaving her little grandsons in the wilds 
of the north Georgia hills and wrote Barncloy to send them down to 
her. Bamsley was so thoroughly disturbed with both his daughter and 
63 his mother-in-law that he declined."" 
Letter of Charles 17. Greene to Godfrey Bamsley, December 27, 
1846, in Barnslcy Papers, Duke. 
Letter of J. R. Gardder to Godfrey Bamsley, March 29, 1847, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Adelaide Bamsley to Harold Bamsley, January 13, 1847, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Anna Bamsley to Godfrey Bamsley, January 24, 1847, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Joseph Scarborough go Godfrey Bamsley, February 25, 
1847, in Ba*113ley Papers, Duke. 
63 Letter of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey Bamsley, February 2, 1847, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
173. 
Earns ley Has so dismayed at the actions of Anna that he refused 
for come tine to write to her after her arrival in Savannah. An he 
wrote Harold, who had also shown oor.ie small spark of independence, 
. . . you know that I never alion any one to 
trifle with roe. If you continue, to do so the 
consequence trill be disagreeable to you — 
your sister Anna has given tie great cause to 
be offended with her by neglecting what I 
wrote her about and my affection for her is very 
much diminished. 1' 
BarnsIcy finally had his way and Anna returned to : Hoodlands" 
65 in April. lira. Scarborough returned in Kay, and Barnslcy was once 
o 6 again relieved by having hia young sons under family supervision. 
Anna's sojourn in Savannah had cost Bams ley $266.75 in expenses for 
67 her room, board, clothing and entertainment,* an amount which Barns-
Icy considered to have been entirely wasted. 
Anna's social activities, however, continued after her return 
63 to "woodlands" and parties were, numerous. As Barnslcy's estate 
grew, and the fame of its social life arid beautiful gardens spread, 
its position was noted on new maps of the day. Duncai wrote from 
Savannah that he was sending Barnslcy a copy of a new map of Georgia. 
64 Letter of Godfrey Barasley to Harold Barnslcy, February 13, 1847, 
in Barnslcy Papers, Duke. 
(IC Letter of Anna Barasley to Godfrey Barnsley, April 3, 1347, in 
Barnslcy Papers, Buice. 
66 Letter of Julia Scarborough to Godfrey Barnsley, Kay 8, 1347, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
/ 7 Ledger for 1847, Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barasley, June 19, 1847, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
179. 
"You will see 'Woodlands1 and 'Bamsley Creek® there no large as 
69 life." Anna wotc Bamsley that the garden was in full bloom. 
"Hainan's favorite rose is looking at present very pretty. Oil, how 
delighted che* would be to see how pretty everything appearo. . . 
Julia and Adelaide continued at Howard1s school in Charleston 
with alternating periods of homesickness arid joy. Affectionate 
letters from all of the children to each other through these years 
in school provide an insight into their personality and the customs 
of the day. Connolly snrote Bamsley that Harold "seems to have the 
Love of his dear Brothers George and Lucion greatly at heart. , . . 
I like to see such affection between Brothers. Whenever there is 
true affection there will also be found every other manly principle 
that can be expected from a noble mind." ^  Julia wrote to Harold, 
"Torn Thumb is here — we saw him, he has a beautiful little carriage. 
79 I'm glad you want to be a merchant. I miss you a lot." 
Harold's improvement at Mr. Greene's school was so marked and 
BarnsIcy was go pleased with the calibre of instruction that much to 
Harold's great joy he decided to send George and Lucicn as well. 
69 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley. June 26, 1847, in 
Barnclcy Papers, Duke. 
70 Letter of Anna Bamsley to Godfrey Bamsley, May 21, 1847, in 
Bamoley Papers, Duke. 
/J- Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bamsley, April 3, 1847, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
79 Letter of Julia Bamsley to Harold Bamsley, tloveiuber 3, 1847, 
in Bnrnsley Papers, Duke. 
180. 
They vent in September, 1847,^  end spent several years under Greene1s 
care. Barnsley*s fatherly interest in Harold may be seen from a 
letter vritten in the summer of 1847: 
I trust you are . . . thinking seriously of pre­
paring yourself for the duties of active life 
bear in mind that altho* mankind are not equally 
gifted by nature that perservdring industry will often 
take the lead of talent — in your c.se there.' is 
no want of natural ability and I shall be much dis­
appointed if you do not distinguish yourself in 
your studies — but above all continue to be careful 
that your conduct is such as becomes a Christian 
gentleman. 
The famine that struck Ireland in 1846 and 1847 was brought 
very close to Bams ley for in the spring of 1847 at John Connolly's 
request, he paid the passage for Connolly's brother and sister to 
Georgia. "Ireland is a hot-bed of pestilence and starvation," wrote 
Connolly. "It is truly heart rending to read the harrowing descrip­
tion the papers contain of what was once called the Emerald Isle, 
n75 but what might now be called the sporting place of desecration. 
Barnsley by January, 1848. had begun to spend much of his time 
in Hew Orleans. According to the original articles of partnership 
in the summer of 1045, lie and Edmund Sagcr were to operate the office 
in Hobile, but planters continued to send more and more of their 
cotton to New Orleans. This city rapidly became the center of the 
vast cotton exporting trade of the South, and Barnsley was convinced 
 ^Letter of Ch rles U. Greene to Godfrey Barnsley, September 1, 
1847, in Bamsley Papers, Buke. 
"7 f Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, July 20, 1047, in 
Barnsley Papers, Buke. 
7*5 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, July 20, 1847, in 
Barnsley Papers, Buke. 
181. 
that It had more to offer both economically and socially than Mobile. 
The most popular source of business news tms The Commercial Review, 
begun in Hew Orleans in 1846 by J. D. B. De Bow, and commonly called 
De Bow*s Review. Barnsloy, with the other cotton factors, kept aware 
of current business and social trends by reading it regularly. The 
New Orleans Price Current, published weekly, contained the prices of 
all goods leaving the port of Hew Orleans with amount, quality, 
variety, etc. of every type of commodity entering or leaving the 
harbor. Hew Orleans grew rapidly during the 18401 a, and it became 
more profitable to cotton-ship captains to return from Liverpool 
with immigrants than with salt or manufactured articles. The immi­
grants stepped ashore at ITcw Orleans, and many of them remained in 
the city. By the early part of 1850, the annual rate of products 
leaving the port of Hew Orleans was more than $100,000,000, of which 
7 C nearly $43,000,000 wa3 in cotton.1'1 
While Bamsley was living in Hew Orleans he decided that it 
would be better if his son Harold would prepare for a career in 
business, perhaps even as a cotton factor. Though Harold continued 
to mature, Greene wrote Bamsley that the boy was not at all inter­
ested in college education and he thought it would be a mistake to 
try to force him to go if he did not want to. lie recommended to 
Bamsley that he be allowed to follow his preference for becoming 
'° Frederick Jackson Turner, TIijc United States, 1830-1850 
(Glot:cester, 1958), 220. 
182. 
a merchant.77 Because of & smaller cotton crop thnn anticipated in 
the United States in 1347-1848 and the unsettled state of affairs on 
the cotton market vdth the European revolutions of 1848, Barnsley had 
already written Harold that h.io business had been 
attended with considerable loos, grov/ing out of 
the disturbed state of political affairs in 
Europe. 
It was my intention to have given you a 
Collegiate education but the expenses arc GO 
heavy! am compelled to abandon the idea and 
shall moat likely arrange for you Co come here 
and be in the office next winter which I 
suppose you will prefer -- or perhaps, if I can 
arrange it#riin the office at Mobile, which would 
be better, 
Bamoloy left for England again in the summer of 1C4G , 'J but 
prior to his departure he had a letter from Harold Indicating his 
pleasure at working in t!a counting house in Hew Orleans,*' ' In order 
that his son would not think that it was his duty to go to Hew Orleans 
at once, Barnsley wrote him to -wait at his school until his return 
from England in September, at which time he met all three of his 
sons in Boston. From there they sailed together to Savannah and 
spent a few days as guests of tJilliaia Duncan, Shortly after their 
77 Letter of C. 17. Greene to Godfrey Barnsley, July 19, 1848, In 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
iiJ Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, May 27, 184S, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
79 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, July 31, 1848, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Harold Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, June 17, 1848, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
183. 
departure by train for Kingston, Duncan wrote Bamsley that Harold 
was growing more like his father all the time and that he supposed 
that he was now 'ready for a flirtation. . . . Being his father* s 
31 Son, I infer that he will not be slow at such things," 
Bams ley* .3 de scription of his fiiiancial status in his letter 
to Harold of the summer was borne out in the balance sheet of Barns-
ley, Sagcr and Co. for the year ending March, 1849. During that time 
the profits before division between the two partners amounted to 
u 2 $6,465.01, But Bamsley was still confident that his move to New 
Orleans had been wise. 
Family matters seemed to have occupied most of Barnsley*s time 
and attention during 1849 and 1350. Joseph Scarborough was married 
P ^ in January, 1849, in Savannah but lived less than two years after 
OA 
his wedding.0'" His death meant that future land purchases by Barns-
ley in Cass County were made with Uilliaxa Duncan as trustee or were 
8 5 made in Barnsley*s own name. 
By the end of the summer of 1849 Ilarold had decided he should 
be seeking his own fortune at sea. The discovery of gold in 
PI Letter of Uilliaxa Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, September 8, 
!. 1848, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
82 Balance sheet, March ,1348,to March, 1849, Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
83 Letter of Joseph Scarborough to Godfrey Bamsley, January 6, 
1049, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
84 Letter of Godfrey Bamsley to Harold Bamsley, December 5, 1859, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke, 
O C 
See Appendix D. 
134. 
California earlier Chat year had excited all young men of adventurous 
spirits and it i3 only natural that Ilarold was tempted to go try his 
luck. Bnmsley, conservative as usual, disapproved of his son's 
desires to leave home and believed that working even in Hew Orleans 
was too great a temptation for a boy of seventeen. He therefore sent 
Earold beck to tlUoodlnnds,? hoping that life on the estate would 
challenge hici and interest him in leading the life of a country gentle­
man.^  But Ikirolc! was restless and finally convinced his father that 
he was mature enough to go to sea. Upon his arrival Savannah on 
his way to New York to arrange to sail to the Pacific, a letter 
awaited hin from his father. Barnsley, with great affection tempered 
with wise counsel, told Harold he had provided for his passage to 
New York and had asked Uilliam Duncan to give him twenty-five dollars 
for incidental expenses. If he met with any delay in New York, he 
was to go to Greene's school, which recently had moved to East Green-
\rich, llhode Island, and stay with his younger brothers until a ship 
was available. No doubt remembering his otTn departure from England 
twenty-four years before, he cautioned his son to be wary, and reminded 
him that 
the profession you have chosen is one of toil 
and danger but I hope you will conduct yourself 
as a man and a Christian -- do your duty — at all 
times and under all circumstances and never forget 
that altho' you may be brought into contact with 
inferior men as regards morals & education that 
you should always act like a gentleman— Control 
your temper & -never swear — it is profane and 
P6 Letter of Uilliam H. Greeley to Harold Barnsley, November 6, 
1849, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
135. 
valvar to do so. — endeavor to improve yourself 
in writing and grammar which you can readily do 
during leisure times — thinlc of what little 
things you will requite while you are at sea & 
whenever you have a chance write to mo. Be 
assured of the interest I shall feel in ypur wel­
fare . Do not omit reading the Bible.0 
Harold took various letters of introduction with him and ob­
tained an additional one from G. U. Greene id ion visiting his brothers 
while uniting for his ship. In glowing terms, Greene described 
Harold as a son of a man of highest respectability, and he regretted 
that Harold1s desire, for adventure in going to California "lends him 
from his father's mansion of elegance and comfort to tempt the dangers 
n  r y  
of the sea. , . .The son sailed in the spring and wrote Bams Icy 
when he was within a few degrees of the equator that he planned to 
leave the ship at Can Francisco. Barnsley, sensing that all had not 
gone well on the ship, was concerned about Harold's welfare and sent 
him a letter of credit for $250 through a friend in San Francisco. 
Ever cautious and conscious of his position as a man of Some social 
and economic status, Bams ley cautioned Harold not to "contaninnto 
89 yourself with people of n lower class than you have been accustomed." 
Harold arrived in San Francisco, tried his luck briefly at 
°7 Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, Hovember 27, 186$, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
88 Letter of Charles U. Greene to General Thomas Green, January 3, 
1850, in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
°y Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, Kay 14, 1850, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
180. 
panning gold, and promptly became ill. A combination of ill health, 
immaturity and general uneasiness about his new life forced him to 
return in November, 1850, to New Orleans, where he again entered 
his father*s employ. This time, however, after only a few days 
Bams ley removed him from the temptations of that city and sent him 
90 to hie office in Mooile, 
With his five younger children in school in 1849, Earnsley 
decided to take Anna to New Orleans with him. It was while she v/as 
there that she became engaged to be married to Thomas Course Cilmour, 
who had recently come from the Isle of Man, England. He was a member 
of a New Orleans firm whose shipping business was steadily expanding. 
Gilmour told Barnsley that his maternal grandfather was first cousin 
to the Duke of Argyle, and that the family*6 traditional name was 
91 Murray. Being satisfied that his daughter had not chosen someone 
socially inferior, Earnsley consented to their marriage, which took 
92 place in New Orleans on February 25, 185G. Barnsley had asked the 
Rev. E. Neufville of Savannah to come to New Orleans to perform the 
93 ceremony, but it was impossible for him to come just at that time. 
Letter of Godfrey Barnsleyito Harold Banrsley, December 6, 1850, 
in Bamsloy Papers, Duke. 
91 letter of Godfrey Bams ley to George Barns ley, December 13, 1869, 
in Bams ley Papers, Schcucnstuhl. 
GO Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, May 14, 1850, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. The "Barnsley Family Register" erroneously 
records this date as February 22, 1850. 
QO letter of E. Neufville to Godfrey Barnsley, February 20, 1850, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
He had officiated at the wedding of Godfrey and Julia Bams ley in 
December, 1823. The youmg couple spent the sunmer at "Woodlands" 
and Barnsley visited then before leaving for England on business in 
late July. Social gatherings, especially with the U. II. Stiles family 
made the summer altogether pleasant, and Bamsley seemed to be more 
jovial and content during his short stay at "Woodlands" than at any 
94 other time since the death of his wife five years before.' Thomas 
and Anna Gilnour followed bin to England several vrechs later and it 
was there that she gave birth to a son, Hurray Barnsley Gilnour, in 
* nc December, 1S5G;''" Godfrey Bamsley was a grandfather at the age of 
forty-five. 
The year 1850 had been n good one for the South. Times were 
prosperous and people generally were content. The only area of 
critical concern had to do with the national political balance. 
There were fifteen free states and fifteen slave states, and the 
possible admission of California to the Union would destroy the deli­
cate balance in the Senate. But the Great Compromisers, Henry Clay 
and Daniel Webstar, convinced Congress of the msdom of saving the 
Union, and the Compromise of 1850, though favoring the North, was 
passed. The more radical Southern leaders called a convention to 
meet at Nashville, Tennessee in June, 1850, Nine slave states were 
94- better of U. II. Stiles to Godfrey Bamsley, July 27, 1850, in 
the Keith Read Collection of Georgia Manuscripts, "Stiles Letters, 
in University of Georgia Library. 
95 "Bamsley Family Register." 
188. 
represented but the moderates were in control from the beginning. 
A second convention met in November and the delegates drety up 
resolutions denouncing the Compromise of 1850'*° and restating their 
firm conviction in the right of secession. But with economic pros­
perity at en c.ll-timc high, even the death of President Zachary 
Taylor on July 9, 1850, and the succession of Hi Hard Fillmore did 
little to arouse general anti~Compromise sentiment throughout the 
South. Southerners were convinced that "the Union should be abandoned 
only when it failed to secure a continuation of prosperity."'7 Cass 
County was growing and expanding with the rest of tho South, and 
though it was hardly eighteen years old, its population in 1850 had 
risen to 13,300. There were 1,712 houses, 601 farms and 3,008 slaves. 
The total value of county property, real and personal, was over 
$3,715,000. - As far as Barnsley was concerned, he had chosen the 
proper place to be in business and the proper spot to build his 
home. Life was good. 
96 '  Commager, Documents of American History3 I, document 176. 
Q7 It. H. Shyrock, Georgia and the Union in 1850 (Philadelphia, 
1926), 289. 
no Cunyus, Bartow County, 30. 
CHAPTER VI 
BEFORE THE UAH 
The decade beginning in 1051 was a profitable one for Godfrey 
Bamslcy. Hie prosperity which was general throughout the nation 
remained, and as the cotton crop increased and domestic and foreign 
spinners expanded their markets, factors and shippers benefitted 
accordingly. 
By this time Bnrnoley had firmly settled upon Hew Orleans as 
his tvain center of business mid by August, 1852, had become an In­
corporated member of the new firm of BarnsIcy, Soger and Co, of Haw 
Orleans.A This was in addition to Iris firm of G. Bnmslcy & Co. of 
Hobile, but had replaced his interest in the 1345 arrangement, which 
had made him merely a minor partner in the larger firm of Gardner, 
Eager & Co. of Ilea; Orleans. John Gardner worked closely with Barns-
ley in both his Hobile and his New Orleans enterprises, 
Earnslcy was no longer making his yearly trips abroad, preferring 
to leave this part of the. business to younger members of the firm. 
Edmund Sager represented both offices in this country and abroad and 
continued to make new and important contacts. Some of these were 
in and around Philadelphia, where such firms as Samuel Riddle and Co., 
Thomas II. Craig and others placed orders for at least 9,300 bales 
* Advertising Circular of William Sager, August 31, 1352, Earns!ey 
Papers, Duke. 
190. 
each year.^  In Boston and Providence ha was able to arrange sales 
3 to the Blackotonc Mills and the Hamlet Mills respectively." Barnaley's 
personal books for 1051 show a total net income from commissions, 
independent "adventures" and interest of over $58,000. Much of this, 
or more than $45,000, was spent on furniture for "Woodlands" and in 
further work on the house and gardens/' Bamsley was not convinced 
that there was a better place for investing his profits than in his 
estate, at least in the early 1850'o. 
As a side interest to his normal business operations, aa has 
been mentioned previously. Bams ley had the ability to wake very 
accurate estimates of the total cotton crop for any season. When he 
found those who questioned his figures, he was sometimes willing to 
wager on the outcome. Such an arrangement was made in February, 1352, 
with E. L. Ilollis of Hew York and Charles Lamar of Savannah. Bams ley 
would pay them $1,000 if the crop were under 3,000,000 bales plus 
$1,000 for each 50,000 bales under 3,000,000. They agreed to pay him 
a like amount if the total were over 2,700,000.plus $1,000 for each 
50,000 bales over 2,700,000. The total cotton crop amounted to just 
2,950,000 bales which meant that they were then each in debt to 
 ^ Letter of Edmund M, Sager to Godfrey Bamsley, October 3, 1851,, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
 ^ Letter of Edmund H. Sager to Godfrey Barnsley, September 19, 
1851, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Balance sheet for Godfrey Bamsley for 1351, Barns ley Papers, 
Howard. 
5 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, February 9, ~ - r ^  
1852, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
191. 
Barnsley for $6,000. Though both of these gentlemen tried to back 
out of the arrangement, Barnsley held them to it.(> Lamar paid his 
debt but Hollio claimed complete inability to do so, and Barnsley 
finally agreed reluctantly to a special arrangement which would 
7 allow Ilollio to pay him the amount due over a period of four years. 
The ease with which Barnsley seemed to be able to make money 
during 1051 and 1852 and the pressure of business were enough to 
make him devote a decreasing amount of attention to his children. 
They were now growing rapidly and becoming leas and less dependent 
on him, but George, who was fourteen in 1851, felt keenly his father1s 
neglect. "Wish Papa would write to me. I have not received a letter 
from him in a long tine," he wrote Harold. UI need money but hate 
to ask him.t?® On another occasion, while writing Harold to thank 
him for sending him some money, he raised the poignant question, "Why 
does Papa not write?"^  George was unhappy at Greene's school and 
wanted to know when he could come home. Since he could find out 
nothing from his father, he came up with a rather ingenious plan 
which he suggested to Harold: 
6 Letter of E. L. Ilollis to Godfrey Barnsley, May 23, 1852, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke and letter of J. R. Gardner to Godfrey Barns­
ley, Hay 27, 1852, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
 ^ Letter of E. L. Ilollis to Godfrey Barnsley, November 5, 1352, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
 ^ Letter of George Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, October 2, 1851, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
*' Letter of George Barnsley to Harold Barnsley, November 26, 1851, 
in Bamoley Papers, Duke. 
192. 
Now I will propose a plan and if you like it you 
may try it — it is — that if you will do every­
thing Papa wants you to do ho will naturally 
become more pleasant to you ~~ then you can ask 
him and he will be more apt to tell you. Do you 
like the plan?*® 
George*s rather childish sensitivity makes it appear that 
Bamsley was neglecting him alone, but it scemn that all of his family 
felt his aloofness and blamed it on the pressure of his business. 
Even such a good friend as Willi,am Duncan wrote to ask Barnoley not 
to be angry with him for going to visit George and Lucicn without 
11 Iiio permission. George feared his father's wrath and confided in 
Harold that he would "leave it to Papa to decide what business X 
shall follow." lie was of the opinion that he would not do well as 
either a doctor or a minister and indicated that "if I cannot be a 
1° 
merchant I should like to be a planter." " It is interesting to 
note that it was George who eventually became an outstanding 
physician, having failed miserably in a short period as a planter. 
His imaginative mind was full of ideas. lie wrote Harold to save his 
money and travel in Europe. "All the aristocracy do so; wc belong 
to that class. We have good blood coursing through our veins. How 
Letter of George Barns ley to Harold Bamsley, November 12, 1851, 
in Baimsley Papersr Duke. 
11 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, September 22, IS51, 
in Barnoley Papers, Duke. 
12 Letter of George Bamsley to Harold Bamsley, April 13, 1851, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
193. 
much do you think Papa is worth? Is he worth $50,000?"^  George* a 
ootimate was nearly twenty-five per cent correct. 
Earnsley* s expenses in Wow Orleans during the first part of 
1852 show other aspects of his interests and way of living: 
4 months board $35 per month & 4 months 
boot blacking $140,00 
5 months washing $4 per month 20.00 
1 months board $27 per month 27.00 
Blue sack coat & one pair pants & vest 22.00 
Black & blue pants ' 7,75 
One half dosen shirts 11.75 
Cravat c: Hat repairing 6.70 
Three bottles hair oil & one months board 22.00 
Tooth brush & hair cutting & three baths 1..20 
One pair boots & one pair shoes 14.00 
Three books & subscription to Lyceum 6,50 
Half quire paper . 50 •' ,v 
Walking cane & Knife _ 2,50 . 
$281 , 90 
The Kanor House, which by this time had become the central 
feature of "Woodlands," was still under construction In 1852 and . 
would not be completely finished for some years. In liny, 1851, a 
contract was let for 300,000 bricks to be made from local clay, all 
15 • . ^  to be 10" x 4" x 3", and in November still another contract tor 
more.^  These bricks formed the outer wails of the house, the frame 
structure of which had recently been completed. But Bamsley biiilt 
13 XiCtter of George Bamsley to Harold Bamsley, Hay 2, 1852, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Itemized list in Bamsley Papers, Duke.\ < 
x*5 Letter of Barrlngtor. King to Godfrey Bamsley, Hay 5, 1851, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
iy Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barasley, November, 1851, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
194, 
more than a house. It \ms a castle, built to his ox-m design from 
17 sketches ho made while visiting Europe. " In one letter he referred 
IP to it as his "grand Italian villa." J There were twenty-six rooms 
and the main part of the house wns in two stories. Above the center 
section a third story of one room only was built with a flat roof. 
On the top of this roof was installed a water storage tank, to which 
water had boon forced by the ram pump at one of the springs, lead 
pipes come from this tank to an outlet in each of the upstairs bed­
rooms, coming down through the chimney of each room. By this arrange-
19 meni there was at least warm water, if not hot, in every bedroom. 
As the Manor House became liveable, the New House became the kitchen, 
dining room and billiard room. A covered walkway connected the 
kitchen with the Manor House. 
The interior fittings and furnishings were truly magnificicnt. 
Some of those who saw them recalled the following: 
sterling silver window latches, Marie Antoinette* s 
own brooch, clock and perfume bottles, a black 
marble mantel from Italy, a pink one from France, heavy 
Persian silk shawls, intricately inlaid tables, carv**}j| 
ivory plaques, Venetian glass, elegant china . . . . 
As late as 1942, at mi auction of possessions still remaining, 
there were such tilings as, 
i? These sketches are in Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
"Ghosts for Sale," Hie Atlanta Journal, November 1, 1942. 
1 Q Perkerson, White Columns, 205-206. 
OA Charles Robbins, "Mast Chapter in the Tragedy of Haunted Barnsley 
Castle1," The American Weekly, December 6, 1942. 
195. 
a gold clock from the Tailcrics, with a solid gold 
figure of a Roman gladiator on top . . . the enormous 
bed, said to have belonged to Louis XIV . . . the 
inlaid table made by Italian monks . . . the rose­
wood card table, the extraordinary collection of 
fine glass and china, silver and copper . . . the 
unique stove that could cook enough food for a 
hundred people at once, the massive dining table that 
could seat forty people and the huge, tranquil mirror 
that was brought from France. 
In addition to these, there was a mahogany side board formerly 
owned by Emperor Dom Pedro of Branil and a painting of Napoleon, 
21 a Barns ley hero, for which he was reported to have paid $10,000."*" 
Though a specially constructed curved railing was never installed, 
.in the center of the house was a grand stairway under which was a 
vault for the many valuable pieces of sterling silver Bams ley had 
bought for Julia in their years together. Among these prised 
possessions were: 
1 silver bread basket 
24 u coasters 
1 n teapot 
1 tt coffoe pot 
1 M sugar bowl 
1 tt cream jug 
1 it waiter (tray) 
1 u Goblet 
1 s j wine funnel 
1 ft taper stand 
VA it soup spoons 
24 ti grnvey ladles 
46 IS salt spoons 
2 S! sherry ladles 
13 n dessert forks 
18 u large forks 
1 n syphon 
29 it tea spoons 
1 ft claret cock 
1 u butter knife 
•'J "Ghosts for Sale," The Atlanta Journal, November 1, 1942. 
196, 
1 silver SGled fori: 
1 asparagus tonga 
1 " sugar tongs 
0 " egg spoons 
1 " pickle knife & fork 
1 " dessert spoog *• (Lucien1 o) 
1 soup ladle **** 
The basement of the Hew HouseP which became the kitchen and 
dining room after the Manor House was put in use, had been remodeled 
into an area for cold storage for Bamsley,s wine and brandy. Bars were 
placed over the windows to keep out intruders, and there were at 
one time 2,430 bottler, of many typca and vintages of wines and 
03 brandies stored there.*""' Much of the brandy was made by Barnsley and, 
as George remarked, ' I cm glad he has made so much brandy ----- I 
cannot understand what he is going £0 do with it,"~^  
The whole estate contained a "prominent mountain, and two con­
tinuous flowing mid clear mountain streamss" and the gardens had some 
03 of the rarest trees and shrubbery found in any part of the world, " 
The formal gardens were laid out in an area approximately one hundred 
yards long and forty yards wide in front of the Manor House. They 
were edged with English boxwood and a mace of box-bordered walkways 
wound through the entire area. The flower beds contained beautiful 
22 From a paper titled "Silver List," Bams ley Papers, Georgia. 
 ^' aline List," from an old account book, 1841 to 1851, Barnsley 
Papers, Georgia. 
Letter of George Bamsley to Harold Barnsley, October 2, 1851, 
in Barnsley Papers, Dulce. 
25 "Ghosts for Sale," The Atlanta Journal, ITovember 1, 1942. 
varieties of madonna lilies, tiger lilies, foxglove, canterbury bells, 
jessamine and hyacinchs. In the center of the formal gardens there 
\:a3 a fountain of white marble a woman holding up a vnse on which 
xjcrc two lions1 heads which 3pouted water. On beyond the formal 
gardens x/cre the rose gardens, and farther on a deer park in xjhich 
there was a pond boasting varieties of rare water plants. Cedars 
from Lebanon, yews from Ireland and firs from Scandinavia added greatly 
to tlio beauty of the entire estate.'" 
Thus it x.v.s that 'Woodlands" shortly became the focal point of 
interest in the lives of all the Barnsleys, and a home of Which they 
could indeed be proud. In the summer of 1851, when Adelaide was 
seventeen, Bamslcy decided that she had had enough schooling, as 
he sent only Julia off to the same llontpelier School to which he had 
sent Anna before her mother's death. Julia continued to mature 
and for the school period ending November, 1352, was given the grade 
of '/excellent" in all her school xrork — French, Italian, music 
and dr ax ring, x?ith the note of "correct and lady-like" for her con­
duct. "She will return to you, all that a Christian father could 
reasonably desire," wrote her schoolmaster. In November.., 1351, 
 ^Hftud II. Yoncey, "Duel Fought Uitli Poison," The Atlanta Journal, 
tlay 24, 1931. 
Letter of Julia Bamslcy to Harold Barnsley, June 25, 1351, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
™° Letter of S. G. Bragg to Godfrey Bamsley, December, 1352, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
198. 
Harold .and Anna returned to Hew Orleans.^  It was there that Anna 
gave birth to her second child, a daughter, in February, 1852. She 
was named Julia Elisa Gilmour, in honor of her mother*s grand-
31 mother, mother and sister. 
All "was well with Baraslcy except for Harold. He had been 
responsible for a loss the firm suffered at Kobile when a competitor 
won out in an order for a quick purchase because of his own failure 
to follow instructions. Angry, Bams Icy vrroto him from Hew Orleans, 
!!I am astounded at your culpable negligence which lost $3,000. It 
shows only too plainly you do not pay attention to your duties."32 
Within a month Harold was back at "Woodlands" with Barnoley caution­
ing him to pay strict attention to his work there aa Connolly1Q 
33 helper.**'"" His love for the sea, however, was too strong and after 
a few months of the life of a "country gentleman," he wrote to the 
Secretary of the Navy, W. A. Graham, requesting admission to the 
Naval Academy at Annapolis. His request was turned dovm because of 
99 Letter of John Connelly to Godfrey Barnsley, November 8, 1851, 
in Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
"Barnsley Family Register." 
31 juiia Scarborough died in January, 1852. 
39 ~ Letter of Godfrey Barnoley to Harold Bamaley, April 11, 1051, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
33 Letter of Godfrey Barnoley to Harold Barnsley, Hay 13, 1851,, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
*3/ his ago.*'" After a aeries of further attempts to find his niche in 
life by going first to Hen Orleans, then to Mobile, to "Uoodlands" 
mid back to Hew Orleans, Harold decided that he would not bo able 
to realise his own worth by staying in hie father's busineao. His 
decision to leave Hew Orleans in 1054 was rather sudden, and he 
wrote a letter of explanation to his father, who was spending the 
summer at r'Woodlands." lie had, he said, given long thought to the 
matter and decided that if he did not leave the city he would bo 
ruined. He had tried to remain in Hex? Orleans and "keep clear of 
the temptations which lure young racn but now am fast travelling the 
road to death and ruin," He. was certain Barnsloy would see he had 
acted wisely and approve his sudden departure. His intention was to 
drink no more "unci avoid women as much as possible, I intend to 
start with the intention of making money and nothing but money will 
satisfy me," His plan was to sail to Panama on the JS1 Dorado and 
from there go to Valparaiso and work for several months, after which 
he was going to Japan, "My mind is made up," he wrote, "and I will 
win the golden prise or never return. ... I really am only doing 
what you did vdicn you left for Savannah from England and I hope you 
will wish me success. I trill never stain the name of Barnsley as I 
trill change my name as soon as I engage in any business you wouldn't 
-,35 approve." 
""*** Letter of W. G. Graham to Harold Barnsley, February 24, 1052,. in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
J Letter of Harold Barnsley to Codfrey Barnsley, August 15, *854, 
iti Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
200. 
His bravery and courage in planning to go to Japan is worthy 
of note since it was ir. February, 185%, that Commodore Matthew C. 
Perry cade the first official contact of the government of the 
United States with Japan. The Tokugnua family dynasty there was 
openly hostile to foreigners, .and only the fearless ventured to set 
foot on the islands. 
Rio real reason for leaving, he said, other than to save him­
self from ruin was because Barnsley no longer had any confidence in 
him. Having given him another opportunity to prove himself in busi­
ness, Bamsley had earlier in 1854 placed him under the supervision 
of J. IT. Norman, his cleric for several years at New Orleans. 
As Harold explained it, 
Nlien you left father you did not state to me 
I was to be hero merely as an agent in the 
hands of Mr, Norman &. when lir, Sagcr told mo. 
such would be the case and I Ir. H. would have 
the charge I thought that the time had come 
for me to show them that the Bamoley spirit 
would never succumb to any man that he did 
not consider his equal and that man an Irish­
man and a foreigner. I will also state that 
I was deeply attached to Mary Stiles and after 
she married Mr* Low why I wn3 completely de­
ranged for a short time and am still whenever 
I think of her .... Now you have the cir­
cumstances in full. I hope you agree vrith 
me and say I acted like a man . . . . 
37 Before leaving, Harold got $100 from Norman and instead of 
going direct to Panama, he and two others from New Orleans went up 
the Mississippi to St. Louis and from there "worked" their way to 
36 Ibid. 
37 Letter of J. H. Norman to Godfrey Bams Icy, September 16, 1854, 
in Bamoley Papers, Duke. 
201. 
33 Hex/ Bedford, ilassachuscttc. There they soon signed on a whaling 
ship for a throe year cruise. By this time some type of remorse had 
set in and Harold was moved to write his father, "X am sorry not to 
have heard from you. I am ashamed of myself for leaving New Orleans 
as I did. Please write me carc of Rev. llonea Howe, Esq., Pastor of 
the Seaman's Bethel, Hex/ Bedford, Mass, for H. Barnsley, ship 
,39 Florida." Bam3ley x?ns so disturbed x?ith Harold for leaving that 
he could not bring himself to answer his letter until November 12, 
but apparently Harold never received it. 
The price of cotton through 1353 and 1054 continued to rice but 
because of drought and the menace of insects, the crop for 1854 was 
lower' than expected. As Bams ley, Sagcr &. Co, indicated to English 
buyers in their cotton report of September 23, 1854, "our stylo of 
middling cannot be bought under G J/8d to Gj<i or equal to about 
5 :^ /lGl. to 5'' Gd. laid doxm there." Tills was nearly 1 d. higher than 
the previous ycar.t?^  Nevertheless, the company's books shox/cd net 
41 receipts for the year of $13,337.93. 
lleanwhile in 1854, George at age seventeen and Lucicn at age 
fourteen were maturing x/cll and maintaining a good record at Greene's 
 ^Letter of Harold Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, September 16, 1854, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Harold Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, October B, 1-054, 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
4^  Barnsley, Sager & Co. Cotton Report, September 23, 1854, B^ raeley 
Papers, Duke. 
 ^Balance sheet for 1054, Barnsley, Sager c; Co., Hobile, Barnsley 
Papers, Duke. 
202, 
school. George lied completed the courses offered there and wanted 
to attend Harvard. His father, however, thought such a course of 
action would be too expensive and persuaded him to return to Georgia 
42 and to enter Oglethorpe University at Kidway. "* G. U. Howard had 
convinced BarnsIcy of the value of attending a college closer to home. 
Lucien returned to Georgia also and after a visit at ''Woodlands," he 
became an employee of his father*0 company in their Mobile office un­
der the direction of Richard Sager, the son of Barnsley* s partner 
there. 
George and Lucien were happy to make the move to the South and 
to be nearer ,rrJood lands." Bams ley, then approaching fifty, had 
begun to slow his pace and was spending more and more time each year 
on his Cass County estate. The Manor House had progressed to such 
an extent that Barnsley, believing all would be well in his New 
Orleans and Mobile offices without him, felt his presence was necessary 
at lfUoodlands." It was here, also, that he was able to pursue his 
latest avocation, spiritualism. 
It is not known when Barnsley first became interested in the 
occult and in matters pertaining to life after death. He was greatly 
impressed with the fact that James Sager, brother of his Mobile 
partner Edmund Sager, regularly consulted a "clairvoyant. 
Letter of C. !•!. Greene to Godfrey Barnsley, March 20, 1854, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
 ^Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, November 15, 1354, in Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
44 Letter of J. R. Gardner to Godfrey Barnsley, May 27, 1852, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
203. 
After the death of his wife, Barnolcy cnid ho often "walked with her 
in the garden" and she advised hin on details of the construction of 
his Manor House. She helped hin, he said, select the rich furnish­
ings for the rooms of the house.Bams ley soon began to feci that 
he had some type of supernatural ability, perhaps that of a medium, 
as he confided in William Duncan that he had had experiences with 
table tipping and hearing rapping® on the walls Edmund Sagor 
soon came under the influence of his brother, and Edmund and Barnolcy 
corresponded regularly about matters pertaining to spiritualism. 
He become ill in the spring of 1853 and wrote Barnolcy, 
liy wife is a real medium. She no sooner sits 
down at the tabic than the tipplngs begin. I 
have asked 1000 questions and oil are correctly 
answered. I hove even tried to contradict it 
to no avail. 
It predicts I shall recover, go to t^ e 
Mediterranean and return much improved.' 
Barnsley was interested, but not convinced. Always the con­
servative utilitarian, he naked Sager to get some type of "spiritual­
istic" help for their business and he received the following reply: 
You say it would be a great thing if we 
could only lenow the position & course of the 
Liverpool market. I have made some enquiries 
as to that. The answer is that it is right 
to obtain any information respecting myself, 
45 Mrs. A. B. Savior, "Lost Chapter in the Tragedy of Haunted Barns-
ley 'Castle1, " The American Meekly, December 6, 1942. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey B rnaloy, March 11, 1853, in 
Barnslcy Papers, Duke. 
L'~' Letter of Edmund Sagcr to Godfrey Barnsley, April 28, IB53, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
204. 
r:>y movements, etc., etc., where the interest 
of other a ic not involved, but \A\en the In­
formation would operate to my own interest, 
& to the prej i^fice of others it io not 
right . . . . 
Soger's spiritual informant, however, proved to be in error, 
for he died in June, 1353, leaving his widow an estate valued at 
45 about $42,000. 
Tlic trippings continued to bother BarnsIcy and Duncan advised 
him not to worry about them. "X bcliove it ia your wife, who feels 
50 that great interest in you. Read the Bible and study,f!" * Bamslcy 
was greatly concerned for it was probably about this time that he 
received the first of several "spirit letters," or those written by 
n medium idien in trance and ostensibly from a deceased friend, lie 
told Duncan about the letter and received the following advice: 
You nay you have a long letter about your 
attendant from whom? Do let me advise 
you to have nothing norc to do with bin. 
Dismiss him from your mind, You are not pos­
sessed .... Tliis I know prayer & 
faith in the Lord Jesus Christ will overcome him and 
all his machinations. Cod grant that you may soon 
obtain the victory.Jx 
The spirit letter, though undated, was probably written by a 
medium while Bamslcy was in Hew Orleans in the summer of 1855. 
*l'° Letter of Edmund Sagcr to Godfrey Bamslcy, April 28, 1353, in 
Bamslcy Papers: Duke. 
 ^Letter of Alfred A. Harsh to Godfrey Bamslcy, June , 1853, in 
Bamslcy Papers, Duke. 
50 letter of Lillian Duncan to Godfrey Barns ley, August 14, 1855, in 
Bamslcy Papers, Duke. 
5- Letter of Lillian Duncan to Godfrey Bamslcy, August 13, 1855, in 
Rfernslcy Papers, Duke. 
205. 
It reads as follows: 
liy dear Mortal Barnsley 
However strange, however inconstant it may 
seeni to appear to you wc come to you as spirit 
communicating — however much it nay conflict 
with your former & may I not say present views of 
the future that we do come to you, ns you shall 
in good time be reasonably convinced and I 
am pained to know my recollections of the past 
is not vivid enough to call to mind items 
instantly yon make mention of in yours of 22 
April — for such passes away from us as we 
progress r>wny from the Earth sphere ---- and 
unless we associate those things with others 
more striking or familiar --- wo loose Chic.] 
them as would we were In the form were I to 
ask you to describe your minute physical appear­
ance 6. features as were they twenty years since 
could you do so no, no you could not 
but were I to ask you to tell me of some recent 
event you might glare at me so with we of 
spirit life therefore such questions as arc 
relative to dates or when the memory is brought 
into requisition we seldom even undertake unices 
we have vivid recollection of the same and 
until I ! mvc thorn more so than now I must bey, 
your further indulgence 
but Spiritualism has a hold upon the minds 
of the inhabitants of Hew Orleans that ere 
.long the entire city will become revolutionized 
to its truth liy darling Julia, is with me 
often arid when she has proper control rhc will 
have something to say which will send home con­
vict:, on of the truth of spiritualism to many 
of those she ms r?ont to associate wltl* 
but that time is not yet I hope dear 
Bamslcy you will investigate further & 
become satisfied that we do as readily come to 
you — 
Until then adieu, 
In spirit fromro 
Urn. Scarborough"'" 
This 1 spirit letter1 is in Bamslcy Papers, Emory. It is supposed 
that the Julia referred to in the letter is Scarborough1o wife. 
206, 
Bams ley1 s quest contain ed and through subsequent years his corre­
spondence vrith Duncan and others showed that he could not put the 
53 matter aside. 
Once again international affairs had an effect upon the cotton 
trade. Before the war began in the Crimea, it ms supposed that 
"Russia and Turkey would come to terms but in the meantime, 
commerce will suffer."'" Soon after the war started, William Duncan 
warned Barnsley that it would be a long one and lie predicted many 
commercial disasters, lie had no faith in France, he wrote, since 
she would probably "go to revolutionising herself," and leave England 
t-r to fight it out alone." The war caused the price of cotton to rise 
56 in Liverpool,wv and Duncan was pleased that England had "chosen the 
wisest policy — providing the money & ships while France furnishes 
the men,"J/ Soon after the Allied victory at Sevastopol in September, 
1055, Gardner predicted the Russians would agree to terms quickly, 
and gleefully noted that "cotton is up Vod. with a large business 
53 llany letters regarding spiritualism are in Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
with a few in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
£+ i 
Letter of J. R. Gardner to Godfrey Barnsley, July 30, 1053, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, April 29, 1354, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
DO Letter of J. R. Gardner to Godfrey Barnsley, June 25, 1355, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, October 11,, 1353, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
207. 
doing. "'58 By the time the liar x?as over fend the terras of peace had 
been signed in Paris on March 30, 1856, cotton had completely re­
covered and business tms thriving. 
Back at Oglethorpe University, George had joined the Phi Delta 
Society, a secret group \rhose members o-ere pledged to speak and de-
59 bate." He had been admitted to the Sophomore Class on the condition 
c n that his grades maintained a certain high standard. 
George enjoyed himself at college and in a letter inviting his 
father to come for a visit in June, 1855, he detailed his schedule 
for a typical day: "5 A. 11. bell rings to get up; 5?| bell for prayers 
& recitation; 7 breakfast; oh studies; 11 recitation; 1 dinner; 2 
study; 4% recreation; 5 prayers; Oh study; 10 bed." 
The emphasis on religious activities at the University con­
vinced George in 1055 that he should join the Presbyterian Church*"4'1 
and prepare for the Presbyterian ministry. Later that year when he 
visited his hone, he met with little success in attempting to convert 
53 Letter of J, L. Gardner to Godfrey Bamslcy, October 19, 1855, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of George Bamoley to Godfrey Barns ley, October 7, 1854, 
in Bams ley Papers, Duke, 
60 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, October , 1854, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
63. Letter of George Barnsley to Codfrey Barnsley, June 16, 1855, 
in Bamslcy Papers, Duke. 
6'* Letter of Uilliera Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, May 30, 1855, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
208. 
his father and brother and sisters to his recently acquired denomina­
tion. His sermons were often interrupted by his brother Lucien 
who thought it great sport to describe some gay party or ball he had 
attended in New Orleans during the previous winter. Undaunted, he 
began preaching to the Negroes and other servants at ftUoodlands," 
all of Tjhom promised not to sin. Impressed by contemporary articles 
condemning novels, he decided to bum some of the works of Diclcens, 
Thackeray and Scott in his father's library. His family ''derided' him 
and made such fun of him that he was, perhaps for the only time in 
his life, glad to leave "Woodlands" and get back to the extreme 
religious discipline of Oglethorpe. 
During his next year in college, however, he became less inter­
ested in religion and more interested in science, so that the re­
quired religious observances at college bored and disgusted him. 
After hearing a talk by Professor Robert C. Smith, he became greatly 
disturbed over his inability to rationalise the salvation of ancient 
Greeks who had not the benefit of the Christian's Bible. After a 
night of soul-searching he concluded that he "was not one of God*a 
elect," though he had tried to be. Thereafter, he attended religious 
services only if required and turned to the study of geology and 
mathematics with renewed vigor. He began to enjoy the gaiety of 
college life and later admitted that "I was a derelict, but I did 
83 not go astray." 
UJ Tankersley, Old Oglethorpe, 71-78. 
209. 
For the moot part Bamsley remained aloof from his neighbors 
in Cass County with the exception of his longtime friends, U. H. 
Stiles mid C. U. Howard. Howard seems to have had an especially 
difficult time making his farm economically self-sufficient .and tried 
one scheme after another to make it pay. In 1853 he was convinced 
there was a valuable body of iron ore on his estate, and since a 
company formed in Belgium was ready to work it, he wrote to see if 
Bamsley desired to put several thousand dollars in the venture. 
Bamsley was not interested, though within a year when the iron ore 
/* f venture had not succeeded, Bamsley loaned Hox/ard $1,200. J Two 
months later another $100 was added to this amount ' and in November 
of 1055 while Bamsley tog in New Orleans for n short time, Howard 
asked him to arrange for a loan of $5,000, using his property no 
collateral.^  Furthermore, as an additional way of helping Howard, 
Bamsley bought cement for ,fUoodlonda" from him whenever needed for 
68 thirty cents per bushel. 
Adelaide and Julia, spent the winter months of 1855-56 in 
Lw"* Letter of C. U. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley, October 8, 1C53, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of C. 17. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley, October 3, 1356, in 
Barnaley Papers, Duke. 
mj Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnslcy, December 22, 1854, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Wf Letter of C. 17. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley, November 14, 1055, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
 ^Letter of C. W. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley, September 13, 1856, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
210. 
Savannah with the William Duncan family and "had an Exciting time 
going to Dalla, parties and picnics." They did not return to "Wood-
go lands" until June. Bamsley spent the xiintcr in ITcw Orleans, 
and since Lucien was in Mobile and George in Oglethorpe, there was 
no member of the family at 5:Woodlando." Bamsley passed a rather un­
healthy winter, being under the care of a physician much of the time. 
He had recently taken a few more friends into his business, realising 
by then that perhaps only one of his sons would follow him in the 
business of a cotton factor, and oven that one, Lucien, had 
serious reservations about the matter. Henry S. Gilmour, brother of 
his daughter Anna's husband, Thomas, became associated with Bamcley 
in New Orleans, as did John Kelso Raid of Londonderry, Ireland. His 
other associates at his office at 114 Common Street in Hex? Orleans 
were-Baron Henry von Schwartz and his son Charles, shipowners from 
northern Germany. They had recently set up an office in the United 
States so as to be able to take a more active part in the lucrative. 
71 cotton trade in which their ships were already engaged. 
When Bnmsley returned to New Orleans in December, 1S56, from 
a lengthy stay at ?rWoodlands," Julia and Adelaide went with him and 
u9 Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bamsley, June 5, 1356, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Henry S. Gilmour to Godfrey Bamsley, October.3, 1856 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
71 Letter of George R. Clidden to Godfrey Bamsley, January 1, 1857, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
211. 
it was there that Adelaide met and fell quickly in love with John 
K. Reid. Their courtship was short, for their encasement was anriounc-
n<y cd in January, 1857.Soon afterward Bamsley, feeling the responsi­
bility of being both mother and father to his twenty-three year-old 
daughter, gave her the following advice: 
Dear Adelaide, 
I have perused the kind note you gave to me 
from which I conclude you will receive a 
cordial and affectionate welcome from Mr. Re id'3 
relatives, but it will require you to be care­
ful and very circumspect in vail you say and do 
many young persons \7hen they get married have 
their heads turned by the attention they reccS.ve 
let your study be that of making n good 
wife — there is only n certain portion of 
happiness attainable in this world and none 
are eneenpt from cares and trials —• by not 
expecting too much there is less danger of 
disappointment. I am sure from Mr, Reid you 
will receive all the devotion you can reason­
ably c:cpect if you study to merit it — X 
have much to be thankful for and yet there 
is sufficient of an opposite character to 
cause ne to look forward to that change which 
must cone to nil with hope rather than 
regret . . . ./J 
Adelaide Bamsley and John IC. Reid we re married on April 29, 
jr 1857, in New Orleans and left immediately on a trip to Canada. 
Adelaide suffered migraine headaches constantly, as had been her 
°* ~ Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barn3Icy, January 10, 1857, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
73 Letter of Godfrey Bamsley to Adelaide Bamsley, February , 
1857, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
74 "Bamsley Family P.egister." 
212. 
7 ry misfortune for several years. - After a short stay in Quebec, they 
sailed for England and took up residence there. Adelaide wrote that 
she wes very sick all the way across, but that she liked England and 
Reid's family. Her only complaint there was that she was "tired of 
76 playing a lady. I xrish I wore hone!" ' Her wish came true, but not 
b.b anticipated. She returned to "Uoodlands" in time to give birth 
to her son, Godfrey Forrest Reld, on September 23, 1858, but on Octo-
-tj bcr 2, 1853, she died.' In later years, George Bnrnslcy remembered 
vividly the circ;a \atnnces: 
But poor Lain cnmc back one day from across 
the water| she had pined there in the damp 
of England for her home, in the Sunny South. 
She returned, alas! too late. One morn­
ing she left us. Never can I forget the agony 
of sorrow of that night and morning. Bowed 
with grief her husband had sunk by her side, 
Julia lay by her side in the agony of grief; 
I stood at the foot of the bed; who else was 
there I cannot remember; her breathing which 
had been heavy soon became less noisy and 
almost ceased to be. The curtains of the 
eastern window were raised; the moon was 
bright nnd clear: soon the sun's beams came 
thru the honey suckle vine in the trellis 
in front; its rays lighted the bed; she 
seemed to feel it end gave one long sigh and 
her spirit left us. Her body we placed in 
the grave yard, close by the rivulet, where 
^Letter of Adelaide B. Raid to Godfrey Barns ley, ID.xy 22, 1857, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Adelaide B. Rcid to Godfrey Barnsley, June 5, 1857, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
i 'f "Bamsley E mily Register." 
213. 
the wild anemones and honey stickle crow, and 
of which she. was so fond. The little charge 
she left no, ho\.T he has cnttfincd himself into 
o u r  v e r y  e x i s t e n c e  .  . . .  u  
Adelaide13 son, who was called Forrest, was immediately 
cared for by Julia, who raised him as her own son. John Held con­
tributed to his support but soon returned to New Orleans and his 
70 business, while Julia and the baby stayed in "Woodlands." Once 
more tragedy had struck at Bams ley. With Harold gone for so lone 
and no indication of his return, Bams ley* s once happy and carefree 
family had dwindled to a total of three in addition to himself. 
lie often longed to see Harold. Host of the letters from 
Bamsley to his so a do not seem to gave gotten through to him, which 
caused Harold great concern. His first place of employment in the 
Far East was at Abraham* s Ship Chandlers Store in Manila and his 
first letters indicate his pleasure in his new life. ''Don't write 
me to come home for I will not .... If I only had capital I could 
80 become very rich In a few short years.s: Within a few days his 
letters began to show a note of change for as he wrote, 'this is a 
81 terrible place to live. Europeans don't live long out here." Soon 
George S. Bamsley, "Reminiscences of Woodlands," in imprinted 
copy book, now in Bams ley Papers, Schcuenstuhl. 
79 Letter of John IC. Held to Godfrey barnsley, Hovemher , 1858, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
p n Letter of Harold Barnoley to Lucien Bamsley, June 27, 1856, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
81 o better of Harold Bamsley to Godfrey Bamsley, July 4, 1856, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
a severe despondency had taken hold of hira and he said that since 
he had not hoard from Damsley in more than two years since he left, 
he felt he was an outcastc. "Could you know one-half I have suffered 
since leaving home you would forgive me. If it is the intention of 
all of you to have nothing more to do TTith me let me know and the 
name Barnsley will be extinct as far as I an concerned. You will 
a o never hear from mo again. Plcr.oc write."*"'" 
Eventually, he received a letter from BamaIcy, who could not 
find it in his heart to condemn his son for his actions, though ho 
disapproved of then. As he wrote concerning Harold's departure. 
. . . as I an not a believer in chance, but 
in an over-ruling Providence, I have concluded 
it was for the best. The reasons assigned in 
your letter of 15th August, 1054 for the step 
seem to mc. insufficient, but young people 
judge differently from old ones and I will not 
discuss the point, but I merely say that your 
conclusion caused great regret and not anger 
as you supposed it would .... Altho1 I 
am averse to asking favors I may after 
arrival at II. Orleans . . . procure one or 
more letters of introduction for you to some 
of the houses you name, in the meantime I 
trust your good conduct will render them 
superfluous .... Hoping you Trill v/rite 
often and with the assurance that you are con­
stantly remembered in our prayers to the 
Supreme Buler of all^ things I remain your 
affectionate Father.0^  
o a Hatter of Harold Bams ley to Godfrey Bamslcy, October , 1856, 
in Bams ley Papers. Puke. 
o q 
o letter of Godfrey Bamslcy to Harold Bams ley, January 7, 1857, 
in Bamslcy Papers, Puke. 
215. 
Harold continued to write to his father even before the receipt 
of the above, telling of his many experiences in the islands of the 
South Sens. He \ms particularly disappointed at one of these, he 
wrote, since if it had not been for the unexpected departure of his 
ship, he would have had a native wife, -s ho\ise and canoes. "But X 
lost the chance," he wrote. "There were two Europeans staying 
ashore there and they lead a fine life away from all trouble, having 
c/. their food and everything they require. 
By September, 1857, Harold had moved to Hong Kong and had at 
last received the above mentioned letter from his father. Things 
were better there, he xnrotc, and bcc av.se of the insurrection of the 
Q e; Sepoys in India, trade was quite active.'" Ills employer there was 
r. Nr. Duddell. 
Added to Bams ley's many family concerns was the ever-present 
problem of the price and consumption of cotton, and the nagging 
political problems of the South in general. Barnsley as n citizen 
of England had never openly concerned himself with American politics, 
though he de.finitely agreed with the majority of Southerners in 
his feelings on major issues. His livlihood depended upon the main­
tenance of the Pi antation system and a continuation of the institution 
 ^Letter of Harold Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, January 7, 1857, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Harold Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, September 24, 1857, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Harold Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, April 12, 1858, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
216. 
of slavery, if that wan flint was necessary, tilth most other cotton 
factors, he e>ro 1ted over Chief Justice Roqcr Taney's pronouncement 
in the Dred Scott Decision that the Missouri Compromise of 7820, for­
bidding slavery north of 36°30', was unconstitutional. But their 
exaltation soon turned to sullen resentment at the amount of anyer 
shown by the North, and a bewildered reappraisal of the entire 
political situation was the result. 
Close on the heels of this action of the Supreme Court came 
that period of financial harassment known an the Panic of 1857. 
The prosperity of the preceding years vanished quickly in the North, 
but did not seem to affect the South with as much vehemence. Cotton 
prices abroad remained favorable so that the South proved, at 
least to itself, that cotton was "Kinq." Since the price of cotton 
remained high and Hcqroes sold for more than ever before, the 
South was convinced of the superiority of its economic system. As 
J. B. D. De Bow pointed out, "the wealth of the South is permanent 
97 and real, that of the North fugitive and fictitious."1 
There was some apprehension in the South because of the Indian 
Revolt of the summer of 1857, and it was feared prices would yo up 
Of too hi^ h in New 0rleen3,Indeed, for n. short period of tine 
toward the end of the year, the markets in Mobile and New Orleans 
0"7 u/ Hcsseltine, Tlie South in American History, 352. See also Avery 
Craven, The Growth of Southern Nationalism, 1S4C- 1861 (Baton 
Rouae)* 461 ff. 
no UL Letter of R. Maury to Godfrey Barnsley, September 4, 1857, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
217. 
were so depressed that some of the bnnks bed to suspend payments. 
Bamsley was hit particularly hard at this time and throughout the 
early months of 1853, when the prices American planters set on 
their cotton were too high for profits to be realised. Though it 
had not been heretofore a part of his personality, Bnrnslcy openly 
complained of his financial status to his sons and his friends. 
Even Harold, writing from Hong ICong and telling of his recent good 
fortune in obtaining, a "first-rate position,fl offered to send "$50 
per month for some months for the maintenance of Julia if you will 
accept it."^  John Gardner wrote that he could get Bnrnsley a 
position ir. Hew York in an insurance office at between $15,000 and 
$20,000 ft ye"r."1 Earlier, when it looked to George that matters 
were likely to be difficult, he xrrote his father, 
I am afraid that we are gone. But do not be 
disturbed --- for I have n strong arm and a 
willing heart & can support Julia & yourself 
& nothing will give me more pleasure than to 
endeavor to rcpav the kindness xrhich X have f}0 e:q)ericnced from your hand s5.nce childhood. 
But with his characteristic industry and patience, Barnsley 
89 
90 
91 
92 
Letter of Lucicn Bnrnsley to Godfrey Bams ley, October 31, 1857, 
in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Harold Bnrnsley to Godfrey Bamsley, Kay 3, 1858, in 
Bnrnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of T. Gilmour to Godfrey "Bamsley, September -3, 1858, in 
Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of George Bamsley to Godfrey Bnrnsley, December 28, 1857 
in Bnrnsley Papers, Duke. 
21S 
\?c.3 able to wait out the financial storm and recover with no real 
clanger to his property, though he had shown signs by 1053 of rather 
continuous ill health. The price of cotton rose in 1858 and contin­
ued to do so the next two years, during which tine Bnmo ley's pro­
fits were greater than for many years. Figures show the following 
amounts of cotton shipped from llcw Orleans from 1855 through 1861: 
During the lean days of 1057, Bams ley had not been able to 
afford a continuation of improvements to "Woodlands." Because 
of a scries of misunderstandings, during which a financially 
harrassod Bams ley accused John Connolly of mismanagement of funds, 
Connolly left "Woodlands." In his final letter to Barnsley, he 
wrote that he had been with him since 1841 and had always been 
faithful and had never deceived him. "I am very much hurt at your 
conduct towards me," he wrote. "Still I hope you will prosper as 
Or­well as your family,"' B.amsley never again had such an excellent 
supervisor for his estate. 
Barnsley then placed his son George in charge of "Woodlands,t: 
Donnell, Statistical History of Cotton, 232. 
year ending bales shipped 
8-31-55 
G-31-56 
0-31-57 
8-31-50 
8-31-59 
3-31-60 
S-31-61 
1,232,644 
1,661,433 
1,435,000 
1,576,409 
1,669,274 
Q/, letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Barnsley, January 3, 1850, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke, 
219. 
and Julia and the baby, Forrest, stayed there with him most of the 
time. Lncicn continued in the employ of his father, though by that 
time in the office in Hew Orleans. 
Letters from Harold began to come less frequently and one 
received from him in October, 1858, told of an unfortunate love 
affair with his employer1s niece. J lie was then forced to change 
to another position, and promised that shortly he would open n 
95 store of his own. Since he had had no word from Harold for several 
months Barnsley :nrote. in December, 1059, to the head of the British 
Garrison in Hong Kong, General G. J. Kenan, ashiny if he had any 
information at all as to the whereabouts of his son. Barnsley \nroto 
that he feared his son had possibly become sick of ®pe of the 
diseases of the a re a .  But Harold was never seen a ye in, though 
years later David Gilraour, brother of Bam a ley's g0iioin~law Thomas 
C. Gilmour, sent three letters to Barnsley which he had received 
from Harold in December, 1860, askin a; Gilmour to yet him a job in 
93 Shanghai. Reports eventually reached their ears during the Civil 
Unr that Harold hod been in a shipwreck off the coast of China and 
95 jitter qf Harold Barns Icy to Godfrey Bams ley, July 10, 1858, 
in Bamslcy Papers, Duke. 
OA Letter of Harold Bams ley to Godfrey Barns Icy, October 12, 1353, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
97 Letter of Godfrey Bamslcy to General G. J. Kenan, December , 
1859, in Bamslcy Papers, Duke. 
98 Letter of Harold B.arnsicy to David Gilmour, December 12, 1360. 
in Bams ley Papers, Duke; December 13, 1860 and December 27, 
1860, in Earns Icy Papers, Emory. 
220, 
had been shot by pirntes when attempting to switn to shore. As George 
Damsley later recalled, 
Harry never came back from acrossthe oca; 
would he never tiro of those horrid Chinese! 
How omen as the sun's last lingering rays 
rested on the roses, have I glanced toward the 
gate half-hoping to see him come, . . my poor 
brother, Harry . . , thou too gone .... 
Thy spirit, brother, dewlls with us; thy voice 
still echoes and thy name is still as dear ns0(j 
when we sported together in childhood . . . .* 
During 1359 and I860, Bamsley enjoyed the prosperity that was 
general throughout the South. He divided his time between New Orleans 
and "Woodlands" and continued to make his Cass County estate a show-
place. The gardens had become a popular spot for those on sight­
seeing trips and picnics, and he gave instructions that while such 
visits were not to be encouraged, nil visitors were to be treated 
"civilly and no more. 
1 Mood lands" was only keeping pace with the development of the 
rest of Cass County, whose tax books in 1857 showed a net value of 
$7,460,028.85,^ " h& for Georgia as a whole, cotton mills, shoe 
factories, tanneries and foundries had sprung up all over the state 
and in 1360 the value, of their production was nearly $17,000,000. 
She maintained her position as one of the leading export states of 
qq George Barns ley, ''Reminiscences.11 
J'^ u Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bamsley, April 23, 1857, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
101 Bartow County, 31. 
the South, the value of her exports to foreign lands in 1860 being 
$18,403,030. As for politics and population, Georgia continued to 
grow, creating thirty-two new counties in the last decade before 
the Civil War. Many people from the llorth moved in and gave her 
the reputation of being the "Yankee State of the South." 
The economy depended on slavery, for Georgia was the "heart and 
soul of the slavery South." Her property in Negroes was worth more 
103 than all her cities and land combined. Barasloy in 1859 owned but 
•I A# 
six slaves, whose declared value for tax purposes was $6,000. He 
was rather noncommittal on the subject of slavery, his accounts 
showing him as having actually purchased in 18.51 only one slave, a 
1 Qn woman named Martha for whom he paid $500."" The others which ho 
owned were not legally his, having been left to his children from 
the estate of Mrs. Julia Scarborough. Ilcr twenty-four slaves had 
been transferred to a friend, Robert M. Goodwin, in trust by Mrs. 
Scarborough in 1G42, and after her death one fifth of them was to 
go to Julia Bnrasley or her children. Bams ley was still convinced 
that he could get more service and satisfaction from white domestics, 
so he continued to employ these whenever possible. 
102 Coulter, Georgia, 232-233. 
103 Ibid., 303 
104- £n ft ie e^r for 1059, under heading "Estimate of the property 
of G. Bamsley, Esq. of Cass County," April, 1859, Bnmslcy Papers, 
Duke, 
105 i»ecoipt dated October 14, 1851, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
106 xrust deed, June 16, 1842, Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
222. 
Through 1360, Bnrnsley maintained a keen interest in the politi­
cal affairs of Georgia and the United States. It was not that he was 
especially concerned about the fundamental principle of slavery versus 
freedom or union versus secession, but that any type of disruption or 
internal turmoil meant a corresponding disturbance to the cotton 
trade. He was of the opinion that "Those black Republicans must be 
stopped now,1 ' and seems to have agreed with William Duncan who 
xrrotc him that when it carae to a question of political position or 
the production of cotton, the people of Georgia would attach more 
importance to political position. "I look for a dissolution of tics 
that bind these states as a thing not far distant and very certain. 
. . . and for one I say let it come & let me take part in it, for 
the good of the country and for the good of my family, . . He 
was of the opinion that England would not render aid to the South 
unless slavery were abolished and that the South could not make any 
108 separation last without foreign help, Jolm Gardner found the 
cotton market in a rather awkward situation in the North, since 
purchasers were content to wait for a while hoping for a fall in 
price, while Southerners were attempting to hold until the Northern 
spinners were so 1010- on cotton they would pay almost any price, "If 
there can be no adjustment of the difficulties the best thing is to 
!  r-Letter of John Connolly to Godfrey Bums ley, February 0, 1861, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
10° Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, October 29, 1860, 
in Barnsiey Papers, Duke, 
223. 
separate and If it is to come I soy now is the time when the leaders 
of both sides feel like it."109 Still, financially the year was a 
good one for Bams ley .and his two sons-in-law who were also interested 
in cotton. George BarnsIcy later reported that Thomas Gilmour had 
cleared about $100,000, John K. Rcid $60,000 and Barnsley about 
$00,000 in f?thcir cotton business of brokerage, commissions and 
banking in 1060. 
By April of 1361 and the beginning of the tier, matters in the 
Barnsley household were unite confused. Lucien had been put in charge 
of "Woodlands" .and George was in New Orleans t/ith his sister Julia 
and the little child, Forrest. George was convinced the war would 
be long and costly, and he felt en immediate urge to take part in it. 
"X have spoken to Pa in regard to our joining the Navy," ho wrote 
Lucien. "lie discourages the idea . . . . I'll be there soon .... 
This city presents the appearance of a military camp soldiers at 
every corner. . . . Pa says that you had bettor join one of the Rome 
companies .... Julis will return with me. T here is some talk of 
111 a trip to England, but I am afraid that it will not occur." The 
probable reason that Barnsley end his family did not go to England 
was that It would have been exceedingly difficult, even for a British 
subject, to get funds out of Georgia or Louisiana at that late date. 
10 x,etter of J. E. Gardner to Godfrey Barnsley, December 10, I860, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
110 «gpiaXy 0f George S. Barnsley," in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenatuhl. 
111 Letter of George Barnsley to Lucien Barnsley, April 24, 1861, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
George later forgot his letter and hie advice to Lucien for 
he related his own version in a letter to his con about how he and 
Lucien cnte to join the Confederate Army; 
Without consulting anybody and caught up in the 
enthusiasm of the War, he went to Rome and en­
listed as a private for three years in the Rone 
Light Guards — when I returned to Woodlands 
Lucien was already at Rome. I had not made up toy 
mind what position X would try to get in the 
Confederate Army then forming. Really there 
vans nothing else X could do, for Lucien and I 
were as twin brothers .... Where there was 
any prospect of danger nothing seemed possible 
to prevent our mutual assistance, so strong 
was our love for each other. If Lucien had 
not been so precipitate, I might have made use 
of the ten thousand dollars your grandfather had 
offered for me to get up a regiment and become 
Colonel at the beginning of my military career. "l~ 
The rooter of men wlio served in the Confederate Amy shows the 
following: 
Muster Roll of Company A, Oth Regiment, 
Georgia Volunteer Infantry, Army of North­
ern Virginia, C. S. A,., Floyd County, Geor­
gia, ("Rome Light Guards'1) 
Barnsley, George S., — Private May 18, 1861. 
Appointed Hospital Steward Dec. 24, 1062, 
Detailed in Medical Dept. at Richmond, Va. 
in 1864, Appointed Assistant Surgeon, Mar. 
22, 1365. 
Barnsley, Lucien L,, — Private May 18, 1861. 
Detailed to report to Dr. Miller at Greens­
boro, Gjjjgia, Oct. 31, 1864. No later 
record. 
11 Copy of letter of George S. Barnsley to his son Godfrey Emerson 
Barnsley, July , 1910, in Barnsley Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
113 Lillian Henderson, comp., Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of 
Georgia, 1361-1865 (Atlanta, 1958), 917. 
225. 
It is not clear whether George Bamolcy1 s memory had failed 
him concerning the time of enlistment of Lucien and himself or if 
Lucien merely waited for his arrival in Rome and they both joined 
the Army on the same date. 
In any event, with both sons in the Array and the future of 
his home and business most uncertain, Barnsley was now forced to 
spend his days at "Uoodlnnds" with his daughter Julia, hie grand-
son Godfrey Forrest Ueid and a few slaves and servants. The gay days 
of the past were over, and Barnsley withdrew into himself wondering 
if indeed his decision whan younger to remain In the United States 
instead of establishing himself in hio own country had been wise. 
CHAPTER VII 
THE GREAT IM 
The Barn3Icy boys entered the War with much the sane optimistic 
Spirit of excitement and adventure that seemed to grip the entire 
South. The train trip which took the Rome Light Guards to Virginia 
was more like en excursion outing than n ride off to battle and 
their reception in Winchester was worth remembering• "Winchestor was 
delightful," wrote George Bemcley, "with plenty of good food and 
beautiful girls,1'" 
Godfrey Bams ley also was optimistic and believed that cotton 
was of such value and importance to Great Britain that both she and 
o France would enter the War shortly on the side of the South." A 
friend wrote that he had high hopes that the War would soon end 
favorably for the South and that Georgia alone would, if asked, put 
50,000 men in the field while the entire population of the state 
would sacrifice everything "but a mere subsistence for their support.' 
He agreed with Barnsley that Great Britain would insist on a steady 
3 supply of cotton and fully expected her as an ally very soon." 
The South's victory at Kanasaaa, or Bull Run, on July 21, 1861, 
added a great deal to the optimism of the Confederacy. William 
"L George S. Barns ley, "Some Autobiographical Notes," in an imprinted 
copy book, Barnslcy Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
fc Letter of Rut son Maury to Godfrey Barnslcy, Hoy 7, 1861, in Bamsle 
Papers, Duke. 
3 Letter of John Pepper to Godfrey Bnmsley, June 2, 1861, in Barnsle 
Papers, Emory. 
227. 
Duncan was of the opinion that the Confederate troops would do well 
to capture and destroy Unnhinnton, release Maryland and force Phila­
delphia to pay n tribute of $10,000,COO. "All the milk of human 
kindness which I had for the Yankees has ooncd out," he wrote. His 
confidence was strong in the ability of the Confederacy to exist in 
spite of the Union blockade, recently established in a rather loose 
fashion up and down the Atlantic coast. "I sincerely hope the block­
ade will not be raised .... I want England to recline the fact 
/ 
that 'Cot to;i is Kin?,1 Barns ley, however, was hopeful that the 
victory would briny recognition end a re-opening to the ports as soon 
K as possible. 
To a certain extent, Bamsley's wishes cmne true. In September, 
1861, the British steamer B emu da, slipping through the blockade, 
arrived in Savannah from Liverpool and unloaded 50,000 pairs of shoes, 
24,000 blankets, twenty rifled cannon, marly 7,000 Enfield rifles, 
shot shell and powder, and "a lot of pants, coats, drawers & shirts 
6 made-up."' The coming of the Bermuda, was not an .accident, for 
demonstrating the ineffectiveness of the blockade was the arrival 
in November of the iron steamship Finiyal. Tills ship brought 12,000 
more Enfield rifles, six rifled cannon, 1,000,000 cartridges, 40,000 
H Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bnmsley, August 8, 1061, in 
Bernsley Papers, Emory. 
5 " Letter of John Pepper to Godfrey Bnmsley, Ar:yust 10, 1861, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, September 24, 1861, 
in Bnmsley Papers, Emory. 
999 
pounds of powder, and a quantity of pistols, cutlasses and blankets. 
It vma hoped the chip would stay in Georgia and join the Confederate 
- 7 ? wavy. 
As far nc Bams ley and his British associates were concerned, 
the Civil War in the United States was primarily an obstacle to bus!--
neos v?hich had to be circumvented. Failing that, it was to bo borne 
with as r.iach poise and patience as possible with constant awareness 
for the possibility of a wick profit. Enrly rumors of a slave up­
rising in the South caused rapid sales of cotton in Liverpool with 
a slignt increase in prices.' But by mid-Kay there was general dis­
appointment among those who held cotton In stock in Liverpool that 
active hostilities between the Worth and South had not.begun. A 
business associate in Liverpool wrote, tfUe . . . are very sanguine 
til At we trill he.ve a. strong reaction and with a continuance of Civil 
War in the States fully believe when our stocks are a bit reduced 
will see a rise in price.Even William Duncan in Savannah was dis­
appointed that the news from the United States had not brought about 
a more rapid advance,""0 though in a later letter he reported that 
'' ' Letter of William. Dune-n to Godfrey 33: ma Icy, November 14, 1851. 
in Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
a Letter of Samuel Smith to Godfrey Barnsley, Hay 2, 1051, in 
Bcrnolcy Papers, Emory. 
' Letter of William Prince & Co. to Godfrey Bams ley, Hay 18, 1851, 
in Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
10 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, Hay 21, 1861, in 
Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
229. 
some merchants in Liverpool were quite surprised that war had ever 
been declared. They did not believe the Americans were elf all serious 
in "playing at War," which probably accounted to a certain extent for 
the slowness of the market. 
Through the first six months of 1861, Barnsley*s offices in 
Mobile and New Orleans managed to send cotton on ships which success­
fully negotiated the hastily established and never completely effec­
tive Northern blockade.* From January 1 through June 20, 1861, 
Bams ley, Sager & Co. in Mobile shipped cotton valued at nearly a 
quarter of a million dollars, and Godfrey Barnsley & Co, in New 
Orleans from January 1 through May 2G, 1861, shipped cotton from which 
their profit was over $60,000.00. In England cotton sold on Barns-
ley's own account brought an increase of more than $1,800.00 to his 
personal account. 
When actual hostilities had commenced, the victory at Manassas 
. 14 brought a "rapid advance of cotton in Liverpool"* and joy to.the 
heart of William Duncan; 
What a tremendous effect this victory will have 
in England. They will now believe that we are 
11 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, May 22. 1.361, in 
B^ . toss ley Papers, Emory* 
12 #smes>0. Randall,, "The Civil War and Reconstruction (Boston, 1937), 
650. The author says that Southern ships were successful in five 
of every six attempts throughout the war in slipping through the 
blockade. 
Balance sheets, Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
"f A T Letter of Henry G. Gilmour to Godfrey Barnsley, July 20, 1361, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
230. 
going to have war --- and that we arc something _ w 
©ore than a small minority of rebellious rioters. 
A few weeks later Barns ley received on order for "100 bales of good 
Mobile cotton if it can be purchased for seven pence per pound de­
livered in Liverpool and you see a reasonable chance of getting it 
to sea."* ° Bamsley, however, was at ,tWoodlnnds" for the several 
years of the War, leaving Alfred A. Marsh, his clerk, in charge of 
the Mobile office. and William Norman in charge of the New Orleans 
office. These men were able to fill orders when ships were willing 
to run the blockade. 
George and Lucicn Baraeley were at the battle at Manassas, which 
did not take place until July 21, though a "big fight in Virginia" 
17 had been anticipated since late in May. Southern frustration kept 
building up especially since reliable reports from Virginia were not 
forthcoming. In addition, rumors of all kinds were common and dismay 
was evident when it was announced that Great Britain had Issued orders 
refusing to allow captured ships to be brought into her ports. "This 
is playing into the hands of our Enemies,11 wrote Duncan, "because we 
is have no shipping to be captured and is a serious injury to our cause." 
13 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bnrnsloy, July 2"K 1861. 
in Barnsle? Pipers, Emory. 
 ^Letter of Henry Ward to Godfrey Bamsley. August 27, 1861. in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
17 Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, May 27, 1861, in 
Barns!ey papers, Emory. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, June 22, 1^ 61, in 
Bamsley Papers, Emory. . 
231. 
The first reports of the battle at Manassas which reached Cess 
County were of a terrible slaughter and it was not known which side 
had been victorious. C . 17. Howard wrote that he was coin-; to Vir­
ginia unless he had word soon of the safety of his son Jctt, who t.v.s 
19 with George and Lucion." Within a few days he hed received advice 
that Jett had been wounded, after which he went to Virginia and 
°0 
brought hits liar.-e/ * 
As noon as ho had a brief respite, Ccorye wrote his father the 
details of his activities before and during this first important 
battle of the Civil War: 
On the morning of the loth ue marched thru 
Winchester 6 were told that Bcnuroynrd was 
iny & needed reinforcements. Wc marched all 
afternoon & reached the Shenandoah River about 
9 P. IL We waded across & mrchcd to Paris & 
slept there. Wc then marched to Piedmont depot 
& tool: the train for "Manassas Junct5.au & f-;ofc 
there about 2 A.11. Lvcien & myself slept in 
the rain on top of the cars -••• it was too crowed 
below. After a m.cayre breakfast wo marched to 
Alexandria c: rested until the next morning 
(Sunday). . . . We heard cannon at 'fulls--run-
creek5 where we marched Hurriedly. 'Xhe first 
cannon man shot about 6:30 A.M. Just as wc. 
reached our batteries on the run we. were ordered 
to counter- march 5 or 6 miles to the left, 
tool: position, and chnr jed nyein to the left to 
support our Virginia Battery .... We had to 
lie down to escape the shot & bombs. Col. 
Gardner then ordered us down hill for a mile 
through a perfect storm of bullets & cannon 
19 Letter of C. W. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley, July £3,"1361, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of C. W. Howard to Godfrey Bamsley. Auyust 3, ISjSl, in 
Bnmslcy Papers, Emory. 
balls, took position & opened upon the Enemy — 
fought for 20 minutes — loot there and in the 
retreat about 250 men. We had gotten into a 
hornets nest of some 23,000 men. IIow we ever 
got out of our pine grove without being killed 
is a miracle to me. , . . Col. Gardner was 
wounded in the leg & Jett, myself & others 
carried him until we broke down & were ordered 
to leave him & run. I was too tired so I 
walked off .... Hie Yankees finally retreated 
and our cavalry charged them. The carnage was 
terrible. I don't want to say anything about 
myself or Lucien but I can say I tried, as 
Lucien did, to stand square up to our work. . . . 
How Lucien & I escaped God only knows. I killed 
one Yankee & found him afterwards. X marked the 
spot. I was just as cool as I am now."* 
The letter quoted above must have been written in a hospital, 
for years later as he was recalling experiences in the War, George 
remembered that, 
As we were in a temporary retreat toward 
the end of our battle at Manassas, Lucien and 
X were together holding the banner — and for 
me it was one of the proudest moments of my 
life —- Lucien and I at the head of a regiment 
of men from different States. ... It seemed 
to me as I marched forward that I was treading 
on air, I was so proud and delighted to die for 
my country. . . . After helping get the wounded 
in wagons, I was so exhausted I fell down in a 
gully and slept, waking only after a terrible 
storm which rain water was pouring in my mouth. . 
. . I ended up a few days later in a hecoital 
with double pneumonia and then typhoid. 
J Letter of George Bcrnsley to Godfrey Baraslcy, July 24, 1861 in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
90 George S. E&msley, "Some Autobiographical Notes," Bams ley 
Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
233. 
George's illness was so serious nnd his recovery so slow that 
in September Lucien sent for Brrnsley and Julie to cone to Culpepper, 
23 Virginia, where George h-.d been a dmitted to the military hospital. 
George's improvement had soon advanced to such an extent that Barnsley 
returned to "Woodlands" by himself leaving Julie in Virginia to care 
for her brother. After George had regained sufficient strength, lie 
04 and Julia returned to Georgia in November of that year.' * George 
later recalled that hie return to "Woodlands" was a marvelous tonic 
for him: 
Days of pleasure and moments of joy. To be 
once more with the loved ones that make life 
dear, to smoke my pipe with Pa. to laugh with 
Julia, to romp with Forrest, to enjoy delicate 
food, to sip fine old lladeria, why it is no or 
wonder I was so happy and recovered so quickly.~J 
Godfrey Bams ley spent the lonely years of the War trying to 
supplement his income by proper management of his Cass County estate. 
Keeping close to his Manor House, he visited socially with few other 
families than that of W. II. Stiles or C. If. Howard. Others of the 
area looked upon him as a wealthy recluse, who had managed to -acquire 
.an extensive stock of whiskey and brandy, which they tried to beg or 
26 buy from him as frequently as possible." When asked, he agreed to 
 ^Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey- BarnaIcy, October 2, 1861) In 
Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
94 ~ Letter of John Pepper to Godfrey Barnsley, November 5. 1861, in 
Bnraslcy Papers, Emory. 
25 George S. •"Bnmsley, "Some Autobiographical Notes," in Barasley 
Papers, Scheitenstuhl. 
Letter of W. B. Telford to Godfrey Barns ley, June 19, 1861, in 
Barasley Papers. Emory. 
234. 
cr.ro for the slave family of Rev. J. Jones, who went off with the 
ry "1 
Biyhth Georgia Regiment for n few months." ' It was known that Bnms-
loy's wheat was of excellent quality so he was offered one dollar 
per bushel for the 200 bushels he had harvested in the summer of 
•>3 1861. " Barnsley find naturally direct access to merchants in 
Savannah, Kobile and Hew Orleans and use often ashed by his Case 
County neighbors to order barrels and bones of food for them direct 
from the seaport cities. This he aid and there is no indication that 
29 ho attempted to charge my/ type of commission for his services. 
In the ,JUoodlands:: .area, Southern pride in military successes 
reached a peal; on December I, 1861, then Governor Joseph E. Broxm 
announced the chanyc in the name of Cass County to Bartow County. 
Lewis Cass, for whom the county originally had been named, was "help 
iny to sustain a U.ar on the people of the South,'5 and it was felt the. 
in order to honor the memory of Col. Francis Bartow of Savannah, who 
had been killed in the battle at Kanassa.s, the name should be chanycd 
31 Bartow had been Bamslcy *s Irur/cr in Savannah. 
Letter of J. J no . 'o Godfrey Barnsley, July 8, 1361, in Barnsley 
Papers, Emory. 
f>r% 
"J Letter of J. Johnson to Godfrey Bams ley, October 18, 1861, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of A. F. Hoolcy to Godfrey Burnslcy, Hovember 23, 1861, in 
Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
"jxJ Cunyus, Bartow County, 34. 
 ^ Letter of. Francis S. Bartow to Godfrey Bamsley, June 1. 1B41, 
in Barnsley Papers. Emory. 
235. 
Sometime toward the cud of 1861, when the initial flush of 
victory at Hrmassns had beyen to fade, a wave of pessimism and fear 
be pan to creep the. South. John Pepper indicated his desire that 
39 England join the South soon, as ships were badly needed. " Duncan 
wrote that in order to convince England of the urgency of the Southern 
cause, ^ Ministers l-Iaaou & Slidcll sailed from Havana on the 23rd by 
•J British Hail Steamer & will be in England about November 8th.,s He 
a7.so reported the fact that a fleet of thirty-seven Northern ships 
had recently sailed toward the south, it v;as not knoun where they 
were really yoiny, but he felt they would probably ;o to Sava nnah, 
Pensticoln, New Orleans or Galveston. Savannah, he said, would be easy 
to take, since Iter defences wore Heal:. When n fleet of twenty-
three ships made nn appearance a few days later off Fort Pulaski, 
southeast of Savannah, Duncan reported that the city was ready for 
the attack. But within four days, confusion reiyned. Savannah could 
be taken by the enemy in twelve hours. he warned, if desired: 
We are . . . all runniny 1 hither & yon'. We are 
in no condition &r defence .... We are at 
their mercy and would have to capitulate on their 
own terms. I am mnkiny arrangements to move ray 
family to Ik con perhaps tor.iyht. ^ X don11 
know when you nay hear from me ayaln. 
1 "> Letter of John Popper to Godfrey Bamslcy, October 25, 13015 in 
Bam si cy Pa per s, Emory, 
letter of William Duncan to Godfrey B amis ley. October 30, 1861, 
in Barrisley Papers, Emory. 
-"c Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, November G, 5/801, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
236. 
Ilia fears were premature for he did not have to leave the city. It 
was not the tine yet for Savannah to go through her serious ordeal 
of war. 
Duncan could not have known, however, of the importance of the 
departure of ilason and Slidell from Havana to which he made passing 
reference in an earlier letter. The two men had sailed on the 
British steamer Trent and were forcibly removed from it by a "Union 
warship cruising the seas north of Cuba. Northerners were jubilant, 
but the British were outraged. War preparations were hurried and 
when Britain demanded a release of the prisoners and an apology, it 
was the Confederacy's turn to rejoice. It began to appear that the 
North had solved their problem for them, and had forced England into 
an alliance with the South. Duncan was not so sure, however, that 
anything at all would come of it.By late December, Ilenry Gilmour 
reported that there was great rejoicing in New Orleans, 
since a war between Great Britain and the 
Federal Government is almost certain. . . . 
I don't see how the Yankees can deliver them 
(Macon and Slidell) up without utter disgrace 
to themselves. At least I believe the block­
ade will be raised within 3 months, & think if 
you were here you would take advantage of the 
low prices of cotton to purchase much of it. 
President Abraham Lincoln, however, realised that the further 
Or 
J Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bams ley, November 29, 1861, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
36 Letter of Henry Gilmour to Godfrey Bams ley, December 24, 1861, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
retention of James Hasan and John Slidcll might possibly cause a 
break in U. S. — British relations, so reluctantly released them. 
The South was understandably disappointed, and feelings were effect­
ively voiced by Henry Gilmour, writing from Haw Orleans: 
You have heard of the collapse of the Federal 
Government who instead of humiliating Great 
Britain as they threatened to do, if she dared 
to interfere in the Slidell & Ha aon affair, 
have come down from their valorous stilts & 
heroically abstained from annexing Canada. . . » 
The ignorant and cowardly braggarts who have so 
long taunted & insulted the British Lion when 
they thought political troubles in Europe 
kept hita chained fast at home, now at his 
first growl skulk, cur-like back to their kennels 
without even sufficient courage left to growl 
back in return. . . . Truly, though the sequel 
is discouraging to us here, the spectacle is 
one transcendently sublime.*31 
GiIncur'o main cause for concern was that there was little 
chance of the port of Hew Orleans being freely opened up for trade 
unless the British helped, and with the Yankee advances in the 
winter of 1862 the business outlook was bleak. He reported that 
he had scouted around through the cotton-producing country of 
Mississippi and found that what little cotton there was had not 
even been baled. "The planters . . . have left it in their gin 
houses, determined to set fire to every pound should . . . the 
Mississippi valley be invaded." He was discouraged at the terri-
37 Letter of Henry Gilmour to Godfrey Bamsley, January 3, 1862, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
238. 
blc gloom which had hit Hew Orleans and the lack of confidence in 
38 the Confederacy. Yet, orders from England continued to come as 
Pirae & Co. of Liverpool ordered 200 bales at per pound shipped 
"when the blockade is lifted."^ -' But cotton rose in price to such 
an extent that it was impossible for Barnaley's clerks to fill that 
order. By July, 1862, "middling" was up to twenty cents per pound.^  
Barnsley's sources of income were of necessity changed. He 
had grown over 2,000 pounds of tobacco the year before and in March, 
1862, sold it in Rome for a profit of $260.59When crops were 
not found to be yielding enough, Bamslcy began to sell other market­
able items on his estate. Tho sine roof sheets were taken from his 
tool sheds and servants quarters end sold to Noble Brothers Co. in 
Rome for fifty cents per pound. Bamsley had 450 pounds of sine 
which he sold to them and which they used for covering ammunition 
cheats on the artillery carriages they were manufacturing.444 17. 1). 
Smyth, a manufacturer in Atlanta, wrote Bamsley that he would take 
whatever scrap iron he had and all the lead pipe he could spare. 
•JO J<j Letter of Henry Gilraour to Godfrey Bamsley, February 22, 1862, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
39 Latter of 17. Pirne & Co. to Godfrey Bamsley, Hay 1, 1862, in 
Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, July 25, 1862, in 
Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
 ^Letter of L. D. Burwcll to Godfrey Bamsley, March 20, 1862, in 
Bamsley Papers, Emory. . > 
42 x^ ttcr of Noble Brothers Go. to Godfrey Bamsley, November 15, 
1862, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. ;\ 
239. 
Bamsley took out the pipes which ran through his house from the 
storage tank on the roof and sent them. There were 135 pounds all 
A3 together for which he received one dollar per pound. In some sales 
he took Confederate Bonds instead of cash, when these were more con­
venient for customers/'^  
To a certain extent, however, it was possible for Barnsley to 
make a small profit on cotton. The books of Bamsley, Soger & Co. in 
Mobile showed a profit to Barnslcy in the year ending June 1, 1362, of 
$27,765, being the proceeds of sales of 3,811 bales of cotton sent on 
45 fifteen ships during the year. In June. 1061, Thomas and Anna 
Gilmour and their children had arrived in England, having been rescued 
46 at sea when their ship, the Canadian, hit an iceberg and sank. 
Cilcour reported from there that recent sales of Barnslcy1a cotton 
had netted him 13,000/- which he had banked, lie had considered going 
to Mexico or Havana to carry on their business, he said, but had at 
47 last decided against it. 
A "3 Letters of W. D. Smyth to Godfrey Bamsley, December 4, 1362, and 
December 11, 1862, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
44 jitter of Hoble Brothers Co, to Godfrey Bams ley, December 12, 
1862, in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
45 Balance sheet, Bamsley Sager & Co., June 1, 1862, Barnsley Papers, 
Emory. 
 ^J Letter of Thomas Gilmour to Godfrey Barnslcy, June 14, 1861, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
47 Letter of Thomas Gilmour to Godfrey Bamsley, November 14, 1861, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
240. 
While Bams ley was at "Wood lands" during the War, he continued 
to improve and beautify his estate, ordering trees and shrubs from 
P. J. Berclanans of the Fruidlcmd Nurseries in Augusta, Georgia. 
Berckajans also came to "Woodlands" at times and helped Barnsley in the 
further design of the formal gardens.Much of the rest of Barnsley1a 
time was spent in making peach brandy and whiskey by the use of a 
still which George had built when he was running the estate prior to 
the War. Neighbors wrote or sent throughout the War for bottles of 
his wine and brandy, using the varied excuses of "the only way I have 
of getting my hired hands to do their work," or fia few bottles of 
,»p. 
Port for a sick friend.U'"J Barnsley was happy to comply with these 
requests especially since it was a small source of income, and he 
gladly sent 150 gallons of brandy at eight dollars a gallon for use in 
50 an Array hospital. This last request was from the son of his Savannah 
friend William Duncan, a physician in the Confederate Army. 
After George Bnrnsley had fully recovered from his battle fatigue 
and the complications of pneumonia as a result of the Battle at 
lianassas, he returned to Virginia and was attached to a hospital unit, 
being impressed by such work during his protracted illness. He served 
51 for a few months with a Dr. Miller and later was an assistant to Dr. 
Letters of P. J. Berclcmans to Godfrey Barnsley, January 24, 1062 
and February 3, 1862, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
aq \ Letter of J. B. Underwood to Godfrey Barnsley, June 18, 1862, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. \ 
50 Letter of William Duncan, Jr. to Godfrey Barnsley, October 15, 
1862, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
51 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, December, 19, 
1862, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
241. 
Williams in the Array hospital at Lynchburg, Virginia, His life there 
was less rigorous than it had been previously during his military 
service, so he was able to asic his father to send to him his civilian 
clothes and several bottles of brandy, all of which he shared with 
52 Lucicn, then also a hospital attendant in Richmond. * In December, 
1862, George was appointed hospital steward and proudly wrote his 
father, "I am now a non-commissioned officer, and can be only reduced 
53 to ranks by a court-martial. I am safe now.11 But his restlessness 
mid desire for adventure caused him to make a decision which was to 
change the course of his life. As he wrote his father, 
I have decided to study medicine, and era en­
deavoring to do so. I feel X can do it well 
.... X do not hope to get wealthy for it 
is a starving profession to practice. I 
thought X would specialise in Chemistry. X 
thought as a Chemist X could make a better 
living and at the same time, as I am very 
ambitious, win a name easier and safer to my 
health, 
Hie decision to study medicine was made prior to his departure 
from "Woodlands" in early 1862. He later recalled that Jett Howard 
showed him two anatomy books which he had, and when George registered 
some interest in them, Howard gave them to him since "he found that 
worse than fighting." He studied on his own while he was recuperating 
Letter of Oorgc Barasley to Godfrey Bnrnsley, April 24, 1862, in 
Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of George Barasley to Godfrey Bamsley, December 31, 1862, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
54 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barasley, December 18, 1862, 
in Barasley Papers, Emory. 
242. 
and memorised the names of the bones end parts of the body. It was 
during Christmas of 1861 while meditating on the subject in his room 
that he had come to the moment of decision: 
I placed the two volumes of anatomy on a little 
table in front of the fire. I then brought iny 
Bible -- I did not select any text. This deed 
urns enough. I looked at that mysterious anatomy, 
put my left hand on the books, and my right hand 
on the Bible, and tool: a solemn oath to conquer. 
Then I felt rather went: to commence and so I knelt 
and made a short prayer for help. I won the 
fight. I took the books of anatomy in my knapsack 
in placer.o£ some shirts and when not on duty I 
studied.JJ 
George applied himself to his books, managed to get an appoint­
ment to General Hospital Ho. 4 in Richmond and attended classes at 
the Hectical College there. In spite of a gay life in that city, 
attending balls and parties and meeting "so many generals I canft 
remember them all," he received word on March 3, IOCS, that he had 
passed his final examination and had received the degree of Doctor 
of ticdicine. Ho was then appointed Assistant Surgeon and served in 
56 that capacity for the rest of the War. 
The course of the War continued to be discouraging to the South. 
After the fall of Hew Orleans in the spring of 1862, William Duncan 
wrote Barnsley that Savannah was probably next on the list of cities 
57 to be subjected to Yankee horror." He was quite angry at the 
George S. Earnsley, "Some Autobiographical Notes," BarnsIcy 
Papers, Scheuenstuhl. 
Letter of Willi ma Duncan to Godfrey Bamsley, April 26, 1062, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
243. 
attitude of England. "I'd like to turn the screws on her and bring 
58 her to her senses," he wrote. France, too, merited a share of his 
wrath. "I don't understand the Emperor -- I think he wants to recogv-
niae us, or break the blockade, bxit he talks neutrally. He is double 
minded and perhaps something very unexpected may be done by him, 
59 like the coup d'etat! We shall see!"*" But the blockade became 
stronger, and both England and France became less interested in the 
Southern cause, especially after the surrender of Vicksburg on July 4, 
1863, and on July 9, of Port Hudson, the last remaining Confederate 
port on the Mississippi, 
By November, 1363, when U, S, Grant won a series of important 
battles at Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain near Chattanooga, the 
War had been brought close to "Woodlands." Bamoley, with his daughter 
and grandson, had been living frugally and cautiously there, managing 
to survive on what they could grow on the farm and keeping a well-
stocked storeroom in case of emergency. General Braxton Bragg v/as in 
COOTsand of the Amy of Tennessee and had sent a young Virginian, 
Captain James Peter Baltrclle, to Kingston, Georgia. His responsibil­
ity was to see to the proper movement of the trains on the Western 
and Atlantic which were bringing the wounded there for treatment. 
Baltsclle soon became acquainted with the Barnsley frailly end visited 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, May 23, 1862, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of William Duncan to Godfrey Barnsley, March 12. 1062, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
244. 
r 0 there often when his hours of duty were over/' Julia Barns ley, 
caring for five year-old Godfrey Forrest Reid as though he were her 
ovm son, enjoyed Baltsclle1s visits and their friendship ripened into 
romance. Bams ley gave his concent to their marriage, which took 
place at "Woodlands" on March 3, 1864. George Barnoley later re­
called the gay festivities: 
The wedding evening came at last ... a day to 
be remembered in the history of Woodlands. My 
father, the dear old gentleman, is worn out, 
and I nm to receive the guests and prepare for 
them. Full instructions were given to the ser­
vants, and I was prepared to meet Captain C. U. 
Howard and family. ... A glowing fire in the 
Library, and "something warm and liquid" was on 
the table. The parlor in the Cottage looked so 
sweet and pretty. I escorted Hiss Rebecca Mersey; 
Captain llavarre and Miss Jane Howard followed 
then came the bride and bridegroom; assuming the 
position, Captain Howard, in a soft, clear and 
solemn voice read the service, "and thc.y twain 
were one." Then the feast began. The table 
spanned the full length of the billiard room. It 
was the most beautiful I hod seen since the. 
beginning of the War. Everything went off well 
and the guests seemed to appreciate the good old 
wine. The tables were removed and the dancing 
began. At 2 A.M. the ladies retired, and later 
on the older members of the party, but the 
younger remained and beguiled the hours with song 
and joke until "Aurora," never fresher than we, 
drove by in her chariot of fire. To those guests 
who stayed an ample breakfast was given and then 
the party dispersed. Everyone was happy through 
r.he long night and the. servants were constantly 
at hand and cheerful.0 
Col. Thomas Spencer, "How Tragedy Stalked in Barns ley Gardens," 
The Atlanta Cor, si 5. tut ion, IJovember 30, 1941. 
George S. -Barnsley. "Diary," entry for June 19, 1864, Barnsley 
Papers, Schcuenstuhl. 
245. 
Julia and her husband left ttWoodlnnds" after a few days for his net? 
assignment in Augusta. Forrest Held continued with them while they 
\/ere there and in subsequent moves to Greensboro, Georgia, and to 
Savannah. George returned to his amy post and Bsrnsley was alone 
with a few servants at "Woodlands," lonely for his family and grand­
son. Wherever the Baltsclles took Forrest, his expenses were paid 
62 for by Barnsley. Julia gave birth to her only child, a daughter, 
63 on December 14, 1864, in Savannah, and named her Adelaide. James 
Baltsclle wrote Barnsley that his wife and daughter were both well. 
War finally struck at "Woodlands" on May 13, 1864. General 
W. T. ShennantQ Atlanta Campaign started on Hay 5, and on May 13-16 
a severe battle was fought at llcsaca, fourteen miles northeast of 
'Woodlands." Late on the afternoon of May IS, Union General John 
B. HcPherson arrived at "Woodlands" and act up headquarters in 
Barnsley*a home despite the protests of the owner. Earlier in the 
morning of that same day, Confederate Colonel Robert G. Earle rode 
to "Woodlands" to warn the Bamslcyo that Brigadier General Kenncr 
Garrard's Second Cavalry Division was headed that way in advance of 
Mcpherson. All of those then living at 'Woodlands" took refuge in 
the basement of the kitchen wing of the house. There were nearly 
62 "Expenses for G. F. Reid," Barns ley Papers, Duke. 
" "Barnsley Family Register." 
64 Letter of Janes Baltzelle to Godfrey Barnsley, December it, 1864, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
246. 
100 altogether, including servants and their families. Earle then 
returned to his own unit, the Second Alabama Cavalry, stationed just 
west of Bams ley's estate, end led them in an attach against Garrard's 
forces. It wc.s then that Private. T. II. Boner, Company A, 93th 
Illinois Volunteers, shot and hilled Col. Enrlo. Barnslcy buried his 
body nt the rear of the Kanor House end cut his name in a stone he 
placed over the grave.' 
HcPUerson was so pleased vrith the beauty of "Woodlands" and the 
gardens that he ordered guards stationed along the walks to protect 
the shrubs. " Barnsley recalled later that ho hoard him give the 
order that "nothing crust be destroyed or taken as the property belongs 
to a British subject." The ne.:st morning, upon their departure, 
McPhcrson is said to have ordered his entire force of 30,000 to walk 
by the gardens to see the beauty of the place, lie probably did not 
know of the destruction which his men had caused to "Woodlands" before 
their departure. Bams ley later estimated his losses from all causes 
during the war "to be upwards of $150,000," ° After the war Barnslcy 
'°5 Alice B. Howard, "Y-nhee March Into Barnalcy Gardens. Kingston 
Area in Civil War Recalled," The Cnrtervlllc New3 Tribune, April 
30, 1361. See also The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the 
Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 123 vols 
(Washington, 1091), Series I, SCf/III, Part II SOS-806. 
C^j Addle B. Say lor, "Barnslcy Saved by Its Beauty," The Atlanta 
Journal, January 18, 1942. 
k)i Copy of Godfrey Barnslcy to Riygs & Co., December 7, 1371, in 
Barnslcy Papers, Scheucnstuhl. 
63 Ibid. 
247. 
sent to Lord Lyons and Sir F. IT. A. Bruce, members of the British 
Consulate in Washington, a list of destroyed or stolen property, 
among which were the following items: $7,400 worth of household 
goods—including an expensive Bohemian glass decanter and a $350 
richly fringed silk bedcover, five and one-half gallons of Scotch 
whiskey, thirty-five gallons of brandy, ten doseri bottles of twenty-
seven year-old Madeira wine, forty pounds of coffee, 1,000 pounds 
of ham and bacon, eighty pounds of lard and assorted foods. The 
picket fence for three and three-quarters acres of vegetable garden 
and one quarter of a mile of rail fence wore burned for camp fires. 
Also stolen were 200 chickens, ten ducks, ci:: turkeys, twelve 
guineas, eight geese, thirty-three hogs, twenty-five pigs, one pony, 
three milk cows, two steers, three calves, one horse, 5,000 bundles 
of fodder, two tons of hay, 550 bushels of corn, fifty-five bushels 
of peas, 400 bushels of sweet potatoes, and twenty bushels of Irish 
69 potatoes. His claim was never redresdad. ' Hrs. Say lor was of the 
opinion that the small groups of foraging soldiers which followed 
70 the Army were those who did most of the damage. But much of the 
actual destruction was done during the battle in which Col. Earle was 
killed. Harpers Weekly, July 2, 1864, contained a drawing of a 
6o Alice B. Howard, "Yankee Kerch." Cnrtersville Hews Tribune, 
April 30, 1961. 
70 Addle B. Saylor, "Barnsley Saved," Atlanta Journal? January 18, 
1942. 
248 
cavalry battle fought in front of the Manor House on May 18, 1864. 
Since C. W. Howard and his son Jett were both in the Army, 
his four daughters had stayed at "Spring Bank" with their mother, 
and all of them took refuge with Bamsley during the spring and 
summer of 1864. They were arrested by Union soldiers for spying, 
and Bamsley asked that instead of sending them north to prison 
they be given over to his custody. He promised to see that they 
caused no more trouble, but they were ardently loyal to the Southern 
cause. While living at "Woodlands" and appearing very lady-like and 
helpless during the day, they secretly and quietly gathered all the 
information they could about the Union Army and at night met Confed­
erate scouts at secluded spots in the woods and gave what informs-
79 tion they had and what food they could bring. * It oven seemed 
possible for them to travel about with rather complete freedom since 
Barnsley kept in his possession a pass, dated at Hinge ton, July 1, 
1864: "Guards & Pickets, Pass Four Ladies through the lines and re-
73 turn this day, By command of Col. W. W. Lowe." Their activities, 
however, did cause Barnsley some difficulties since there wore in­
dications of reprisals being made against Barnsley. These were 
forestalled by C. W. Howard, who wrote the following; 
Perkerson, White Colxsans in Georgia, 207. 
19 Addie B. Savior, "Barnsley Saved," Atlanta Journal, January 18 
1542. ' - "* " 
This pass"is in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
249. 
Spring Bank, Bartow Co., Ga. 
April 18th 1865 
To whom it may concern: 
During the month of August 1864, my family 
consisting of my wife and four daughters 
were required by General Sherman1s orders 
to leave their house which is directly upon 
the railroad. By permission of Col. Dean, 
commanding post at Kingston, they removed to 
the residence of Mr. Bams ley. While there 
one of my daughters, now in another part of 
the State, saw one or perhaps more of the 
Confederate scouts. This she did without 
Mr. Bamsley*o knowledge, on property not 
on his land. I am sure he would have pre­
vented it if it had been in his power. 
Should it be thought proper to make retalia­
tion for this act of my daughter, it would 
be unjust to involve Mr. Barnsley in it. I 
ask of an honorable enemy to let my family 
and property bear the consequences. 
G. Howard, Cnpt, Co. I, 63rd Ga. Regt./r 
Sallie Howard, the daughter who was most Involved in this event, 
wrote Barnsley apologising for difficulties she caused, saying that 
she had always told him of her activities after they had occurred. 
"I am deeply grieved that X should have for an instant caused you 
pain, nothing was farther from ray intentions. I can think but with 
gratitude of your great kindness to myself and family. X hope this 
75 explanation will erase all unpleasant impressions." ~ A detailed 
account of the few days before and after the battle at "Woodlands" 
has been set down in a novel entitled In and Out of the Lines by 
y/ Gunyus, Bartow County, 245. 
250. 
another of the sisters, Francos T. Howard. It appears to be a 
remarkably factual account and, as the author says in the preface, 
"It tells with absolute truth the experience of one Southern family 
during the years 1364-1865^ 
Kingston fell into Union hands on Hay 19, 1364, and it was 
here that Sherman received permission from Grant to begin his March 
to the Sea»#/ But the "marauding stragglers" which followed In the 
wake of the Federal forces continued to cause Barnsley great concern. 
He wrote the following letter to Brigadier General Sweeney, 
Commandant of 2nd Division, U. S. A., dated May 23, 1064s 
General 
As a British subject permit me to request 
some protection against the succession of 
marauding stragglers who arc infecting 
this valley — a party of four has just 
loft who stated they belonged to Wiley's 
brigade. 
Very Respectfully 
Your Obt, Svt. 
Godfrey Barnsley 
Tills was endorsed by Sweeney on the same date it was written 
73 and referred to General McPhorson for action. Barnsley did not 
receive the "protection" which he asked until July 1, 1364, when a 
Union soldier arrived and stayed at "Woodlands" until October, guarding 
1(3 Frances Thorns Howard, in And Out of the Lines (Hew York, 1905), 
Preface. 
u Cunyus, Bartow County, 243. 
'J Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to General T. II. Sweeney, May 23, 1864, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
251. 
79 the place successfully against intrusions of wayward stragglers. 
Georvc BarnsIcy was particularly heartbroken when he heard of 
the difficulties his father had suffered from the Federal forces at 
his home. His emotional and sentimental attachment to "Woodlands" 
was great and his grief was evident front an eiccerpt from his diary, 
an entry written sometime in June, 1864: 
The Yankees have for a month hold possession of 
my loved home, and what they have done God only 
knows, ... Pa has remained at Woodlands. Oh! 
Woodlands, ray home! there is no spot on earth, 
nor ever can bo, around which are clustered so 
many recollections of joy, of sorrow, but even 
they were sweet when whispered with thy name. 
Of the boyish pleasures, of manly plana and hopes, 
of faces and forms now resting by the side of 
the rivulet, of strains of music 1 'mg since 
silent, of sunbeams glittering on the rippling 
waters, of crystal springs, of flowers and 
golden-voiced butterflies -- Oh! God! are they 
all gone forever? Shall those wall's mace sacred 
by the memory of the wild and wayward, but, noble 
and generous Harry, by the light atop and loving 
voice of the gentle Adelaide . . . t-e desecrated 
by the tramp of the hated foo forever? Ho, God 
forbid! . . .Oh! Woodlands! Woodlands! God 
forbid that my lot be ever separated from thee!v 
Bnmsley was understandably depressed during the summer of 1864. 
His beloved home where he had put so much time and money was seriously 
damaged, most of his possessions gone, and his children scattered, so 
that life seemed to hold no bright future at all. His business 
Letter of Godfrey Barns ley to Itiggs and Co., December 7, 1871, 
in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
80 George S. Bamsley, "Diary," entry for June 19, 1864, Barns ley 
Papers, Seheuenstuhl. 
acquaintances in Hew York wrote of their distress when, they heard of 
his misfortunes and offered him extended credit up to $5,000.^ ** Some 
promised "to do the needful for you in any way for any amount you 
on may require." lie xcao also invited to 50 to New York and stay until 
the War was over, or to so to England and stay with John IC. Re id, 
CO his son-in-law. But Barnsley chose to stay on his own estate as 
long as he could. His housekeeper at the time was an indomitable 
Irishwoman, Mary Quinn, who was as faithful and loyal a servant as he 
ever had, and she and the few servants were his only companions dur­
ing the dark days of 1364. The Howard sisters and their mother had 
gone to Savannah, and life was one of loneliness and bitter memories. 
He had time to look back over his life and assess the contributions 
he had recently made to the Southern cause. The fight was not really 
his since he was British, but he was deeply involved because of the 
fact that he had made his living in the United States and it had been 
good to him. He wn3 not willing to contribute all of his possessions 
to die Confederacy, but on the chance that a profit might possibly be 
realised, he bought Confederate Bonds and Certificates throughout the 
aariy War years. His books of the period from 1861 through 1863 show 
that he bought a total of $81,500 in Confederate Bonds and though he 
Letter of J. R. Gardner to Godfrey Barnsley, July 14, 1364, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of II. L. Taylor to Godfrey Barnsley, July 14, 1364, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
83 Letter of J. K. Reid to Godfrey Barnsley, July 30, 1864, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
253. 
cw.nnr.Qd to each in some of these prior to the end of the War, most 
84 of rliem were ultimately of no value to him at all. He was able, 
however, to maintain n certain standard of dress and propriety 
primarily through the efforts of Mary Quinn. She had managed to 
get through to Nashville to cash a draft of $500 on Fickcrsgill and 
Co. of Hew York, \Hio had been one of the firms pronisir.;. him aid if 
8 r» he needed it, and she bought him several items of new clothes. For 
a man used to the finer things of life, several years .>£ no new cloth­
ing had beer, particularly difficult to take. Mary Qui,; i returned from 
Ilashville in November, 1864, with suits, conts and shoes for him, 
for which she paid $375.50. 
After the fall of Savannah at Christmastime, 1864, most Georgians 
saw that the end was near. Sherman had cut a wide swath of ;truction 
through central Georgia, leaving ruined farmland and naked chiton*yg 
standing in hie path. A few days before he arrived in Savannah, Con­
federate troops withdrew, leaving behind a beautiful city of frightened 
inhabitants. They also left behind, much to the regret of Barnsley's 
fellow factors, a large quantity of cotton in several warehouses. 
Most of thi3, or 43,500 rales, were seised by Sherman*a Quartermaster 
and shipped to Hew York, where it was sold to cotton-hungry factories 
O * ' Account books for 1851. 1852 and 1863 show these purchases, 
Bams ley Papers, Emory. 
u-' Letter of D. Weaver to Godfrey Bnmsley, September 30, 1864. in 
Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
8S Receipt is in BarnsIcy Papers, Georgia. 
254. 
for core than $640 a bale,"' This $2.8,000,000, though part of the 
spoils of War, was just one more item of thievery on the part of the 
Federal forces as far as most Georgians were concerned. Savannah was 
then occupied by the Yankees, and Julia Bnliselle had long had an 
abiding hatred of them. As soon as she and her baby daughter were 
able to travel, they returned in January, 1805, to •'Woodlands" and 
08 Godfrey Barnsley was once again with some of his family. 
The center of war activity then nolred north and soon after 
Richmond was captured, Robert E. Lee and his men were cornered 
at Appomattox Court House in Virginia and forced to surrender on 
April 9, 1065. The War was over. Though Barnsley breathed a sigh of 
relief, it appeared to him that trying to pick up the pieces and start 
again in business would be a difficult, if not impossible, task. He 
was concerned over the question of his status as a citisen of Great 
Britain. How would he be accepted in either the North or the South 
after such a War? Had the activities of Britain seriously jeopard­
ised his position in business? Time alone would tell, and he had 
to wait and see. 
Charles W. Howard, who had left his own Confederate command in 
early 1865, wrote Barnsley a short note soon after his arrival at his 
William Harden, A History of Savannah and South Georgia, (Chicago, 
1913), I, 464. " """ 
S3 Letter of Philip Vacaro to Godfrey Barnsley, March 11, 1865, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
home from a short visit to Atlanta; "No neu3 except a report that 
89 Lincoln was shot in the Theatre by & Mary lander.15 w Bamsley wss 
piiclc to see that if this were true, the chaos of war would probably 
continue and a resumption of normal trading activity might still 
possibly be far off. But within a month, A. A. Marsh x/rote that the 
90 respectability and crddit of Bnrn3ley, Sngcr and Go. are unimpaired.'1" 
By the end of June, Barnsloy had received an order to send nil the 
cotton he could to Liverpool for Ficlden Brothers and to. up to six 
91 pence per pound delivered. Enaland was hungry for American cotton. 
During the War Barnsley  ^affairs in England had been ade­
quately cared for by hio sons*in-law Thomas Gilmour and John K. Bold, 
Giltnour died suddenly the last of June, 1865, and was buried in 
Kensal Green Cemetery near London. His estate provided for Aim a and 
her two children rather comfortably. Reid informed Barnsley that he 
would come to Georgia in September or October, 1865, to get his son, 
Godfrey Forrest B,oid» ifno had been with Julia since his mother1 s 
92 death. 
While Bamoley was at 'TJoodlands" from 1861 to 1865. in addition 
$9 jitter of C. Vi. Howard to Godfrey Bamslcv, April 19, 1865, in 
Bsrnsley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of A. A. Harsh to Godfrey Barnsley, May 16, 1865, in 
Bams ley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of Pickers :ill and Co. to Bam3ley, Say; or and Co., June 
29, 1865, in Bams Icy Papers, Emory. 
Letter of J. IC. Reid to Godfrey Barnsley, July 1, 10c5, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
256. 
to caring for his estate, he vac able to devote much of his time to 
spiritualism, and he found that there was a similar interest in the 
93 subject on the part of Mrs. C. V. Berrien of Rome. Furthermore, 
George Bums ley was impressed with the idea and in many of his 
94 letters to his father he referred to their mutual interest. 
Additional "spirit letters" were received, though it is impossible to 
9 5 tell through what medium, One, supposedly from William Scarborough 
9 6 and undated, predicted the attack on Savannah, " v though this had been 
e?:pe.ctcd by many people for several years. Barns ley seems to have 
been able to develop what he considered to be his own powers of 
mediumship and invited interested parties to hie home to observe his 
97 "communications." 
The gloom and misery of the South, in the summer of 1865 was 
widely spread, but perhaps no one stated the general feeling better 
than a friend from Savannah who \rcotc to Barnsley: 
I wish I could write you something cheerful but 
we are surrounded by gloom •••• not even hope to 
sustain us. My heart is filled with an intensity 
*'"* letter of Mrs. C. V. Berrien to Godfrey Barnsley, November 25, 
1861, in Lnmsley Papers, Emory. 
>4 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Bnmolcy, August 13, 1862, in 
Barnsley Papers, Emory, 
 ^"Spirit letter" dated bxuary 18, 1863, in Barnsley Papers, Georgia. 
"Spirit letter" from William Scarborough, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
*"*f letters of 0. IL Price to Godfrey Barnsley, January 13, 1863, in 
Bamsley Papers, Emory and of Henry Jackson to Godfrey Barnsley, 
January 10, 1863. in Bamsley Papers. Emory. 
257. 
of hatred toward the authors of our misery, 
that I cannot r.ollfy. There is no happiness 
within nor without. If we <*0 to our street doors 
to catch a breath of fresh air we are annoyed 
by the si ,ht of armed Yankees (white and black) 
— I cannot reconcile myself to this wretched 
state of servitude. How can Southerners for a 
moment forget the wrongs they have suffered 
yet many associate with Yankees and say "Let 
bygones be bygone." Their brutal conduct to 
you affords me one more reason for hating them."' 
Thus it was that the grand optimism of the South after the Battle 
at Manassas had degenerated into severe pessimism and depression. 
Godfrey Brumalcy*D morale was at its lowest point but a man of such 
integrity and courage wr.s not to give up without at least one more 
try. 
93 Letter of Rebecca Minis to Godfrey Bamsley, July 27, 1865, 
in Bamsley Papers, Emory. 
CHAPTER VIII 
The Final Attempt 
With morale in the South at an all-time Ion, the work of re­
building n culture and a society on the ashes of n happy past was 
begun. One by one, those who were left in the Confederate Array re­
turned to the area of what had at least at one time been ,:home," 
though in many instances there was no sigh of life or possessions 
which one could rccorun.se, 
Ceorge Bams ley was fortunate since three thin?, a were in his 
favor: (1) his home wan relatively intact; (2) no member of hie 
family had lost his life or was injured; (3) he had come to the end 
of the War as a physician, a profession for which he v?ao not at all 
prepared when he left home in 1361. After receiving his decree on 
Karch 13, 1365, he was assigned to duty at n military hospital in 
Richmond, Virginia, and stayed there until the end of the War. Then 
by means of boat and train, he managed to net to Cnooville. He had 
not heard from his home for nearly a year and what he fpw of the de­
struction to homes near Cassvillc and Kingston prepared him for the 
worst as far as 1'Woodlands'5 was concerned. He arrived at his home in 
late April, 1365, on a dark and rainy night, having walked cautiously 
through the woods for fear of Federal pickets. »jt ±s hard to de­
scribe one1 s feelings on such occasions," he wrote. "To my greet joy 
I found all at Woodlands well -** Julia, Lucien, Papa and Forrest and 
the old" homestead still in existence." As soon as Baltsclle:had 
arranged to be released from the Army, the three younger men picked 
259. 
berr'o a fished and made brandy, "and in that way mna^ cd to support 
the table, which had been nearly bare. . . . Julia and Papa had been 
living on bread and water, literally, for a month." 
Throughout the Uar, Barnsley had been concerned about the wel­
fare of his daughter Anna, living in England, llhen the news of the 
death of Thomas G. Gilmour, Anna's husband, reached him. in late 
July, 1865, lie managed to get sufficient funds from his Mew Orleans 
office to make an immediate trip to England to be certain she was 
all right. He sailed from Mew York on August 7, 1865, and wrote a 
business associate that the trip would allow him time to decide be­
tween two possible choices facing hiint (1) not to go back into the 
cotton business at all, and (2) to retain his connection with his 
present firm. He might even choose, he intimated, to go into business 
by himself, pointing out that if he did so, it would be because of 
his age since he would not be able to keep up with the younger men 
any more and they might find him a hindrance. ?" 
His stay in England was short and he was convinced that Anna 
and her two children, Hurray and Julia, had been properly provided for, 
and that they were all healthy and strong enough to carry on alone. 
Anna wanted him. to stay on in England permanently but told him of her 
George S. Bsraslcy, "Di--vyentry for May 19, 1365, Barnslev 
Papers, Schcuenstuhl. 
2 Letter of Godfrey BarnsIcy to A. A. Kerch, August 1, 1865, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
260. 
3 regret that she could not provide a home for him. There, is reason 
to fool thnt Bnrnsloy rave serious consideration to the idea of mak­
ing independent nrrsngemcnts to live in England, but he felt obligated 
to bin three remaining children in Georgia. Furthermore, the lure of 
the cotton trade and the possibility that he night be able to make 
a comeback was so strong that he returned to the United States. 
After hi3 return in October, 1865, he called on some of his 
former customers in Boston, and Now York, and was disappointed at not 
being able to arrange any business with them. He sensed that one of 
the reasons for his failure was due to the fact that he was a British 
subject, and the hard feelings generated in the North toward Great 
Britain because of her activities during the Civil War were not cooy 
f 
to overcome/" He then returned to "Woodlands" and was so impressed 
xrith its beauty and restfulncso that he postponed his decision about 
his future business until a later date. His former partners had be­
gun operations again in Mobile and New Orleans but he decided to let 
them carry on without him for the time being. But life at "Woodlands" 
was destined t.o be different than ever before., .and exceedingly diffi-
5 cult under the Reconstruction Congress. Many of the people of Bartow 
' Letter of Anna Gilmour to Godfrey Bams Icy, September 4, 1865, in 
Banisley Papers, Emory. 
 ^ Letter of Godfrey B.arnslcy to A. A. Harsh, October 6, IS63, in 
Bsmsley Papers, Duke. 
c For further references on the Reconstruction era see: E. H. Coulter, 
The South During Reconstruct!on, 1865-1877 (Athens, 1947)*, Randal1, 
Civil War and ReconslruetIon; John H. Franklin, Reconstruction; After 
•' the Civil War (Chicago, 1961) t Walter L. Fleming, Docisaentaty History 
of Reconstrulow (decree ter, I960). I, II; Bernard Weifiberger, "The 
Bark and"*Bloody"Ground of Reconstruction Historiography," Journal of 
Southern Ilistory, XXY (November, 1959), 427 •* 447. 
County, having taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, 
thought they would receive, immediate. political equality, but such was 
not the cn3e. The story of the Carpetbag Legislatures in the South­
ern States has been well told many tines. Resentment toward the 
Northern Radicals continued to swell, and after taking the oath, 
Sallic Howard wrote to Julia Baltcclle, "... I can't say it makes 
any difference in my feelings." Hone of the Barnsleyo took the oath 
of allegiance. 
At the end of the War, Baltselle managed to bring with him from 
South Carolina a team of mules, a good wagon end several articles of 
clothing, so that the men on the estate could try to work the farm. 
Finding his old still on a nearby property, George managed to put it 
into operating condition and with Ills fermenting tubs they were able 
to make peach brandy and whiskey. Baltsclle found an old cow in the 
mountains, which meant that they soon had milk and butter. A few-
old coins were discovered among old boxes in the basement and with 
those they bought salt, sugar and coffee. Lucien bartered two 
gallons of brandy in Kingston for bacon and with an old smoothbore 
musket and 3hot end powder from Yankee cartridges which were found, 
they soon had squirrels and rabbits for fresh meat. "Captain Balt-
selle and Lucien went fishing frequently in the Etowah and were only 
sometime successful," wrote George, "for it seemed as if the very 
•7 fish had been frightened away for fear of the Yankees." But such 
" Cimvus, Bartow County, 245. 
'• Geor -e S. .Raraoley, "Some Autobiographical Notes," Bamsley Fapers, Scheuenstuhl. 
a typo of life was not very Inspiring to men of initiative and indus­
try. As George recalled, 
One Sunday virile sitting in front of the large 
house Capt, said that we were going to have to do 
something. or no would suffer during the coming 
winter, and that he was thinking of going out west. 
In our conversation, wo agreed that it was im­
possible to got a living out of Woodlands unless 
one sole person had the entire control. I pro­
posed that in order to decide between himself and 
myself vrc should have a trial at farm work, and 
whoever won could or should stay .... He agreed 
to start the next morning. The test was who could 
plant more com with the hoc in a day and who could 
hold out for the three or more days required to 
plant. I had little or no hope of winning and if 
I did not it would be a graceful way in which to 
turn over the place .... The Captain vas as 
full of energy as a high pressure steam engine. 
At day break we shoved down cold cornbrcad and coffee 
& out we went. I started out well, but slowed 
dome, so that Washington, my ex-page, joined me 
every now and then to help mc. The Captain was 
ahead of everyone & never appeared tired. By 
dinner time I was so dirty, ray hands so full of 
blisters that by the time I had washed up the dinner 
hour was nearly up ft I had to swallow fast. I 
got vexed at my want of success, &. that night, 
exhausted, I hardly slept, for the. palms of my 
hands were bleeding and raw. V/hon the Captain 
called mc next morning I was so stiff that I 
could hardly turn over, and told him to take 
Woodlands and go to thunder!° 
George then spent the rest of the summer uniting for some open­
ing in his profession and tried to practice medicine ir Bartow County. 
Because of the inability of patients to pay him enough on which he 
could live, this shortly proved to be futile and he determined to 
263. 
leave home to seek an opening elsewhere. After wandering about in 
many parts of the South, he cnr.e to Tallahassee, Florida, where an 
old friend attempted to interest him in the production of turpentine. 
Borrowing $125, which he never repaid, he went to Hew Yorlc to see if 
he could raise money for the venture, but while there he met an old 
friend from his school days at Mr. Greene's School in East Greenwich, 
This friend proposed that George join him in a cotton compressing 
business in the South with a new type of compress he had perfected. 
George accepted the offer and went to Augusta, Georgia, in January, 
1866. The machine was an immediate failure and while waiting for a 
replacement he had the misfortune to break his leg. He spent two 
months in bed and had time to reflect on the ludicrousncss of his 
situation. When he had recovered sufficient strength, he set out for 
hie home at "Woodlands" and arrived there on April 23, 10'66, Ills 
second attempt at trying to find his proper place after the War thus 
ended in failure, but possessing the courage and faith of his father, 
he tried again. 
It was shortly after this return to his home that both George 
and Lucion, because of their intense dissatisfaction with post-War 
Georgia, became interested in a proposed colonising e:q>edition to 
Bra si 1 to be led by J. J. HcHullen. Land there ma cheap and pay­
ments could be spread out over many years. Emperor Bom Pedro II 
welcomed all newcomers, and it is estimated that between 3,000 and 
 ^ George S.. Bamsljty, "Diary,t: entry for Hay 19, 1865, Baimsley 
Papers, Schcuenstuhl. 
264. 
10,000 Southerners expatriated themselves and went to Brazil, though 
the South*3 greatest leaders, such as Robert E. Lee and L. Q. C. 
Lamar, were opposed to the idea. Many Southern newspapers and 
periodicals likewise printed editorials to discourage emigration. 
Some asked if these Southerners had given nil of their devotion to 
their hones and now owed no further obligation. But the Barasley 
brothers were not impressed. Both of then were of the opinion that 
they could never find any type of work which would suit them in Bartow 
County, or indeed even in Georgia. Therefore, since neither of them 
had "taken the oath," they decided, much to the regret of members of 
their family, to leave the United States and go to Brazil. 
They sailed front Hew Orleans in February, 1867, for the port 
X 9 of Iguapc, Brazil, " but their ship sank in a storm south of Cuba. 
They were rescued by a passing commercial vessel and taken to Havana; 
from there they returned to Hew York to await further passage to 
13 South America. * George managed to save most of his instruments .and 
medicines so he finally decided that they should go on to Brazil 
10 Coulter, The South During Reconstruction. 18,4-185. 
11 jitters of Julia Baltsellc to Godfrey Bams ley, November 28, 1866, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory, and of James Bnltsclle to Godfrey Barns-
Icy, December 10, 1366, in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
1 ry Letter of Julia Baltsclle to Godfrey Barnsley, February 14, 1067, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
13 Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Barnsley, March 8, 1867, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
265, 
with the original group instead of going to England as Lucien had sug~ 
11,. gosted upon their arrival in ITov* York. They reached Rio de Janiero 
1 ^  in liny, 1067, and vent on to S.no Paulo, where they intended to be­
gin their life anew."1 
Baltsellc and his wife, Julia, took over the management and 
operation of the farm at "Woodlands" and though there una little rcs3on 
to suspect that they would become prosperous, it ma possible for them 
to make a living. Bait so lie grew a small amount of cotton *.d.th the 
help of three, of the Ucgrocc vao drifted back after the War, having 
no other place to go. lie nonaged to gather together five bales, 
weighing nn average of 416 pounds each. This sole for the rather high 
price of twenty-eight cents per pound and he mo able to realise nearly 
17 $583 on it/"" Life, however, was lonely there and Julia nas forced 
to admit that "the Howards do not conic near nc. It has been si:c months 
18 since they have been here." They did invite her to their homo on 
Christmas Day, but she refused to go because, she said, they looked 
on her and her husband "as though uc are poor people."1^  The Bnrasley 
* * Letter of George Bams Icy tc Godfrey Bams Icy, Karch 27, 1S67, 
in Bnrasley Papers, Duke. 
 ^Letter of George Bamoley to Godfrey Baraslcy, Hay 23, 1067, in 
Bnrasley Papers, Duke. 
J^ Letter of George Barnsley to Godfrey Baraslcy, June 14, 186/, in 
Bnrasley Papers, Duke. 
Letter of James Baltselle to Godfrey Barnsley, February 17, 1867, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of Julia Baltsclle to Godfrey Barnsley, December 23, 1866, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory, 
*9 Letter of Julia Baltselle to Godfrey B rnsley, December 27, 1866-" 
in/Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
266. 
pride continued to dominate Julia all her life. She did have one 
famous guest when Mrs. Augusta Evans Wilson stayed at "Woodlands" for 
a few weeks at several different times during the late 1860*3. She 
was a friend of Barnsley' from Mobile "and had set the scene of her 
20 most famous novel, St Elmo, at "Woodlands." 
BarnsIcy had cone to the decision by the summer of 1866 that he 
would continue in business as before the War and would go to New 
Orleans in the fall of the. year. Though his Mobile office'had managed 
to begin operations during late 1865, he was certain that with the 
successful laying of the Atlantic cable in the summer of 1866 the 
21 business of a cotton factor would never be the same. * Being assured 
by an associate in New Orleans that his office equipment and papers 
22 had not been molested during the occupation of that city, Barnsley 
moved back there in November, 1866, the first time he had seen the 
23 city since the spring of 1861. Through the year 1867, when the 
price of cotton still remained too high in the United States for such 
an extremely cautious person as Barnsley to buy, he met with continued 
losses so that some people wondered why he continued to try. But 
?0 Addie B. Saylor, "St. Elmo Bom at Barnsley Gardens,15 The Atlanta 
Journal, January 25, 1942. 
Letter of A. A. Harsh to Godfrey Barnsley, July 30, 1866, in Barns­
ley Papers, Duke. 
22 Letter of W. A. Reid to Godfrey Barnsley, September 22, 1866, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
23 Letter of Julia Baltzelie to Godfrey Barnsley, November 8, IS66, 
in Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
Letter of James Baltzelle to Godfrey Barnsley, April 12, 1ft67, 
in Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
267. 
tragedy was to strike at "Woodlands" before it came to Barnsley in 
New Orleans. In the middle of the afternoon of February 15, 1868, 
he received a tersely "worded telegram: "Cnpt. B. is dead. Come. 
Oc) J. B. B."'" Beltrelle, who had come through the War unscathed, was 
killed by n falling tree, while he was supervising the cutting of tim-
26 ber to repair the damage done to a railroad bridge north of Kingston." 
He was buried in the little family cemetery at "Woodlands" by the 
graves of Adelaide Bams ley Rcid and Godfrey Barnsley, Jr. George 
Barnsley wrote that he had read In the Sao Paulo newspapers merely 
the notation of Baltsellc1s death with no explanation of how it 
happened. He at first feared there had been a Heg.ro uprising, which 
probably threatened Julia as well, but decided not to come home to 
27 help after he heard the full particulars from Barnsley. 
By the summer of 1859, after nearly three years of continuous 
financial reverses, Barnsley began to chow signs cf weakness and 
depression. "The cable has revolutionised the cotton trade," he 
wrote, "and rendered it to a great extent a gambling one."'* He 
continued to refuse to take part In any type of trade in cottdh that 
IK Telegram from Julia Baltsellc to Godfrey Barnsley, February 15, 
1068, in Bsrnslcy Papers, Duke. 
0 ^ "'' Addie B. Saylor, "St. Elmo Born at Barnsley Gardens," Atlanta 
Journal, January 25, 1942. 
27 Letter of George Barns!ey to Godfrey Barnsley, April 22. 18168, in 
Barnsley Papers, Duke. 
<?0 Copy of letter of Godfrey BrTOsley to George Barnsley. November 
15, 1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
263. 
seemed to him to be speculating. As he pointed out to T. H, Hooker, 
one of his post~V7ar Now Orleans associates, "Please do not obligate 
us in any way.to contract ahead for spinners in England. It is very 
hazardous. There is such a laxity of morals among the commercial 
29 class that 11 bargains are very unsafe."' Though invited again 
by his daughter Anna to go to England that simmer to take up perma­
nent residence tiicre, he once more declined. He was, he said, not 
able to afford the trip himself and did not want to be further in 
debt. . . ."Everything financially has gone agaJ.nct me and now it 
seems as if it would be the case to the end of r.iy days. ~~ So tar 
as respects myself, it was a great error in returning here, as 1 
could have lived in the country on ray own labor.* Though he had 
done his best to live economically, he had so little to sell that his 
expenses were heavier than his income. Taxes were enormous, ho said. 
"Income taxes, city and United States, in this free country are now 
30 very much heavier than in England,11 He had promised to sell 
Gilmour's house for Anna but could not get a decent price for it nor 
31 was he able to rent it. 
Bamsley® s bitterness at the progress pf Reconstruction is 
reflected in his letters to his sons in South America. "Do not return 
to this country," he urged them. "You are in a much better one." He 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to T. H. Rooker, July 24, 1869, 
in Bamsley Paper3, Howard. 
Letter of Godfrey Bamsley to Anna GiIncur, May 18, 1869, in 
Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
31 Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to Anna Gilmour, September 
26, 1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
269. 
reported that demoralisation was very high in the United States and 
that government, federal, state and city, was a gigantic system of 
plunder. Honesty in trade was the exception, with bribery and 
32 corruption everywhere. * He was particularly disturbed over the 
fact that the Louisiana legislature had been costing close to 
$1,000,000 a session during the last few years, compared to $100,000 
n session prior to the War. The printing bill in the State during 
the three year tenure of Governor Henry Clay Uarmoth was $1,500,000 
33 while before the War it had never been more than $60,000 a year. 
When there were rumors that Don Pedro II of Brazil might be over­
thrown and a Republic instituted there, Bamslcy wrote George, "I 
sincerely hope you are keeping clear of politics. If the Empire 
be turned into a Republic it will be a sad misfortune for the country; 
the latter requires in its citizens intelligence and honesty. All 
officials here are open to bribery."*3"* Though Uarmoth's salary as 
governor was only $0,000 a year, he admitted making over $100,000 his 
first year in office (1068) and by 1872 his wealth was estimated at 
between $500,000 and $1,000,000. 
Barnsley was eager to return to "Woodlands" the summer of 1869 
to be with Julia and her baby since they were there with just a 
few servants and Negroes who had no other place to go. He left New 
>2 Copy of Icttgr of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, November 
15, 1869 in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
qq Coulter, The South During Reconstruction, 1**9. 
a '• Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, November 
15, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
O C Coulter, The South During Reconstruction, 141. 
270. 
Orleans on June 29 and arrived at his Bartow County estate on July 
2. Ilia trained eye was on the cooing cotton crop as the train sped 
across Mississippi and Alabama and into Georgia, and it was his 
opinion that the next cotton crop would be a large one, perhaps 
twenty per cent higher than the year before.^  This meant that the 
next season promised to be even more economically depressed than 
the one just past. 
Julia had been having a difficult time trying to operate "Wood­
lands" and Bnmsley was greatly discouraged when he saw it. As he 
wrote, 
1 want to get away from this place unless 
fortunate to make it a permanent resting place. 
This place is n mess, little crops and many 
weeds & I am considering letting it, and myself 
go to the dogs. X am heartily tired of it and 
everything else. 
His discouragement was even more apparent when he confided in John 
K. Reid that there was so much to do at "Woodlands'.' and nothing to 
do it with that he had ceased to have satisfaction there and hoped 
It would be his last summer. lie was certain that his useful days 
OO were over. 
In order to help relieve the loneliness Julia felt there after 
the death of her husband, Bams ley arranged to send up from New 
Copy of letter of Godfrej'' Bnrnsley to T. K. Rooker, July 2, 
1369, in Barasley Papers, Howard. 
-27 ' Copy of letter of Godfrey Bams ley to Anna Gilmour, July 3, 
1869, in Bams ley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to John K. Reid, July 3, 
1869, in Barasley Papers, Howard. 
271. 
Orleans a rocent arrival from Holetein, Miss Jensen, sister of n 
business associate in Hew Orleans, J. II. Jensen. She did not speak 
English, but her company was welcomed by Julia who helped her learn 
30 the language. She was escorted to Bartow County by Charles Henry 
von Schwartz, con of Bamsley1 s late business friend, Henry von 
Schwartz, who had been shipping cotton from New Orleans for several 
40 years. 
Barnaley,o depression because of the appearance of '"Woodlands" 
soon departed and he made plans to re-roof the Manor House and 
shingle the kitchen. He worked hard himself, he wrote, "from down 
till dark and have had much less sleep than nature requires at my 
age. ... I have been working myself on the roof of the house 
/ i laborers are very scarce and expensive,"! ' This was physically taj;~ 
ing on a man of sixty-four years who had not been used to manual 
labor and who had been accustomed to having such chores done by 
servants or laborers. lie wrote his friend, William Duncan, "1 am not 
strong, active and healthy as you hope -- quite the reverse, in fact 
the indications of age are becoming rather strong." At another 
time he said, "I an getting old rapidly, and suffer considerably 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Earns ley to John K. Held, December 20, 
1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
'4° Letter of C. II. von S chwartz to Godfrey Barns ley, September 20, 
1367, in Bamsley Papers, Duke. 
'^L Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to J. K. Reid, September 6, 
1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
 ^Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to William Duncan, July 19, 
1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
272. 
from pain in the back. But although ho felt his age was depriv­
ing him of some of his former vigor, there was no possibility of his 
giving up. Julia \ms the only one of his eight children left with 
him and he felt a particular responsibility for her and her child 
after the death of her husband. She and Addle, who was five years 
old, depended upon him almost completely for their support. 
BamoIcy first read of the marriage of his son George in a 
newspaper in Hew Orleans/1* but heard directly from him in June 1869. 
George married Mary Lnniro. Emerson, daughter of the Rev. William 
Curtis Emerson, formerly of Meridian, Mississippi, on March 4, 1869. 
They were married near the town of St, Barbara, Sao Paulo Province, 
Brazil with the bride's father performing the ceremony/" 1 Barnaley 
wrote his son his congratulations and added tfI think it fortunate 
your residence is away from all family influence, the meddling of 
vdiom caused me ruuch annoyance." He could remember well the diffi­
culties he had in 1829 with the Scarborough fnmily, but did not seem 
to recall the ease with which he spent money before and just after 
his marriage. As he wrote George, 
Do not let your prosperity cause a corresponding 
increase in expenditure — wait until you are 
independent and then in case you arc called hence 
there may be something for your family. I never 
43 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Mrs. C. V. Berrien, 
September 26, 1869, in Bams Icy Papers, Howard. 
 ^Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsiey to Anna Gilnour, May 18, 
1869, in Barnsiey Papers, Howard. 
5^ »!Bamsley Family Register." 
273. 
was extravagant. » . * * 
Bnrnsley was indeed proud of George and the progress he was 
malcing as a physician in Brazil. George told his father that he 
would make over $5,000 in gold in 1069, and that the money would go 
twice as far there as in the United States." He was of the opinion 
that he had married well, and that though his wife was not of a 
wealthy family, he was "the most fortunate man in Brazil11 to bo get­
ting her. They moved after their marriage to Tntuchy, a very rich 
area in a fertile section of Sao Paulo Province, where they were 
the only Americans and he the only physician for over 24,000 people, 
Bamsley returned to New Orleans late in 1069 and wrote of Ills 
concern that so many Georgians were migrating to Texas and the Far 
Uest/^  Although his own sons had left the country, he hnd little 
sympathy for those who did not stay on their farms to try to make 
then productive again, feeling that Georgia never would rice from 
the misery of defeat unless her people stayed at home and worked hard. 
Upon his arrival in New Orleans he found that business was so depres­
sed that he was "almost paralysed. I expect to have to give up," 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barns ley to George Bamsley, June 14, 
1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to Mrs. C. V. Berrien, June 
15. IS69, in Barnsicy Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter Godfrey Bamsley to William Duncan, June 20, 
1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to J, K. Reid, November 5, 
1859, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
274. 
he wrote, "perhaps by the 1st of January. Everything goes against 
us. I hoped there would hr.ve been a change in the current of my 
SO ill luck, but it continues* He placed much of the blame for his 
misfortune on the restrictions imposed on the South by the Northern 
Radicals, whom he earnestly hated, and on the newly-laid Atlantic 
cable, refusing to participate in the "gambling" that the latter 
ri allowed.He disapproved of the practice of many factors who 
bought cotton in New Orleans when the price there was low and held 
great quantities of it in storage until the price in Liverpool had 
reached its peak. They then hurried to ship it to Liverpool, paying 
much higher shipping rates than normal, hoping it would arrive before 
the price dropped. Those who speculated in cotton this way pointed 
out that the price could just as easily have risen, providing an 
even greater profit when sent for sale on their own account. But 
Barnsley refused to go along with them. 
Barnsley®s health continued to grow steadily worse, pajrtly 
because he could not afford to eat well and did so only when the 
CO guest of friends." lie had a headache constantly and could not 
seem to relieve it in any way. Part of his ill health was no doubt 
50 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltselle, December 
6, 1369, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, November 
15, 1369, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltnelle, December 
G, 1G69, iri Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
psychological for he felt extremely inadequate and unproductive. 
He wrote Julia of his concern because he could not afford to send 
Addie a present for Christmas. 
His bitterness about the political situation in the South 
steadily became more apparent. Commenting on the Grant administra­
tion, he wrote J. IC. Re id: 
The President is the worst man who has filled 
the office — he is & mere tool of the Rads --
a worse & more despotically governed country 
than this would be hard to find among civilised 
nations; if an honest man be found in office 
he is considered a prodigy. The infamous course, 
pursued by the General Gov't towards the South 
since the war has rendered Union in feeling next 
to impossible. . . .^ 
George Bamaley wrote that the government in Brazil was not at 
all efficient, but Bomsley pointed out that no matter how imper­
fect It was it had to be better than that of the United States, 
"which is corrupt to an almost unimaginable degree.">J lie was of 
the opinion that if the "present mode of governing it be continued, 
ten years may not pass before this country falls to pieces. 
When Bismarck maneuvered Napoleon III into war in July, 1870, 
Barnsley immediately realized that there was bound to be an effect 
53 Copy of letter Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltzelle, December 23, 
1869, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J. K. Reid, April 16, 1870, 
in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
55 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, January 
13, 1870,' in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
56 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Edward Parsons, January 
6, 1870, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
276. 
on cotton prices. He was certain that Russia would invade Turkey, 
which would bring England into the conflict .and lead to a general war 
C ~ j  throughout Europe.It appeared to him that although it may have 
been wise to take advantage of the war to ship cotton, there was 
still the possibility that England would in some way be involved, 
58 which meant the danger of a lost shipment. 
Bamsley was certain in his own mind that a republican form of 
government was far from the best. "Napoleon may be deposed or abdi­
cate," he wrote, "and en attempt made to establish a republic, which 
59 would have a bad effect on business." As he pointed out to his son 
George after the Prussian victory at Sedan, 
Louis Napoleon is the best monarch France has 
ever had and io sot aside and abused by a 
beggarly set of scamps who have started a re­
public. But it will soon be succeeded by a 
monarchy. The French are not fitted for a 
republican gov't — which is unsuited for any 
but an intelligent 6: moral people. A Con­
stitutional monarchy io far preferable --
the corruption in the U. S. is so great 
that a change cannot be far distant. All in 
office are dishonest. The North is no bad 
as the South .... Your Gov't is better — 
a Constitutional monarchy and similar to 
Great Britain. . . ,60 
'; Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to J. K. Reid, July 20, 1870, 
in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
58 Copy of letter of Godfrey Bnmslpy to A, A. Harsh, July 29, 1870 
in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
 ^ Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to A. A. Harsh, August 13, 1870, 
in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to George Bamsley, September 
14, 1870, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
277. 
Bams ley war. no convinced that a republican form of government 
wnn inferior to that of his own native land that he continued to con­
demn it. "The French," he said, "are stupid to show such ingratitude 
to Napoleon." ^  His respect for Queen Victoria vrns high and why any 
country would overthrow a government which was so similar to that of 
Great Britain was more than he could understand, Baraaley had lived 
in the United States for more than forty-five years and seemed now to 
have regretted his earlier decision to remain here. But this may be 
attributed to the fact that ouch an attitude was only normal and 
expected of a man who had lost as much as he had. 
Julia Baitnolle had been left to care for "Woodlands" by her 
father and was finding it too difficult to handle. "Julia is farming," 
wrote Baraoiey, "chiefly on shares with white and colored. Most of 
our old servants have found emancipation anything but a blessing."^ * 
He thought of "Woodlands" as a place for Julia to live and not an 
his home, but he returned there whenever he felt he could leave hio 
63 steadily failing business in Hew Orleans. In the summer of 1070 he 
visited Julia and realised that she, too, was losing money as fast 
as he was in Hew Orleans. But as he wrote J. K. Rcid, ",;I am thought 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bnrnsley to "William Duncan, September 
20, 1070, in Bnrnsley Papers, Howard. 
62 Copy or letter of Godfrey Bnrnsley to Rutson Maury, July 26, 1070, 
in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
° Copy of letter of Godfrey Bnrnsley to Julia Balfczelle, April 4, 
1070, in'Bnrnsley Papers, Howard. 
278. 
too old end old fashioned to have any correct ideas on farming mid 
do not interfere." 
One of the reasons Burnsley had been going to "Woodlands" from 
New Orleans in the summer T?an to escap e the dreadful heat and the 
mosquitoes of the city and to try to regain his strength in the 
mountain air. But this became more and more difficult to do and in 
1870, in his sixty-fifth year, he complained of growing, steadily 
weaker, of being short-winded and of frequently having a difficult 
time speaking. This latter debilitation he attributed to nervousness 
because of business frustrations,^  though it may have been just a 
part of his generally failing health. While he was at "Woodlands" 
his old Negro vegetable gardnnor, Ainos, died, "a victim of the emanci­
pation .... I had to read the burial service and while there was 
66 some delay occuring , . . had time for reflection -- and envy.""' 
Hie ill health was accompanied there by loneliness, which con­
tributed to his feelings of despondency. He and Julia, he said, know 
little of the outside world except from letters and papers, because 
they made no visits mid received no visitors. It was not that Barns-
ley purposely tried to stay away from people in these post-War years 
but that his Bartow County neighbors just did not understand his 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bnmslcy to J. K. Held, July 13, 1370, 
in Bams ley Papers, Howard. 
65 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Bnrnsley, August 15, 
1070, in Bemnley Papers, Howard. 
66 Q0py 0f letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J. K. Held, August 5, 1370, 
in Bams ley Papers, Howard. 
279. 
conservative outlook on life end his insistence on social states end 
propriety at nil times. During Iiio Trentthier days before the Wer, it 
had been his custom to ride to Kingston, si:: miles southeast of 
"Woodlends," or to Adairsvillc, si?: miles north, on horseback, aIways 
accompanied by two men-servants who rode two steps behind. He trans­
acted little business personally in these towns, moot often sending 
one of his servants to do his chopping for him or to make personal 
contacts with people whom he needed to consult 011 business. On special 
occasions or when he felt the need perhaps to impress his neighbors, 
Barnsley would ride into town in his giIt-painted French landau with 
it3 glassed sides and doors. The footman, who rode on the roar of the 
coach, placed a small stool on the ground in front of tha carriage 
door whenever Bamsley alighted, and while the townspeople stared in 
awe or giggled behind their hands at si:ch splendor, he masterfully 
strode off on his errand' After the Civil War, however, his ex­
cursions to the small totals, of Bartow County were brought to a halt, 
and in his Ion linear, he often longed to see a friendly face. Two 
young ladies reported that while travelling one clay in 1069 in the 
area of "Woodlands," they stopped by its front gate to look in when 
Barnsley, a small, dark-corplexioned figure in n white suit, Stepped 
from behind some shrubbery where he had been working and invited them 
r  —i Reported to Joseph B. Mnhnn, Curator of the Colutabua Museum of 
Arts and Crafts, Columbus, Georgia, by an eyewitness, James L. 
Kilhollin. Cassville, Georgia. 
280. 
to come in and see the gardens. After explaining the many varieties 
growing there, he asked thcrr. into his home for tea which they 
thoroughly enjoyed.^ 0 
Evert though Julia was the only member of his family living near 
him, he still retained his pride and interest in his children, nnd in 
their children no matter where they were. His grariddoughtcr, Julia 
Gilmour, in late 1869 announced her engagement to Francis Stanton 
llassey Dawson of London and when Bamoley found out that he was the 
grandson of the late Lord St. Clair and the son of Lady Sinclair, his 
approval was immediately forthcoming.' He was greatly pleased that 
at least one member of his family v/as marrying in a sufficiently high 
station. The marriage took place in London in August, 1370, though 
Barnsley felt slighted that a wedding invitation and announcement had 
not been sent,to him. "If any cards were issued," he wrote, "I think 
we might have been sent one altho' we are not of much account these 
days."70 
There is no reason to believe that Barnslcy was ever what 
might be called a "religious" man, though he was n member of the 
Anglican Church and was very much interested in spiritual matters. 
He frequently admonished his children to obey the Christian principles 
63 Reported to Joseph B. Kalian, Curator of the Columbus Museum, of 
Arts and Crafts, Columbus, Georgia, by an eyewitness, Miss Mamie 
Saron, Calhoun, Georgia. 
69 Copy of letter of Godfrey Bams ley to George Bams ley, November 
15, 1869, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
70 Copy of letter of Godfrey Bams Icy to Anna Gilmour, August. 31, 
1870, in Bams ley Papers, Howard. 
281. 
which they had been taught at home and at school, and he seemed to 
have had a deep, solid faith in God. He enjoyed theological argu­
ments and discussions and often tried to convince his friends of the 
existence of God and of a future state.But it was not his temper­
ament to give or show any type of religious enthusiasm. He had a 
firm belief in Divine order, however, for he wrote a friend, 
I cannot see in the war in which ao many 
lives are lost any reason to doubt the 
goodness of the Supreme Ruler. All human 
actions determine the results and if man­
kind HILL do wrong they bring on them­
selves the inevitable consequences of a 
violation of moral law.* A 
His most constant correspondent during the last years of his 
life on matters pertaining to spiritualism was Mrs. C. V. Berrien 
of Rome, widow of Col. Thomas Berrien who had lived in Burke County, 
Georgia. Barnsley*s papers contain many letters written by Mrs. 
Berrien expressing her views on the.subject and generally agreeing 
with him regarding life after death.73 In addition, George Barnsley 
continued his interest in the matter and wrote from Brazil that it 
really was the "most reasonable" belief and asked his father to send 
him all the best printed publications on the subject. He said that 
71 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to William Duncan, November 
26, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
72 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J. H. Jensen, September 
28, 1870, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
73 Host of these letters are in Barnsley Papers Duke, and a few 
are in-Barnsley Papers, Emory. 
282. 
he doubted his own ability as a medium but Bamsley thought this was 
absurd since he had witnessed several "proofs" of his spiritual 
strength.^ " Barnslcy was pleased that Julia had expressed interest, 
and she believed that she did possess at leaat some of the powers of 
a medium. As she wrote her father, 
The table moved Saturday night. It was Kama. 
She says Captain B. is around you and Addle, 
but not me. He won't come around me. She says 
Aunt Charlotte influences you as she is more 
powerful. . . . She thinks you will see better 
days* ^  
Only once did Bamsley seem willing to take the time to put 
down on paper his real views concerning spiritualism and life after 
death. In a letter to William Duncan he wrote that he had 
. . . discarded the ridiculous idea of angels 
with wings on their shoulders carrying harps, 
always singing and doing nothing useful to 
themselves or others. The question is : where 
are the astounding number of spirits who have 
passed from this earth since its creation? 
There may be many globes inhabited by 
spirits within the solar sphere as real and 
perhaps more so than that we are on, their 
being invisible to us is unworthy of notice. 
We are not yet perfectly acquainted with the 
laws of spirit life but there is one universal 
language, not vocal as ours but expressed by 
the countenance — no instruments of music, 
yet a vivid perception of harmony -- there are 
no books or libraries there. . . but there is 
even a greater variety of pursuits than here and 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to William Duncan, January 
21, 1871, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
7 c Copy of letter of Julia Baltselle to Godfrey Bamsley, undated, 
Bamsley Papers, Howard, 
2S3. 
everyone can do as he pleases — there is no 
compulsion . . . there are no "servitors" in 
the spirit world . . . each one "paddles his 
own canoe" and there can be no advance without 
individual exertion. When a man dies he lays 
aside a worn out garment, or one which can no 
longer be used, and gravitates to his proper 
place among congenial spirits, good or bad, 
his conscience is the only judge and one from 
which there is no escape — his surroundings 
will be in unison with his state the bad 
inhabit gloomy, dreary worlds and though they 
have the power to go to beautiful ones, they 
cannot be happy there ~~ earthly affinities if 
based on genuine love will continue but mere 
affection will not enable the bad to live with 
the good, but they can visit — they can remain in 
the same state, and even becoir.o worse, but 
they can advance continually in goodness, knowl­
edge, love of God and happiness advanced 
spirits are glorious beings robed in dauzling 
white. ... I have given an epitome of my idea 
of what is before us. ... 
Although Dams ley was saddened by the death of Mrs. Berrien on 
July 20, 1070, he had n positive opinion about her situation after 
her death: 
I believe she has done with all that per­
tained to her earthly body — and that she 
awoke to a life more real than this, surrounded 
by friends and listening to congratulations 
that her mortal career had closed. I can 
fancy her enjoyment of her present existence, 
with no limit to the conversation of the good 
and the beautiful.^  
1b Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to William Duncan, November 
26, 1869, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. See also, Alice Felt 
Tyler, Freedom1s Ferment (Minneapolis, 1944), 78 ff. for short 
synopsis of the spiritualism that swept over the United States 
in the mid-nineteenth century. 
Copy of Letter of Godfrey Barnsley to William Duncan, July 29, 
1870, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Ha meditated on matters pertaining to spiritualism much of the 
time and it provided hin what little psychological and spiritual 
solace he found in his last days. The death of Mrs. Berrien created 
a void in his life for he found no other with whom he could share 
his views on spiritualism. 
When Barnsley returned to Hew Orleans for the winter of 1870-
1871, he found business conditions much the same as they had been 
the year before, so that again he had to confess that ho had nothing 
70 to send Julia and Addie for Christmas that year but his love.8 * But 
still he tried to get come business end spent a lonely and quiet 
Christmas in hie office, which at the time was in two rooms on the 
third floor over the Canal Street Banlt. ~*'J The first few months of 
1871 brought what appeared to Barnsley to be an indication of pros­
perity and he invested rather heavily in cotton, but when prices on 
the Liverpool market suddenly went down, he and his associates lost 
heavily.0"1 Though the Treaty of Paris ending the Franco-Prussian 
War was signed on Kay 10, 1071, the city of Paris had fallen to 
Bismarck's men early in February. Barnsley wrote his daughter that 
everyone had considered it certain that when Paris fell, cotton in 
~/a Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, December 
13, 1370, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J. K. Reid, January 12, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
80 (j0py 0f letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltselle, February 
4, 1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
285. 
Liverpool would advance, but the reverse was true. 
Still maintaining an interest in the cotton trade, Bams ley 
began importing railroad iron, but the paper work of paying duties, 
providing bonds and other incidentals made it all so disagreeable 
that he did not go deeply into it. He cleared less than one per 
cent on railroad iron but he noted that "it is better than nothing 
and will pay office expenses, which has not been the case for the 
past three years,"**1 A Cotton Exchange was established in New Orleans 
in February, M871, but Barnsley refused to join, "Its main object, 
I believe, is to foster sales of 'Futures® which I look upon as 
5** ^  gambling transactions.He continued to buy and ship small quan­
tities of cotton, although the crop of 1870-1871 was so large prices 
continually went down, He estimated that the South as a whole would 
lose sixty to ninety million dollars because of the size of the crop, 
"a large sum for a country recovering from the effects of war and 
still plundered to an enormous extent by the Radicals. 
Fortunately, and rather unexpectedly, since the crop me not 
as poor as anticipated, sales picked up and he was able to write 
Lucien that he had made a few thousand dollars and would have made 
 ^Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J. K. Reid, February 24, 
1071, in Barneley Papers, Howard. 
82 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to William Duncan, February 
10, 1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of*Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, February 
14, 1071, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
286. 
core if his associates in England had sold when ordered to instead of 
holding until the price had started to go down,  ^ The slight increase 
in his income did not last long but he did manege to pay a feu debts 
and it vms possible for him to ship food and supplies to "Woodlands" 
for Julia. On March 17, 1371, he sent her a barrel of sugar 
(254 lbs.), twenty gallons of kerosene, one bushel of malt, some 
soap and two dresses for Addie. "I saw a linen dress,11 he wrote 
Julia, "very beautifully trimmed, your size, for only $20, but it was 
entirely too stylish for Woodlands."03 One can imagine the disappoint­
ment Julia must have felt at not receiving the dress no matter liou 
"stylish" it was since such an experience had not been hers for many 
years. But again Barnsley was guided by his powerful conservatism. 
By the end of April, 1871, the situation regarding cotton had 
changed. In that month "Ordinary" cotton had gone up in price nearly 
two cents per pound, which would have meant a good profit for Barnsley 
if he had had a stock on hand. He complained that while thinking 
about buying cotton, the price went up and that he "often found that 
while hesitating I ought to have been acting.1' 01 By Hay he had 
decided to have nothing more to do with cotton that year, but contin-
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Lucien Barnsley, "March 12, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
85 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltzclle, March 17, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
86 copy of letter of-Godfrey Barnsley to William Duncan, April 28, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
237. 
ucd with the importation of iron rails, though he vms then making 
lees on iron than he had been. On may 3, 1S71, he reported that he 
had sold 1,243 ton3 of iron rails for use in Texas, but had not 
made much profit. He explained the situation to his son iAieicu: 
. . . Have received consignments of Rail Iron 
of more than 10,000 tons this Season, which had 
to he bonded avid the duty ie $15.63 per ton -~ 
gold. Bonds have to be given by 2 parties for 
double the amount of duty and the Collector makes 
the bondsmen take an oath they are worth that 
amount of real estate clear of debt this is 
the policy of the Yankees to put every impedi­
ment in the way of importation — every mile of 
railroad pays about $1500 duty & yet roods are 
going in ell directions -- we charge 2.71 but 
return 3/4% to the company which influenced the 
business. . . ,u,i 
While waging the fight to stay solvent dealing in cotton and 
iron, Barnsley1s health was growing steadily poorer and he began the 
qo year 1871 "very tlred.,Uw By April he and contracted a bad cold, 
had c serious cough and began expelling blood. Ke consulted Dr. 
Robert Moss who informed him that his right lung was diseased.^  
His cough continued to get worse and though the doctor told him he 
could live for many years yet, he said ho did not feel he wanted 
to. After rather complete examinations, Dr. iloss informed him tlmt 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bams ley to Lucien Barnsley, June 14, 
1371, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
88 Copy of letter- of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, January 
15, 1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
on OJ Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltzelle, April 
18, 1371, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
tubercles had fomed cm his lung, and he reported in May that he 
trao in great pain and was feeling worse than a week before. It 
would appear that he had lost his desire to live and to care for 
himself properly, for one evening in May when Jensen and von Schwartz 
called on him, ho looked to them to be in such miserable health that 
they insisted, though It was after midnight, in having the druggist 
fill a prescription for him.-1 lie wrote George at this time that he 
was not at all well "and am under the Impression that I shall not 
last very long.;,^ ~ His hearing had also begun to fail him for when 
he was called to Court to be a juror on a special case, he was able 
to plead the double excuse of not being a citizen and "also of being 
too deaf to be on a jury. u'~3 Dr. Moss advised him to take a sea 
voyage and even though his daughter Anna offered him the necessary 
funds, he declined to go due to pressure of business.^  With pro­
per medication he was able to recover slightly and was able to 
return to 'Woodlands'1 for the summer. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamsley to Julia Baltselle, May 2, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard„ 
91 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to William Duncan, May 5, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, May 14, 
1371, In Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
go Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, April 13, 
1371, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Gilmour, June 10, 
1371, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
289. 
Julia had become quite unhappy at "Woodlands1* and had written 
Lucien to return from Brazil and run the farm. Barnsley thought 
this was unwise because he was of the opinion that Lucien was not 
equal to the task. He said that ho had wanted the property to stay 
in the family but now thought it would be sold as soon as he died,95 
if not sooner. In fact, he wrote George that since Julia did not 
want to stay on there, it would probably be bast to cell it right 
away. This disturbed him greatly, however, for he already felt that 
he had failed miserably to provide anything of value for his family, 
and ,rV?oodlnnd3;{ was really the only tangible thing he had to leave 
to anyone. Ho was certain, he wrote Julia, that to sell it would 
be to take a great financial loss because 
I doubt if the furniture would cell for $1,000, 
if that, altho' its cost was a great deal more, 
but its value is what it will sell for. As 
regards the value of the house . . . the recent 
improvements have cost fully $3,000 but what 
the place would bring I have no idea, yet greatly 
doubt if an offer could be got of $15,000 cash 
for the whole place as it stands with all on it 9o 
• « • • 
Ramaley was very conservative in his estimate of his house and 
property, probably because of his general depression and pessimistic 
% 
outlook on life. It is true that Georgia farm property values were 
95 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Anna Gilinour, July 29, 
1871, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
9° Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltzelle, llay 26, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard, 
290. 
very lew in the decr.de after the close of the Civil War and that 
people who had had extensive plantations were finding it impossible 
to maintain thorn, but Barnsley* s 3,680 acres and his houses and fur­
nishings were always worth many thousands more than his low estimate. 
Since Julia was so very unhappy living alone at '^ Woodlands," 
it was probably a rather easy decision to answer in tha affirmative 
when Charles Ilcnry von Schwartz, who had taken Miss Jensen to "Wood-
97 lands" in 1869, asked her in the spring of 1871 to marry him. 
She had been a widow since the winter of 1868, and trying to raise 
her daughter and operate a farm the site of "Woodlands" was no easy 
task, especially when it was so unproductive. Von Schwartz had been 
a friend of the Barnsleya tor quite some time and had won their 
respect and esteem. He had been actively engaged in flaunting the 
northern blockade during the Civil War, making many trips from 
Nassau in the Bahamas to Southern porta with necessary items for the 
qo Confederate cause. "* 
In July, 1871, von Schwartz became an active partner with 
Barnsley in his business in New Orleans. As Barnoley confided to 
Booker, 
My dividing with him my interest in the business 
Copy of letter of Godfrey Bams ley to Julia Baltzelle, Hay 14, 
1871, in Barnsley Papers, Ho^ rard. 
q r» JO Col, Thomas Spencer, ,fHow Tragedy Stalked in Barnsley Gardens," 
The Atlanta Constitution, November 30, 1341. 
. . . would be a help to me. X have known him 
intimately for many years and shared an office 
with him for two years. He is a man of great 
integrity, handling his business affairs well.^ 9 
Von Schwnrts and Julia Bnltcelle wore married at ''Woodlands1' 
on July 8, 1072, and left the next day with Adelaide on their wed­
ding trip to Chattanooga. His expense account for this trip showed 
the following:*®^  
7-8-72 License (marriage License) $ 1,50 
7-9-72 tickets ILalls to Chatta­
nooga 9.25 
7-9-72 Carriage to Lookout A.50 
7-13-72 Hotel bill, Lookout A3.50 
7-13-72 Chattanooga to Catoosa 3.75 
7-16-72 Hotel bill Catoosa 22.00 
7-16-72 Catoosa to Halls 6.15 
After the wedding trip, von Schwartz stayed at "Woodlands'1 with his 
wife until July 30 when he left for New York on his way to London 
to represent himself and his father-in-law in their new business 
enterprise. 
An event of great importance to Bams ley had taken place in 
June, 1371. He became a great-grandfather when his granddaughter, 
Julia Gilmour Dawson, gave birth to a daughter on June 2A. Barnsley 
was at that time nearly sixty-six years old and was very proud of 
99 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to F. W. Hooker, July 3, 
1071, in Bams ley Papers, Howard. 
100 Charles Henry von Schwnrtr. ''Diary," 1872, Barnsley Papers, 
Emory. The destination "Halls" was the railway station nearest 
"Woodlands," three tidies to the east. 
292. 
the fact that he had lived long enough to be around when one of his 
grandchildren had a child. 
Though Barnsley vr.c in slightly better financial circumstances 
in early 1871, as referred to above, his boohs for the year ending 
September 30, 1871,shoved nn income of only $1,870.84 before deduc­
tions for office expenses, leaving a balance of leas than $1,000 
for the year. For a nan \7ho had, a decode earlier, earned near­
ly $100,000 in one year, this ras a most difficult adjustment to mal;c. 
After the Civil liar there was steadily increasing tension 
between the United States and Great Britain because of the raids 
of the Alabama and her sister ships, built in England for the Confed­
eracy during the war. The Americans mere angry at x#et they consid­
ered to be. en example of British betrayal of friendship, and attempted 
to make them pay for the depredations of the raiders. A treaty was 
negotiated by the United States Department of State in 1869 but 
Senator Charles Sumner managed to have it defeated as he considered 
it too mild. There the matter rested until 1871. 
In that year, after lengthy negotiations, the British agreed 
to and signed the Treaty of Washington. A board of five arbitrators 
was appointed to meet in Geneva, and as a result of their deliberations 
101 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J. K. Reid, July 24, 
1071, in Bamslcy Papers, Howard. 
102 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to J, M. Norman, October 
30, 1071, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
293. 
the United States was awarded $15,500,000 for damages caused by the 
British-built Confederate ships. Because of this Geneva Award, 
Barnsley and several other British citicer.c in the United States 
foolishly and mistakenly believed that they saw an opportunity to 
press for some redress of their own grievances. Therefore, Barnsley 
put in a. claim to Congress for $7,405. As he wrote a friend, "I 
understand people are making their claims ae large as possible to 
allow for deductions and I . . . have done the earnc.1'^ "* 
Since he could not care for his claim personally, he appointed 
his old friends, Biggs and Co, of Washingten, D. C., as his repre­
sentatives with the following Power of Attorney: 
State of Georgia 
Bartow County 
Know all men by these presents that I, 
Godfrey Barnsley, a British subject, residing 
at Woodlands in the State and County afore­
said, do hereby appoint Messrs Riggs and Co. 
of the city of Washington, D. C. my true and 
lawful attornies, for me end in my name to 
ask for, collect and receipt for any sum of 
money which may be adjudicated to me under 
the Treaty of Washington in payment of my 
claim for property destroyed and appropriated 
by the United States armies during the year 
1364 at Woodlands aforesaid. Hereby ratifying 
and confirming all that my said attornies may 
do in the promises as fully as if I were 
personally present. 
In testimony whereof I have 
hereunder affixed my signa­
ture and seal at the city 
J. R. Couche of Kingston in the State and 
*^ 3 Copy of letter of" Godfrey Barnsley to Jr. R. Gardner, August 
3, 1871, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
294. 
Justice of county aforesaid this 2nd 
the Peace day of August, 1871, 
Godfrey Bamsley ' " 
Bamsley was awarded no money at all from his claim, for in 
later years von Schwartz received the following letter: 
British Legation 
Washington, 
April 25, 1882 
Sir: 
I remember the claim of Godfrey Barnslcy. 
The Geneva Fund has nothing to do with British 
claims against the U.S.A. and there is no 
prospect of the matter ever coming up again. 
They are settled forever. 
Henry Howard 
George and Lucien Bamsley were continuing to prosper in 
Brazil and Barnslcy wrote them frequently during these Inst years 
of his life, always complimenting them on their ability and the 
good name they were making for themselves. "lie was pleased to 
hear of the marriage on August 2.6, 1871, of Lucien to Martha II. 
Grady, formerly of Mississippi. : - Lucien had by that time become 
an apothecary and xms filling the prescriptions that George wrote 
as a physician. George had become a man of some wealth and was 
104 Copy of Power of Attorney to Rigr.s and Co. by Godfrey Barns ley, 
August 2, 1871, in Barnslcy Papers, Howard. 
105 Letter of Henry Howard to C. H, von Schwartz, April 25, 18S2, 
in Barnslcy Papers, Georgia. 
106 copy of letter of Godfrey Barnslcy to Lucien Bamsley, April 
13, 1871, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
'^ Copy of letter of- Godfrey Bamsley to George Bamsley, October 
15, 1871, in Bamsley Papers, Howard. 
295. 
quite concerned about the impoverishment of his father, He believed 
that it mould be better for Bamslcy1 s health if he mould stay on 
at ITWoodlaudsn and not return at all to Hex; Orleans. He was will­
ing, he sold, to support his father there, but Bamslcy wrote him: 
Thank you for your offer of funds to enable me 
to remain here altogether, but so long n3 ray 
strength lasts, ray nature requires me to work, 
I look forward to the change of existence, and 
my faith in spiritualism remains the same,iuu 
Following the tenets expressed in this latter he felt obliged 
to return to his xfork in Hew Orleans and to his room on Dauphino 
Street. k(j^  Business was exceedingly poor during 1872 as he had 
expected it would be, -1and his overwork brought about further 
tiredness to hie greatly weakened body. His cough continued to grow 
more intense, and the medication ho was taking failed to give him 
the type of relief he mated. From the pain and soreness in his 
abdomen and back lie was certain that his liver or some other 
internal organ was diseased. His lonliness mounted so much that he 
wrote a friend, 
"J An • Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to George Barnsley, August 
I'd, 1871, in Bams ley Papers, Howard. 
109 Copy of letter of Godfrey Bamslcy to Anna Gilmour, December 
25, 1371, in Bamslcy Papers, Iloxrctrd, 
110 Copy of letter of Godfrey Barnsley to Julia Baltselle, December 
13, 1371, in Barnsley Papers, Howard. 
296. 
In my old age I have to be content with obscurity 
and the extravagant cum of $75 per month for 
rent, board, fire, light and washing. I economize 
so as to keep Woodlands from going to wreck. 
The balance of the year 1372 and the first half of 1373 were 
similar to the ones immediately preceding. Business continued to 
be poor and his tuberculosis caused him to grow weaker as the 
month 3 wore on. Death came to Godfrey Bnrnsley on June 7, 1873, in 
ITcw Orleans, and his daughter and son-in-law had his body brought to 
"Woodlands" where it was placed beside the graves of his son Godfrey 
Jr., his daughter Adelaide and his son-in-law James Peter Baltzelle. 
By his will he left to his children all of his property, real and 
personal or mixed. The will tras signed but not witnessed and not 
119 admitted to Probate. 
Codfrey Bnrnsley died as lie had liv ed, a conservative in 
politics and business but inclined to extravagance in personal mat­
ters and those having to do with his children as long as he had the 
means to indulge his fancies. He was important to the growth end 
development of the "Cotton economy" of Savannah and to the settle­
ment of a part of northern Georgia. Yet he did not take full 
advantage of this importance. If he had become an American Citizen, 
it is likely he could have contributed much to moulding public 
111 Copy of letter of Godfrey Bnrnsley to H. S. Gilmour, January 
11, 1872, in Bnrnsley Papers, Howard. 
11 a Copy of letter of- C. H. von Schwartz to H. Howard, December 10, 
1874, in Bnrnsley Papers, Georgia. 
297. 
opinion in the years before the Civil War. But as a citir.en of 
Great Britain, he neither spoke out nor was particularly sought out 
for his ideas, except by a few of his friends who were also British. 
After the death of his wife, the real spark of life and zest for liv­
ing left him and his bitterness toward the land of his adoption soon 
became quite apparent. His frustration as a Southerner during the 
Civil War was probably no more than thousands of others in situations 
much like his, but he still had the feeling that as far as he was 
concerned, the only thing he had to gain or lose was financial inde­
pendence. He had no warm feeling of patriotism for the United States 
or the South as a section, and was not concerned over the principle of 
slavery. But still that part of the country was his home, and he con­
tributed ns much to the Confederacy as some patriotic, loyal, South­
ern citinens, and much more than most. The bitterness and rancor he 
felt after the War is easily understood. Uo one likes to be knocked 
out and then crushed underfoot and not allowed to rise again, Barns-
Icy* s attempted come back in New Orleans, 1366 to 1073, would prob­
ably have been successful if he had been willing to alter his 
principles and resort to business practices which he considered 
unethical and dangerous. But here again his integrity and stubborn 
conservatism blocked the way. 
Godfrey Bamslcy will be remembered as a man of character, 
integrity, principle, courage and faith. Examples of unethical busi­
ness practices or personal attributes have not been discovered and 
his life stands as a shining example of the best the South had to 
298. 
offer in the business community in aid-nineteenth century America, 
Ho British subject contributed more to the development of the cotton 
trade in Savannah or to the improvement of the northern part of 
Georgia than Godfrey Bnrn3lcy. Ho monument stands over his jr.rave 
but his memory is revered in the area where he had his home and 
hia influence will long be remembered. 
CHAPTER IX 
Postscript 
UUcn Godfrey Bnrnsley died in June, 1873, the only one of his 
eight children still living in the United States was Julia Baltcclle 
von Schwartz, who was trying to maintain his north Georgia estate, 
'"Woodlands." Pour of hio children had died: Reginald, in 1833 in 
Savannah; Godfrey, Jr., in 1043 at "Woodlands"; Adelaide Bamsley 
Rcid in 1850 at "Woodlands"; and Harold, in 18 G 2 somewhere in China. 
Throe others were still living: Anna Bamsley Giltr.our, in England, 
and George and Lucien Barncloy in Sao Paulo Province, Bra si 1. The 
burden of handling what was left of the family fortune therefore 
fell on Julia and her husband, Charles Henry von Schwarts. 
On October 1, 1374, von Schwnrts, who had been a partner of 
Godfrey Bamsley ir. XTew Orleans, fomed a new partnership with A. 
Cantonnct in St. Louis, Missouri.• Thoir announced purpose was to buy 
cotton and transact a general commission business.* Though the head­
quarters of the new fim was in St. Louis, von Schwartz represented 
the company in Hew Orleans, staying there most of the year and return­
ing to "Woodlands" only during the hot summer months. The estate 
received more attention and care under von Schwartr than it had for 
many years under Bamsley, for he kept three gardeners on the job 
most of the time, beautifying the grounds and making the farm a 
1 Statement of partnership, October 1, 1874, Bamsley Papers, 
Georgia. 
300. 
o paying enterprise. 
Von Schwartz died in Net; Orleans on January 31, 1085, after more 
than twelve years of a happy marriage to Julia Bamsley Baltzelle. 
She had his body brought to "Woodlands" and interred in the family 
3 cemetery between her father and her first husband, so that the little 
graveyard became quite cosmopolitan. The man from England today 
lies with one son-in-law of French Huguenot descent and another of 
German nobility. When Julia von Schwartz died, her body, too, was 
placed there with the three men she loved.^  
George Bamsley returned in 1390 from Brazil to '"Woodlands," 
the beloved home of his boyhood. By this time the place had become 
known locally as "Bamsley Gardens," or frequently "Bamsley." 
George remained in Bartow County and at the family estate for sis 
years, and when he left he took many of the best pieces of furniture 
which his father had bought for his home. Most of these were then 
5 sold in Hew York at & great sacrifice, 
Lucien Bamsley, who had married Martha Grady, had become a 
druggist and their only surviving child, a daughter Anna, married Dr. 
Leonol Pessoa. Tlicy had eight children, whose descendants now live 
throughout Sao Paulo Province in Brazil, lucien Bamsley died in 
O " Add'e B. Savior, "St. Elmo Bom at Bamsley Gardens," The Atlanta Journal, January 25, 1942. 
Thomas Spencer, "How Tragedy Stalked in Bamsley Gardens," The 
Atlanta Constitution, November 3, 1941. " *"** 
 ^ Addle B. Saylor, "St. Elmo Bom at Bamsley Gardens, "The Atlanta 
Journal, January 25, 1942. 
5 Skid,/ 
301. 
1S92, and is buried in the Protestant Cemetery in Sao Paulo, 
George Bamcley, who died in 191C, and his wife, the former 
Bar/ Laxairn Emerson, had seven children: Mary Adelaide; Julia 
Henrietta, v/ho died at the a30 of three; Godfrey Emerson; George 
Scarborough, Jr.; Harold, who died cs an infant and Elisabeth Agnes. 
All the foregoing were bora in Eranil. fturing their six-year stay in 
the United States, another daughter, thorn they also named Julia, was 
born in a hospital in Home, Georgia. Godfrey Enemon Bams ley married 
Alsira tlonfortc and they had two daughters, 01 ga and Lila, 01gn, the 
elder, married Johann Leonhnrd Paul Scheucnstuhl, and their four 
children, Robert, Paul, Dinne and Hens now live, in the area of Rio 
de Jmicro. Branil. Hans Gottfried Barn nicy Scheucnstuhl and his 
wife, llaria, were students in 1953 and 1964 at the University of Earth 
Carolina and gave excellent assistance to the author, r.s did Mrs. 
01ga Scheucnstuhl, whose letters were most helpful. Though Alzira 
Konfortc Barnsley was still living In 1954, Godfrey Emerson Barnsley 
died in 1934, and was buried in the Earaslcy family vault ir. the 
Cem.etcrio da Conoolncr.o in Sao Paulo. Since he was the last male to 
carry the name Bamslcy, the family name died with him. 
Of George Barnsley's other children, only his three daughters 
survived to maturity. Adelaide married tfr.nuel Guedcc, and their 
three children are Manuel, Adelaide and Horns. Julia married a 
Brazilian of German descent, tJilliam von Kutslcben. Agnes married 
an American, Robert Holland, and most of their children and 
302. 
grandchildren are living in the vicinity of Salt Lake City, Utah.1' 
In the late 1890*3 Adelaide Baltzclle, Julio von Schwartz* a 
only child, met and married Col. B. F. A. Snylor, a s/idower with two 
children, originally from Pottstown, Pennsylvania, but at that time 
a soldier of fortune trying to otriko it rich quidkly frcra mining 
and other enterprises in Georgia. Saylor vn3 a peculiar man, given 
to drunken wanderings and flights of fancy, frequently referring to 
*7 himself officially as B. F. Armington. They had three children: 
Preston, born in 1893, Julia, born in 1900 and Harry, bom in 1902. 
lirs. Snylor speaks veil of her husband, and of his efforts on her 
behalf: 
While my husband . . . lived, he managed to 
keep affairs at Bams ley running in somewhat 
the grand old fashion. He made a sincere effort 
to keep the great house in repair, even though 
this was a gigantic task. The years had el-
ready brought about a certain amount of de­
terioration, and the huge arched windows were 
targets for vandals who trould throw rocks 
through then just for the fun of seeing them 
break. Col. Snylor » . . cane to Georgia 
to make a study of the possibilities of 
tanking paper from wood pulp. His chemical 
formulas were perfect, but he happened to be 
in advance of his time. He also labored tire­
lessly to perfect a formula- for making something 
like rayon from wood. Tills he completed also, 
but never gained any benefit from ifc.  ^
Letter of 01ga Barnsley Scheuenstuhl to the author, April 6, 1983, 
in author*s possession. 
' limy letters written on stationery of several of his "enterprises1 
nre in Barnsiey Tapers, Georgia. 
° Addle B. Saylor, "St. Elmo Born at Baraslcy Gardens," The Atlanta 
Journal, January 25, 1982. 
303. 
Saylcr died in 1905, and Addle was left with her three small 
children and no income but that which she could manege to got from 
the form with the aid of a few poorly paid hired hands. 
In 1906, a tornado hit "Baraolcy Gardens" and the roof p£ the 
large Manor House, Barnslcy'a prido and joy, was blown away. Hrs, 
Saylor had no funds for ouch cxt?nsivo repairs so could not restore 
the roof. She and her children, removing what furniture find personal 
possessions still remained, moved permanently into what had once 
been Godfrey Barnsley*s "Cottage," later the kitchen and dining room. ' 
It was there she managed to make a home for her family, while the 
Manor House fell into ruin. With no roof, the ravages of the weather 
soon brought about the complete decay of the fittings and woodwork, 
hastened along by picnickers and those whose mental processes cause 
them to further damage that which has become nature's victim. 
The tragedy that seemed to follow the Bamslcy family through 
the nineteenth century did not desert it in the twentieth. Hro. 
Snylor, in order to supplement her meager income during the 1930*s, 
began to charge a small admittance fee to callers who came to see 
what remained of the beautiful formal gardens.1® Harry had taken a 
job at a service station nearby, Julia had married and moved to 
Chicago and Preston had become a professional boxer, known in the 
prize ring aa K. 0. Buggan. By 1935, he had had more than 100 ring 
® Joe Malum, "Georgia's Ruined Castle," The Atlanta Journal, 
January 25, 1942. 
10 Ibid. 
304. 
battles and had begun to show the scare, physical and mental, of his 
profession. Unaccountably, he had in 1933 shot and wounded a neigh­
bor, after which he was sent to the Georgia State Hospital at 
Millcdgeville for mental treatment. After effecting his release 
within a few months, he returned to "Bamsley Gardens'1 and shot at his 
brother Harry, whom he suspected of having been responsible for send 
in;; him to Hillcdge.villc. He then spent several days in jail, but 
upon agreeing not to return home, was released. 
On the night of Hovember 5, 1935, having secretly come to the 
house where his mother and brother were still living. Preston snddcnly 
appeared at the door of the living room. After accruing Harry of 
trying to cheat him out of any Bnrnsley family inheritance which 
might be his and of planning to murder him, he shot and killed his 
brother, who fell dying into his mother's arms. Thus, little Addle 
Baltselle, who was born in Savannah just prior to its capture by 
Sherman, had lived to see the Bible's first murder repented in her 
ow ho*e n 
Preston Saylor was taken to jail in Atlanta and sentenced to 
life imprisonment on Hon/ember 27, 1935. Ho was paroled in January, 
1943, and subsequently given his full freedom. He now lives in East 
Point, Georgia, a tired old man living among the mixed- up memories 
of a tortured past. 
Pete Craig, "Brother's Slayer Claims He Killed in Self-Befense,11  
The Tribune Hews, Cartersvllle, Georgia, November 7, 1935. 
305. 
Mrs. Snylor had learned of her grandfather1 s belief in spirit-
unlism end the supernatural, through her mother, end prew up with Che 
impression that ouch occult occurrences as table tlppinys and rappinys 
were part of the normal course of life. Prior to George Dams ley' a 
death In Bra nil, she corresponded with him about such matters, and he 
advised her Co take the subject seriously: 
I have been so lonf; interested in these communi • 
cations that they come as natural to me as any 
other incident. . . . This Spiritualism, has been 
a study of nine for over fifty years, and the 
more X comprehend, the clearer, more exactly 
scientific and comforting it is. I an loohirr; 
forward with -rest pleasure for the tine when 
I am to be released from this world. I have 
studied more or less ell creeds and none ever 
rave any rational concise idea or plan of 1 o c-xistcncc except thi&. 
Adelaide Say lor took the advice of her undo to heart and be­
came an ardent believer in the aliost3n of "Bamslcy Gardens,M She 
claimed to have seen her -rnndmother, Julia Scarborough Bamslcy, 
wall-.:. ri;i in the - arc ens \rith Godfrey Bamslcy. She often henrd, she 
related, her grandfather*s chnir in the library bein ;^ pv.Ghed beck and 
his footsteps across the floor. She had heard, she said, loud 
lauahter ->nt? talking of the fount Bamnlcys ccmin.y from the Manor 
House, but no si;;n of anyone there upon investigation.Harry was 
a skeptic until .an occurrence which frightened him into belief. 
1  0  ~  Letter or Georae Barnsley to Adelaide Say]or, undated, in Bamslcy 
Papers, Emory. 
13 Addle B. Snylor, "Ghosts of B rnsley Gardens," The Atlanta Journal; 
January 11, 19 <13. 
306. 
On© evening in April > 1918, a knock was heard at the front doorv 
Harry answered it and reported to his mother "it was Uncle George. 
And he disappeared! And there aren't any tracks in the. jstid' leading 
v.p to the front steps!" His mother* s objection that Uncle George 
was in Sooth America ouioted Harry until word soon came that George 
Barnsley had died at the exact time Harry had "seen him" at the 
14 front door. 
Perhaps the most anaring item in Mrs. Snylor1s "spiritualistic" 
history concerns the fact that she is reported by Col. Thomas Spencer 
to have received word of the attack on Pearl Harbor a week before 
15 it occurred. Spencer received so many letters about the published 
account of his conversation vith Mrs. Snylor that he felt obliged to 
repeat the story in full. As he related his meeting with Mrs. Snylor, 
On Sunday, November 30, 1941, Mrs. Spencer 
and myself visited Mrs. Snylor. She was upset mid 
restless. She told us, mid I repeat her exact 
words --- and I guote, "My son Harry came to me 
last night and told tac to wire Prdsidcnt Boose-* 
\relfc that the Japanese are going to attack the 
United States in the Hawaiian Islands next 
Sunday." Th© "next Sunday" was Sunday, December 
7, 1941 and the Japs did attack these United 
States in the Hawaiian Islands. 
On Friday, June 5, 1945, Mrs. Addle Seylor died in a Rome, 
 ^"Ghosts for Sale," The Atlante Journal November 1 194? 
15 Catherine Pierre "Gcor-ir Ghost Predicted Attack on Pe^ rT Harbor," 
The Atl nnt-s Journr? rm' Constitution Mff'V'.sine, December S.\1<*50 
Thornss Spencer. "Spencer Tells Story of Woman Who Predicted Jtttucfe 
on Pe-sorT Harbor." The Daily Tribtme Hews. Curternvi11 e. Geo' o^4»-r 
July 2, 1951. 
Georgia. hospital,*^  a sad and lonely old woman, whoso death brought 
tp an end, at least for the BarnsIcy family at 1 Woodlands," the series 
of tragedies which had boon occurring there. Coincidontally on the 
day of Mrs. Say lor's death newspapers carried a story that German 
radio stations had just reportod, falsely, that Pearl Eurbor was 
again being bombed by the Japanese, XR\cn the report readied the floor 
18 of Congress, it ims immediately denied by the Navy Department. > 
Apparently the last spiritualistic occurrence at 1'Bam3ley 
Gardens" took place shortly after lira. Saylor1s death. Mrs. Alice B. 
Howard, who graciously loaned her Barns ley Papers to the author, was 
one of nine people who visited there on the evening of September 1G, 
1942. They wore under the leadership of Col, U. C. Henson of Carters-
ville, who had been named executor of Mrs. Saylor*s estate. The group 
went to "Barnsley Gardens to see a ghost," they said. Included among 
them were writer Wylly Folk St. Jolin and Ralph Jones, chief photographer 
°£ ^ lC Atlanta Journal, and others of some renown locally. Reportedly 
after fclio group had settled down, the table around which they oat 
began to move, and the "spirit" present identified itself no Godfrey 
Barnalcy. Mrs. Howard ashed the questions and the table tipped from 
side to side in answer, while Jones kept busy v/ith his camera, Oblig­
ingly the table rose upon request, higher and higher, so the 
"Mrs. Say 1 or, of Bamaley Gardens, Dies," The Constitution, Atlanta, 
Georgia, June 6, 1942 
* Sl£ Constitution, Atlanta, Georgia, June 6, 1942 
photographer could get better pictures. Questions and more questions 
soon left the croup emotionally exhausted, but they were all convinced 
19 that the "spirit" present had been that of Godfrey Bams Icy. lire. 
Howard later reported personally to the author that the evening 
remains one of the outstanding events in her life. 
On November 4, 1942, a few months after Mrs. Saylor"a death, 
"Barasley Gardens" was sold to satisfy the. state for taxes and credit­
ors for overdue debts. Purchasers were I. J. Scott of Opelika, 
Alabama, and G. C. Phillips of Birmingham, Alabama, who paid $25,000."* 
Thi3 included 1700 acres of land, all that remained of the original 
36S0 acres, the rest having been sold by von Schwarts, Saylor and Mrs. 
Saylor through the years in order to survive. Phillips soon bought 
out the interest of Scott and lived on the estate until 1954 when it 
was sold to the present owner, U. E, McClcsIcy. The estate had by 
then been reduced to 1, 154 acres, and had been used rather extensive1 
for the mining of iron ore and bauxite. HcClesV.y has restored the 
"Cottage," in which he and his family live, and ha3 spent much time 
in reclaiming the formal gardens. His plan is to return Barnsley's 
estate to its former position as one of north Georgia's most famous 
spots. He claims not to have been bothered at all by any of the 
EarnsIcy "ghosts," but then, he has no Barasley blood! 
Uylly Folk St. John, "Talking to the Ghost of Godfrey Barnslcy," 
The Atlanta Journal,. October 4, 1942. 
"® Kitty Poole, "Auction Rammer Raps Tragic End of Ancestral Fame 
of Bamsley Manor," The Atlanta Journal, November 4, 1942. 
309. 
APPENDIX A * 
Cotton exported from the United States, 1792 - 1815. 
Pounds of cotton exported 
Year from the United States 
1792 133,328 lbs. (English manufac­
turers attempted to 
build mills to han­
dle all American 
cotton) 
1793 487,600 lbs. 
1794 1,601,700 lbs. (shows influence of 
Whitney'a cotton 
Bin) 
1795 6,276,300 lbs. 
1796 6,106,720 lbs. 
1797 3,708,429 lbs. 
1798 9,360,005 lbs. 
1799 9,532,263 lbs. 
1300 17,789,803 lbs. 
1301 20,911,201 lbs. 
1802 27,501,075 lbs. 
1803 41,115,623 lbs. 
1304 38,118,041 lbs. (crop hit hard by 
cotton worm) 
1805 30,400,000 lbs. 
1806 37,451,202 lbs. 
1807 66,212,737 lbs. 
1800 12,064,366 lbs. (Embargo) 
1809 53,210,225 lbs. 
1810 93,874,201 lbs. 
1811 62,186,031 lbs. 
1812 23,952,544 lbs. (War with England 
raised price of • 
cotton goods from 
England by 400%, 
stimulating the 
erection of cotton 
factories in the 
United States) 
1013 19,399,911 lbs. 
1814 17,806,479 lbs. 
1815 82,993,747 lbs. 
Donnell, History of Cotton. 
310. 
APPENDIX B 
The Coat of Arms of the Barnsley Family* 
* The following notation is "taken from an undated account book 
in Barnsley Papers, Georgia: 
. "Barnsley Armorial bearings — Sa, a cross between 
four roses; ar, a mullet for difference; gu, Crest 
an old man's head couped at the breast, full faced 
ppr. charged with amullet for diff. --Granted 1597." 
The following about the Barnsley coat of arms is taken from Sir Bernard 
Burke, The General Armory. (London, 1884): the cross is red, the roses 
gold on a green background. The dragon on the Crest is silver with 
a red rose on the breast. 
See also: John Burke, Burke's- Peerage, 99th Edition (London, 1949);. 
Laurence Butters, comp., Fairbairn*s Crests of the Families of Great 
Britain and Ireland, II vols. (Edinburgh, n.c/.). 
311. 
APPENDIX C 
THE ORIGINAL DRAWERS OF LOTS BOUGHT BY GODFREY BARNSIEY* 
Lot Nvinbcr None of Original Drawer County of Residence 
4 Charles G. Johnson Twiggs 
5 Thomas Johnson Be Knlb 
25 Wcstley Stone Baldwin 
26 Levi Jackson Habersham 
33 Charles Stiller Clarke 
34 James Bailey Gwinnett 
35 Riater T. Ilinos Monroe 
37 George Mansell Pulaski 
54 John Vining Jefferson 
50 Person Duncan, Jr. Elbert 
50 Daniel Rodling Jackson 
03 John Bowen Gwinnett 
64 Zechariah Johns Heard 
67 James Clayton Carroll 
85 Ann Bryan Burke 
88 Henry C. Morgan Merrivethcr 
•94 William G. Robinson Liberty 
95 James Johnson Campbell 
96 William G. McBride Jefferson 
312. 
Lot Number Name of Oriuln&l Braver 
115 AXford Bentes 
116 John Gilbert 
117 Hothen W. Isler 
County of Residence 
Wr.lt on 
Jackson 
Wilkin3on 
Smith, The Cherokee Land Lottery, 269-272. Lot No. 84 was pur­
chased in 1845 by Bamsley, the deed boinj made out to Joseph 
Scarborough as Trustee. 
313. 
APPENDIX D 
TRANSFERS OF SARNSIEY'S TVIENTY-THREE LOTS FROM ORIGINAL 
DRAUERS TO BARHSiSY 1041 - 1853 
Lot No. Original Owner Sold to, date, Sold to, date, Sold to, date, 
96 VI. G. He Bride 
price price price 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 6/3/41, 
$: *>750. 
Jcsaca Johnson 
116 John Gilbert 
Honor Miller, G. Underwood, 
7/6/41, $5 7/6/41, $300 
(Sheriff's sale) 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 9/17/41, 
$300. 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 11/1/42, 
$65. 
<-o Ann Bryan Thomaa Street, 
1/14/34, $100 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 11/2/42, 
$500. 
54 
25 
John Vining 
Vic ct ley Stone James Stone, 
1/10/36, $67 
Randall Ilenrn, James Lough- Joseph Scnr-
11/29/38, $500 ridge, 3/22/42, borough, 8/25/43, 
$100 $25. 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 9/14/44, 
$100. 
Obadiah Snotr, 
7/14/42, $70 
34 Joseph Scar­
borough, $50 
11/19/45 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 11/19/45, 
$50. 
67 James Clayton Benjamin Jen- Newdny Gate 
bins, 10/16/38, Ousley, 
$200 12/5/3-3, $250 
David Rice, 
2/4/43, $160 
117 
(continued) 
Nathan VI, 
Isler 
Lewis Ether- Robertson Fan- Julia 11, Barns-
idge, 12/27/43, brough, ley, (her Heirs) 
$200 6/17/44, $300 10/22/46, $40. 
John Hollimon, Uiley Cannon, 
8/23/35, $400 9/29/35, $200 
314. 
Lot No. Original Otmcr 
(continued) 
94 William G. 
Robinson 
37 George Hen-
sell 
4 Charles C. 
Johnson 
115 Alford Bcates 
03 Henry C. 
Morgan 
63 John Bowen, 
Sold to, date, 
price 
William Buchan­
an, 4/17/46, 
$125 
William Fish, 
(date?), ($?) 
Charles Betton, 
10/3/37, $50 
James Allen, 
3/1/34, $100 
John Hood, 
3/3/41, $125 
David Reid, 
2/14/51, $160 
John Kills, 
11/12/38, $150 
Sold to, date, 
price 
Sold to, date, 
price 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 11/11/46, 
$50. 
Joseph Scar­
borough , 
2/16/43, $50 
Joseph Scar­
borough, 
11/21/43, $75 
Joseph Scar­
borough , 
10/17/50, $175 
William Duncan, 
2/8/51, $600 
William Duncan, 
2/17/51, $425 
Matthew Craw*- George Morgan, 
ford, 11/27/39, 11/23/44, $160 
William Tay­
lor. 3/2/40, 
$200 
William Bas­
set, 9/20/50, 
$125 
(continued) 
26 Levi Jackson 
64 Zechariah Johns 
Robert Cleve­
land, 11/13/45. 
$50 
Thomas Sulli­
van, 10/7/46, 
$6 (Sheriff's 
Sale) 
George Ander­
son/ 9/26/37, 
$100 
David Reid, 
11/19/49, 
$100 
Andrew Wool-
ley, 2/13/51. 
$350 
William Duncan5 
2/17/51, $425 
William Duncan, 
3/8/51, $500 
David Hiden, William Duncan, 
10/18/37, $100 7/12/52, $75 
$100 
33 Charles Stiller John Justice, 
12/6/33, $500 
Masouri Gams, 
1/22/45, $100 
William Duncan, 
8/2/51, $360 
315. 
Lot ITo. Original Owner Sold to, date, Sold to, date, 
34 
35 
56 
5G 
price price 
Janes Bailey 
Rister Heino 
Person Dun-
can, Jr. 
John Ay cock, 
6/12/43, $50 
John Steven­
son, 9/4/48, 
$75 
John Dor soy, ) 
4/13/50, $150) 
) 
John Dorsey, ) 
2/4/51, $100 ) 
) 
George Hoore, William Solo-
3/14/37, $100 man, 8/7/51, 
$200 
Daniel Rudling Charles Day, 
12/21/43, ($?) 
Thomas Johnson William Freeman 
1/8/51, $15 
(Sheriffs sale) 
Sold to, date, 
price 
William Duncan 
8/2/51, $720 
Godfrey Barns-
ley, 9/11/51, 
$130 
William Duncan 
9/21/52, $160 
Godfrey Barns-* 
ley, 1/19/53, 
* All of these deeds are in the possession of W. E. McGlesky, present 
earner of "Bamsley Gardens." 
B I B L I O G R A P H Y  
I. Manuscripts 
Godfrey Barnsley Papers. Duke University Library, Duke University, 
Durham, North Carolina. The largest collection of papers deal­
ing exclusively with Godfrey Bamslcy is found r.t Duke. There 
nre 3,667 items and one volume of cotton shipment transactions. 
Godfrey Barnsley Papers. Emory University Library, Emory University, 
Atlanta, Georgia. This collection of more than 1,000 items and 
several volumes of account books is an excellent source of 
information for Bnrnslcy*s early life. 
Godfrey Barnsley Papers. University of Georgia Library, Athens 
Georgia. Tliis is the largest collection of Barnsley Papers 
and contains 13,761 items. Host of these have to do with 
the family after the death of Barnsley, though a few papers 
of his younger life are included. Sketches, maps, journals 
and ledgers are also included. 
Godfrey Barnsley Papers. Mrs. Alice B. Howard, Adairsville, Georgia. 
Mrs. Howard was a personal friend of Mrs. Addie B. Saylor and 
has nearly twenty ledgers and journals which belonged to Godfrey 
Barnsley, plus copies of many of the letters ho wrote during the 
last few years of his life, 
Godfrey Bamoley Papers. Mr. 17. E. McCleaky, Barnsley Gardens, 
KFD i?2, Adnirsville, Georgia. Mr, McC leaky now owns the 
former Barnsley estate in north Georgia, lie has most of the 
original deeds to the various lots of the estate plus a few 
other papers and letters of general interest. 
Godfrey Barnsley Papers. Southern Historical Collection, The 
University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, North 
Carolina. This is a rather small group of Barnsley Papers, 
having to do with George Barnsley1s life at Oglethorpe 
University and sore of his experiences during the Civil War. 
Godfrey Barnsley Papers. Hans Gottfried Barnsley Scheuenstuhl, 
423B Ilibbard Street, Chapel Hill, North Carolina. Mr. 
Scheuenstuhl is the great-great grandson of Godfrey Barnsley, 
end has the diaries and recollections of his great-grandfather, 
George Barnsley, who migrated to Braeil. 
317. 
II. COLLECTED FRULARY SOURCE MATERIALS 
Auer, T. Jeffrey, ed., Antiolavery and Disunion, 1855-1661. Nov? 
York: Harper end Row, 1963. 
A collection of writings and speeches of the Worth and the 
South in the three years prior to the beginning of the Civil 
War. 
Candler, Allen D., ed., The Confederate Records of the State of 
Georgia. 6 vols., Atlanta: Charles P. Byrd, State Printer, 
1909-1911. 
A complete account of the many Georgia regiments and companies 
during the Civil War, their movements and personnel. Also, 
most of the important papers of the Confederate State,of Georgia. 
Comnger, Henry Steele, cd., Documents of American History. 2 vols., 
Hew York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1963. 
The best concise collection of the important documents of 
American History, 
Dowdcy, Clifford, ed., The Wartime Papers of Robert B. Lee. Boston: 
Little, Brown and Co., 1961. 
A collection of most of the papers of Lee, showing the leader­
ship and personality of the Confederacy's greatest general. 
Fitapatrick, John C., ed,, The Writings of George Washington. 39 vols., 
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1931-1944. 
The best and moat accurate collection of Washington papers. 
Fleming, Walter L., Documentary History of Reconstruction. 2 vols., 
Gloucester: Peter Smith, 1960. 
Factual, with letters and papers of importance to the story of 
the South after the Civil War. 
Collections of the Georgia Historical Society. 13 vols., Savannah: 
Georgia Historical Society, 1840-1959, 
A variety of monographs on Georgia history and social life. 
Journal of the Con'"trass of the Confederate States of America. 7 vols., 
Washington, 190-4-1905. Records of debates and legislation of 
the Confederate States. 
Reports of the Committees of the Senate of the United States, for the 
First Session of the 35th Congress, Vol. 2, 1857-1858. Wash­
ington: Government Printing Office, 1858. 
318, 
Richardson, James D., comp., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers 
of the ejsidenjt 3, 1789-1397. 10 vols., Washington! Govern­
ment Printing Office, 1896-1899, 
The best source of the moot important papers of Presidents of 
the United States through Cleveland's second term. 
Rowland, Dunbar, ed., Jefferson Davis; Constitutionalist, His Letters 
Papers and Speeches. 10 vols., Jackson; Mississippi 
Department of Archives and History, 1923. 
Un-.tcc- States Naval War Records Office, Official Records of the 
Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, 20 vols., 
New York; Antiquarian Press, Ltd., 1961. 
Detailed descriptions of naval battles and skirmishes, blockade 
running and smuggling. Excellent for a broad view of naval 
affairs during the Civil War. 
The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Offleal Records of 
fiie Union and Confederate Amies. 128 vols., Washington: 
Government Printing Office, 1080-1901. 
A full record of the Civil War. Accounts of the battles, dis­
patches, personnel, etc., of both the Union and the Confederate 
Armies. 
III. NEWSPAPERS 
Atlanta, Georgia, The Conctitution, 1942. 
Atlanta, Georgia, The Atlanta Journal, 1942. 
Birmingham, Alabama, The Birmingham Post, 1943. 
Carteroville, Georgia, The Cartcrsvillc Hows-Tribune, 1961. 
Cartersvillc, Georgia, The Daily Tribune News, 1951. 
London, England, The London Times, 1319. 
New York, New York, The New York Mercantile Advertiser, 1819. 
New York, Hew York, The New York Register, 1819. 
Savannah, Georgia, The Georgian, 1818-1825. 
Savannah, Georgia, The Savannah Georgian, 1818-1335. 
Savannah, Georgia, The Savannah. Homing Hews, 1916-1919. 
319® 
IV, DIARIES AND BIOGRAPHIES 
Brodie, Fawn M®, Thaddeus Stevens t Scourge of the South® New York* 
W® W® Norton and Company, 19^9* 
A vivid account of the life of the one who has been blamed for 
most of -the difficulties of the SovJi during the Reconstruction. 
Chestnut, Mary Boykin, A Diary from Dixie,® Edited by Ben Ames Williams® 
Boston* Houghton Mifflin Co®, 19h9* 
Excellent for ante-bellum life in Charleston, South Carolina® 
Freeman, Douglas Southall, George Washington® 7 vols®, New York* 
Charles Scribner'3 Sons, 19H8-1957* 
A detailed account of the life of Washington® 
Harden, Edward J®, The Life of, George M® Troup. Savannah* Review 
Printing Co., 1559® 
A good portrayal of the life of an early Georgia governor. 
Harwell, Christopher Lee, William Henry Stilesi Georgia Qentleman-
Politician. Atlanta* Emory O'niversity Ph.D• dissertation, * 
IW* 
A rather careful study of the public and political lif® of 
Stiles, but not very valuable for personal characteristics. 
Kemble, Frances Anne, Journal of a Residence on a Georgia Plantation 
in 1838 - 1839® New York* Harper and Brothers, 1863• 
A personal account of Southern society. 
Mather, Cotton, Diary of Cotton Math®?. 2 vols®, edited by Worthing* 
ton ChaunceyTordi New fork* Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1911. 
V® SPECIAL WORKS 
AUcock, Huberts Heraldic Design. New York* Tudor Publishing Co., 
1962. 
Shows thousands of designs of shields and crests, many with 
color and complete descriptive analysis. 
Anthonys Henry B®, The Fancy Ball. Providence* (Privately printed), 
1875>« 
A colorful description of the Ball given in Savannah by 
Barnsley in 1837® 
Eoatncr, Mark llayo III, The Civil War Dictionary. Hew York: David 
McKay and Col, Inc., 1959. 
A short synopsis of most of the important battles of the War 
xd-th thumbnail biographical sketches of outstanding military 
leaders. 
Burke, Sir Bernard, The General Armory. London: Harrison, Ltd., 1904. 
Brief listings of the armorial bearings granted in England until 
date of publication. Ho biographical sketches. 
Burke, John, and Burke, Sir Bernard, Burke * a Peerage. 99th edition, 
Lrndon: Burke13 Peerage Ltd., 1949. 
A listing of British nobility with brief biographical sketches 
of the most important members of eech family. 
Butters, Laurence, comp., Fnlrbnirn1s Crests of the Families of Great 
Britain and Ireland. 2 vols., Edinburgh: Thomas C. Jack, n.*37~ 
A short description of the crests of noted British and Irish 
families, no biographical sketches. 
Cook, Virgil Young, A List of Staff Officers of the Confederate 
Army, n.p: 1913. 
Doxmell, E. J., Chronological and Statistical History of Cotton. 
Hew York: James Sutton and Co., 1S72. 
The introduction, use, development and importance of cotton 
is shown in this detailed account. Shipping tables and values 
of exports from each southern port are given for each year from 
1000 to 1870. 
Fox-Davies, Arthur Charles, Armorial Families. 6th edition, London: 
Thomas C. Jack, 1910. 
A brief listing of the families who have been awarded family 
crests in England. Ho biographical sketches. 
Gibbs, The Hon. Vicary, cd., The Complete Peerage. 13 vols., 
London: St. Catherine's Press, 1910. 
Lists of the families who have attained the status of nobility 
in England, with brief biographical sketches. 
Hall, Thomas Walter, Camp., Pedigree of Hall, n.p: 1908. Includes 
most of hhc genealogy of the families of Dernier and Bamsley, 
both of whom intermarried with Halls. 
Henderson, Lillian, comp,, Roster of _the Confederate Soldiers of 
Georgia, 1861-1865. Atlanta: Lillian Henderson, 1958. 
Houston, Martha Low, cocp., Reprint of Official Land Lottery of 
Georgia, 1827. Columbus, (Georgia):Privately printed, 1923. 
321 
Jackson, Rowland, Tim History of _tho Tm/n end Tosroship of Barasley 
in Yorkshire, from an Early Period, London: Bell and Dnldy, 18^ 8. 
A historical study of the town of Barnslcy, but xrith great 
attention to snail detail. Brief sketches of many of the most 
important fatal lies, 
Johnson, Allen, and Mr.loac, Dunns, eds., Dictionary of American 
Biography. 21 vols., Ucw York: Charles Scrihner'o Sons, 
1928-1944. 
Short, concise biographical sketches of the most important 
figures in American history. 
Smith, Y. F., The Cherokee Land Lottery, New York: Harper & Bros., 
1838. Contains a list of the nontoa of those who drew lots 
by section, giving also their hone counties. 
Strait, N. A., e.d., Roster of All the Regimental Surgeon® and 
Assistant Surgeons in _the Late War. Washington: H. A. Strait, 
1*882. 
In not complete, for it does not include those from the states 
of Georgia and Virginia. 
Urban, Sylvanus, Gent., The Gentleman1s Hc.gngine and Historical 
Chronicle. Vol. LVII, London; John Nichols, 1737. 
Vol. LXTV, London: John Nichols, 1794. 
Wilkinson, Joseph, Worthies, Families and Celebrities of Barnslcy 
mid the District. London: Benrose & Sons, 1872. 
Brief biographical studies of the leading families of the town 
of Bamsley and the area surrounding it. 
VI. SECONDARY WORKS 
Abemethy, Thomas P., The South in the Hew lietion, 1789-1319 
(vol. IV of A History of the South, 9 vols.) Baton Rouge:-
Louisiana State University Press, 1961. 
Portrays the hopes and regrets of the southern states during 
die Federalist period and through half of Konroe1s second 
term. 
Adams, Ephrain Douglas, Great Britain end the American. Civil War. 
Hew York: Russell and Russell, 1324. 
A careful study of diplomatic correspondence and maneuvers 
on the part of the Union and the Confederacy with Great Britain. 
322. 
Aldcn, John It., The South in the Revolution, 1763-1789, (vol. ill 
of A III star / of the South, 9 vols.) Baton Rouge: Louisiana 
State University Press, 1957. 
Discusses the mind of the South preparing for separation 
from England, end the participation of the colonies and states 
in the Revolution and the formation of the new government. 
Avery, I. U., The History of the States of Georgia from 1350 to 
1831. New York: Brown and Derby, 1BG1. 
Barrow, Elfrida dc Rcnne, Anchored Yesterdays. Savannah: Review 
Printing Co., 1956. 
A series of personal reminiscences, rather poorly written, 
but apparently factually correct. 
Bonner, James C. and Roberts, Lucicn E., eds., Studies in Georgia 
History and Government. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 
1940. A collection of writings on various topics having to 
do with the history of Georgia. 
Buck, H. S., The Development of the Organisation of Anglo-American 
Trade, 1000-1050. l«cw Haven: Yale University Press, 1925. 
A careful study of trade between the United States and Great 
Britain, detailing types, methods and difficulties. 
Callaway, James E,, The Early Settlement of Georgia. Athens: 
University of Georgia Press, 1948. 
A good description of colonial Georgia, 
Carter, Sodding. The Angry Scar: The Story of Re eon s true 11on. 
Hew York: Doubleday and Company, 1959. 
Colin, David L., The Life and Times of King Cotton. Hew York: 
Oxford University Press, 1955. 
An accurate, graphic description of ante-bellum South and 
the impact of cotton upon Southern economy. 
Coleman, Kenneth, The American Revolution in Georgia, 1763-1789. 
Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1958. 
A careful study of the coning of the colonial conflict and 
the differing opinions of Georgians. 
Corry, John Pitts, Indian Affairs in Georgia, 1732-1756. Philadel­
phia: 1936. 
323. 
Coulter, Ellis Herton, The Confederate States of America, IS 61-
1865 (vol. VII of A History of the South, 9 vols.) Baton Rouge; 
Louisiana State University Press, 1950. 
A scholarly account of the activities of tho Confederate 
States during the Civil War. 
Coulter, Ellis Herton, The South During Re const ruction, 1865-IS77 
(vol. VIII of A History of the South, 9 vols.) Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press, 1954. 
The Reconstruction period as seen through the eyes of a 
Southerner. Docs not reflect the "revisionist" point of view. 
Coulter, Ellis Morton, College Life In the Old South. Athens: 
University of Georgia Press, 1951. 
A description of Southern colleges before, during and after 
the Civil War, shoving social features and educational 
pursuits. 
Coulter, Ellis Her ton, A Short His tor'/ of Georgia. Chapel Hill: 
University of Horth Carolina Press, 1953. 
The best of its kind. A textbook history of Georgia, includ­
ing colonial times as well as modem. 
Craven, Avery 0,, The Growth of Southero notionalists, 1840-1061 
(vol. VI of A History of the South, 9 vols.) Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press, 1953. 
The story of the growth of the spirit of the Confederacy, 
and the development of the Southern mind prior to tho Civil War. 
Craven, Avery 0,, The Coming of the Civil War. Chicago: University 
of Chicago Press, 1957. 
The reasons for the Civil War, from slavery to economy are 
discussed end analysed. 
Cunningham, II, II., Doctors in Gray. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State 
University Press, 1960. 
A partial listing of the Confederate doctors, with brief 
biographical sketches of a few. 
Cunyus, Lucy Josephine, The His tote/ of Bar tog .County, formerly. 
Cass. Cartersville (Georgia): Tribune Publishing Company, 
1933. The only history of Bartosr. County giving a detailed 
account of its development, describing the topogrrohy and 
economy, and including biographical accounts of pioneer 
citizens. 
32U 
Davis, Jefferson, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. 
2 vols., New Yorh: Thomas Yoseloff, 1958. 
A highly biased, yet factual account of the development and 
operation of the short*lived Southern Confederacy told by 
its President. 
Eaton, Clement, The Growth of Southern Civilisation, 1790-I860. 
New Yorh: Harper and Brothers, 1961. 
Political thought and social development in the ante-bellum 
South. 
Eaton, Clement, A History of the Southern Confederacy. New York: 
The Hacmillan Company, 1959. 
An account of the events leading up tb the secession of the 
Southern states and their activities during the Civil War. 
Flanders, Ralph Betts, Plantation Slavery In Georgia. Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press, 1933. 
An excellent description of the joys and sorrows of the plan­
tation Negro, and the social and economic activities on the 
Southern estates. 
Franklin, John Hope, Reconstruction: After the Civil War. Chicago: 
University of Chicago Press, 1961. 
An excellent portrayal of the difficulties involved in the 
rebuilding of the South, presenting the "revisionist" point of 
view. 
Freeman, Douglas Southall, lee's Lieutenants. 3 vols., Ilew York: 
Charles Scribner'8 Sons, 1942. 
Biographical sketches in great detail of the leading officers 
of the Confederate Armies. 
Foreman, Grant, Indian Removal. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1953. 
The classic study of the difficulties involved in the relocation 
of the many Indian tribes. 
Gray, Lewis Cecil, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States 
to 1860# 2 vols., New York: P. Smith, 1941. 
The best of its kind. 
Hardee, Charles S* H., Reminiscences and Recollections of Old Savannah, 
edited by Martha G. Waring. Savannah: 1923. 
Highly personal accounts of city life in Savannah prior to the 
Civil War. 
325. 
Harden, William, A History of Savannah and South Georgia. 
Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1913. 
A sectional!zed account of South Georgia, written in a subjective 
and unscholnrly manner. 
Helper, Hinton R., The Impending Crisis of the Hew South. 
New York: A. R. Burdiclc, 1360. 
A prophetic warning of the developments which were to come 
in the South. 
Hesseltine, William B., Confederate Leaders in the Hew South. 
B"ton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950. 
Discussions of the •'.hiliti.ee and activities of Southern 
politicians told by one of the leading authorities on Southern 
history. 
Hesseltine, William 3., The South in American History. New York: 
Prentice-Hall, 1943. 
A careful study of the development of Southern thought and 
development, and the impact of the South on the whole of 
American history. 
Hill, Lawrence P., The Confederate Exodus to Latin America. 
Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1936. 
The story of those who left the South after the Civil War and 
migrated to South America, with a brief biographical sketch 
of the important leaders and the reasons which impelled them 
to leave their own country. 
Hitchcock, Henry, Marching With Sherman. New Ilaven: Yale Univ csity 
Press, 1927. 
A highly personalised account of the tragic march of Sherman 
through Georgia, 
Howard, Prances Thomas, In and Out of the Lines. Hew York: The llcole 
Publishing Company, 19G5. 
A personal account of incidents during the occupation of 
Georgia by Federal troops, 1864-1865. Centered in Bartow 
County and written by a neighbor of the Bams lay's. 
Johnson, Amanda, Georgia as Colony and State. Atlanta: Walter Pwoss, 
1933. 
A popular account of Georgia, its development and importance to 
the South. 
Jones, Charles C., History of Savannah, Georgia. Syracuse: D. Mason 
and Company, 1890. 
A rather poor account of the city of Savannah; many gaps and 
not fluent in style. 
325 
Knight, Lucian Lamar, Georgia1s.Landmarks, Memorials and Legends. 
2 vols., Atlanta: Byrd Printing Co., 1913. 
Vivid descriptions of important sites in Georgia, not 
highly factual nor too well authenticated. 
Knight, Lucian Lamar, leainleeetices of Famous Georgians. 2 vols., 
Atlanta: Franklin-Turner Co., 1907. 
Personalized accounts of leading politicians and statesmen 
of Georgia from colonial times through the 1800*s. 
Knight, Lucian Lamar, A Standard Iliatory of Georgia and Georgians. 
5 vole., Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1917. 
A detailed story of Georgia, with many personal descriptions 
and biographical sketches. 
Lee, F.I)., and Agnew, J.L., Historical Record of the City of Savannah. 
Savannah: J. 11. Estill, 1869. 
Detailed account, year by year, of moat of the important events 
of the city until date of publication. 
Lytle, William H* Comp., Merchant Steam Vessels of the United States, 
1807-1863. Mystic (Connecticut): The Steamship Historical." 
Society of America, 1952. 
The history of the steamship in the United States. 
Ilalone, Henry Thompson, Cherokees of the Old South: A People in 
Transition. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1956. 
A graphic description of the Cherokees, their characteristics 
and importance to Georgia, as veil as the difficulties encountered 
by white settlers in Cherokee lands. 
McCrady, Edward, The History of South Carolina, 1719*1776. How York: 
The Mactnillan Co., 1901. 
Koorc, Albert Burton, History of Alabama. Tuscaloosa: Alabama Book 
Store, 1951. 
Murphy, Christopher, and Hartridge, Walter C., Savannah. Columbia: 
Bostick and Thornby, 1947. 
A brief history of the city, with a few personal recollections. 
Kevins, Allan, The Ordeal of the Union. 6 vols., New York: Charles 
Scribner,s Sons, 1947-1950. 
An excellent story of the Civil War told in an objective manner. 
Nor then, W, J., Men of Mark in Georgia. 7 vols., Atlanta: A. B. 
Caldwell, 1907-1912.' 
Biographies of famous Georgians who made an impact on the 
society, politics, education and religion*of the State. 
327. 
Owsley, Frank Lawrence, King Cotton Diplomacy. Chicago: University 
of Chicago Press, 1959. 
A good account of the foreign relations and diplomatic connections 
of the Confederacy. 
Perkerson, Hcdora Field, Uhife Coitions in Georgia. Hew York: 
Rtnehart and Co., Inc., 1952. 
A stylised, highly detailed, imscholarly description of many 
of the most famous and popular plantations and estates In 
Georgia. Quite readable. 
Phillips', Ulrich Bonnell, Life and Labor in the Old South. Boston: 
Little, Brown and Co., 1930, 
An excellent account of Southern society on the plantation and 
in the city. Contains many valuable statistics and much in­
formation concerning the economy of the region. 
Randall, James G., Civil liar and Reconstruetion. Boston: D. C. Beath 
and Company, 1937. 
One of the best accounts of the tragic era. 
Saxon, Lyle, Old Louisiana. New Orleans: Robert L. Crager, 1950. 
A good history of Louisiana, with many biographical sketches; 
shows the importance of the development to the whole South of 
the city of Hew Orleans and the state cf Louisiana. 
Saye, Albert Berry, A Constitutional History of Georgia, 1732-1945. 
Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1945. 
Vividly portrays the development of constitutional thought In 
Georgia, and the various constitutions of the state, 
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., The Age of Jackson, Boston: Little, 
Brown and Company, 1948. 
The most popular account of a popular President told in a 
most scholarly style, with evidence of intense research. 
Sholes, A. E., comp., Chronological History of Savannah. Savannah: 
The Morning Hews Print., 1900. 
Simlcins, Francis Butler, A History of the South, Hew York: Alfred 
A. Knopf, 1953. 
A factual, objective account in a textbook. 
Sinclair, Harold. The Port of Hew Orleans. Garden City: Doubledny, 
Doran and Co., Inc., 1942. 
A most interesting description of the city, with historical 
sketches and accounts of its financial and economic Importance 
over the past two centuries. 
228* 
Smith, Justin H, >, The War with Hexico, 2 vols., New York: 
The Macmillan Co., 1919 
A careful, scholarly and detailed account of the Mexican War. 
Stokes, Thomas L., Rivers of America,; The Savannah. Mew York: Rine-
hnrt and Co., 1951 
An interesting account of the importance of the Savannah River. 
Shows the social life of the area served by the river and its 
Importance to the economy of the South. 
Summersell, Charles G., Mobile: History of a Seaport Town. 
University (Alabama); University of Alabama Press, 1949, 
Sydnor, Charles S., The Development of Southern Sectionalism, 
1819-1348 (vol." V of A History of the South, 9 vols. ). 
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1948. 
The best account of the rice of the feciing of Southern 
importance. Vivid portrayals of the economy end politics 
of the South in the period. 
Tcnkersley, Allen P., College Life at Old Oglethorpe. Athena: 
University of Georgia Press, 1951. 
The history of Oglethorpe University as told by a lending 
alumnus, with highly personalised accounts and stories. 
Turner, Frederick Jackson, The United States, 1830-1850. Gloucester: 
Peter Smith, 1958. 
The classic study of the United States as a frontier moving 
toward the West. 
Two Hundredth Anniversary Commission, Pageant Book. Savannah: 
City of Savannah, 1933. 
The schedule of events during the anniversary celebration. 
Tyler, Alice Felt, Freedom's Ferment. Minneapolis: University of 
Minnesota Press, 1944. 
A careful study of social phenomena in the United States during 
the nineteenth century. 
Wiley, Bell Irwin, The Life of Johnny Fob. Hew York: Bobbs-Merrill 
Company, 1943. 
An excellent account of the Confederate soldier, with personal 
sketches and descriptions of life in the South. 
Williams, T. Harry, Romance and Reglism in Southern Politics. 
Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1961. 
An attempt to show both sides of the South and its problems. 
Wilson, Adelaide, Historic and Picturesque Savannah. Boston: 
Boston Photogravure Co., 1889. 
An unscholnrly description of the city. 
329 
Woodward, C. Vsnn, The Burden of SouJ;herii History. Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press, I960. 
An excellent account of the difficulties in the development 
of Southern thought, 
Woolfolk, George Ruble, The Cot ton Regency: The Northern Merchants 
and Reconstruction, 1865-1800, New York": Bookman Associates, 1953. 
An account of the lasting importance of cotton after the Civil 
War. 
VIII. ARTICLES 
Bailey, Hugh C., "Disloyalty in Early Confederate Alabama," 
Journal of Southern History, XXIII (November, 1957), 522-523. 
Beale, Howard K., "On Rewriting Reconstruction History," American 
Historical Review, XLV (July, 1940), 807-327. 
A good account ox the changes then apparent in views of the 
Reconstruction period. 
Chalmers, Effie, "Phillips Buy Old Mansion in Georgia," The 
Birm.ihfohata Post, August 16, 1943. 
The story of the auction and sale of "Bamsley Gardens" to 
a Birmingham family, and their plans to restore it. 
Cole, Arthur C., "Lincoln's Election an Iranediate Menace to Slavery 
in the States?" American Historical Review, XXXVI (October, 
1930), 740-767. 
The author takes the view that the election of Lincoln did 
not pose as much difficulty for the South as hod been supposed. 
Craven, Avery 0., "The Coining of the War Between the States: An 
Interpretation," Journal of Southern History, II (August, 
1935), 303-322. 
Daily, R. P., "Vessels That Have Borne the Name Savannah," Georgia 
Hi.storical Quarterly» XVIII, Ho. 2. (June, 1934), 88-97. 
A list and description of the many ships throughout the 
history of the United States which have been named Savannah. 
Edwards, Kike, "Hew Yorker Hopes to Locate Steamship Savannah," 
The Atlanta Journal, December 26, 1961. 
Tills author had reason to believe that he could locate the old 
hulk of the first steamship to cross the Atlantic along the 
Coast of Long Island. 
330. 
Fey, Harold E„, "The Cherokee Trail of Tears," The Christian 
Century, LXXII (June 8, 1955). 
An explanation of the miseries of the removal of the Cherokees 
and their attempt to relive those days in a drama "Unto There 
Hills," as it is annually given each year at Cherokee, North 
Carolinn. 
Fidler, William Perry, "Augusta Evans Wilson <ts a Confederate 
Propagandist," Alabama Review, II (January, 1949), 32-44* 
Augusta Evans Wilson, author of St. Elmo, is considered to 
be an effective Southern Propagandist. 
Fitnhugh, George, "Disunion Within the Union," Dc Bow1o Review, 
XXVIII (1.3CC), 1-7. 
The story of the difficulties being faced by the Federal 
Government at the tine of the Civil War. 
Flippin, Percy Scott, "The Royal Government in Georgia, 1752-1776," 
Georgia Historical Quarterly, VIII (March, 1924), 27-44. 
liesseltine, William B., "Economic Factors in the Abandonment of 
Reconstruction," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 
XXII (September, 1935), 191-210. 
The Reconstruction policies of the Worth were not economically 
feasible. 
Jennings, Joe, "111 Wind in the Cherokee Hills," The Christian Century, 
LXXVI (November 18, 1959). 
The story of the difficulties of the Cherokee peoples 
since their removal west and In presenting their yearly 
drama, "Unto These Hills." 
Lambert, Robert S., "The Confiscation of Loyalist Property in 
Georgia, 1702-1706," William sad Hagy Quarterly, XX (Janu­
ary, 1963), 76-03. 
An account of patriot action against those who remained 
loyal to Great Britain during the Revolutionary War. 
Lwton, Alexander R., "An Address by Alexander R. Lev/ton," 
Georgia Historical Quarterly, III (June, 1919), 46-56. 
A factual survey of Savannah during the second decade of 
the eighteenth century, with great fjmphasis on William 
Scarborough and his importance to the city. 
Hahan, Joe, "Georgia's Ruined Castle," The Atlanta Journal, 
September 8, 1940. 
A narrative account "of Godfrey Unrealcy' s north Georgia 
home, "Woodlands." Well told and factual. 
Pierce, Katharine, "Georgia Ghost Predicted Attack on Pearl 
Harbor," The Atlanta Journal, anil Conetitution Hagasine, 
December 3, 1950. 
The narrative of lira. Savior1 o vision or dream of the 
possible attack on Pearl Harbor. 
Poole, Kitty, "Auction Hammer Raps Tragic End of Ancestral Fame 
of Barnsley Manor," Atlanta Journal, November 4, 1942. 
An eye-witness account of the sale of "Bnrnoley Gardens," 
Prucha, Francis Paul, "Thomas L. HcKennoy and the Ilew York Indian 
Goard," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XLVIII (March, 
1962). 
An excellent report on the problem of removing the Indians 
from Georgia and North Carolina, and the methods used by 
President Andrew Jnclcson in connection with it. 
Rnmsdell, Charles U., "The Natural Limits of Slavery Expansion," 
Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XVI (September, 1929), 
151-171. 
Say lor, Mrs, Addle B., "Ghosts of Bams ley Gardens," The 
Atlanta Journal, January 11, 1942. 
The first of three articles by Mrs. Snylor, granddaughter 
of Godfrey Barnsley, telling of the family and their home 
near Kingston. 
Saylor, Mrs. Addio B., "Barnsley Saved By Its Beauty," The 
Atlanta Journal, January 18, 1942. 
Saylor, Mrs. Addle B., "St. Elmo Born at Barnsley Gardens," 
The Atlanta Journal, January 25, 1942. 
St. John, Wylly Folic, "Talking to the Ghost of Barnsley," The 
Atlanta Journal Magazine, October 4, 1942. 
An account by an eye-witness and participant of a 
spiritualistic seance held at Barnsley Gardens. 
Wcisherger, Bernard A., "The Dark and Bloody Ground of Reconstruction 
Historiography," Journal of Southern History, XXV (November, 
1959), 427-447. 
Yancey, Maud H., "Duel Fought With Poison," The Atlanta Journal, 
May 24, 1931.