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    <title>KU Scholarworks Community: Slavic Languages and Literatures</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/735</link>
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      <title>The “Third Language” in Translations from Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5476</link>
      <description>Title: The “Third Language” in Translations from Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Dickey, Stephen M.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The author discusses the problem of translating important words and phrases from a language that is neither the primary source language nor the target language, but nevertheless a stylistic component of the original. The discussion is limited to the translation of artistic literature and uses Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian literature, with elements of Turkish and German, as an example.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Description: Original published on-line at: http://www.americantranslators.org/divisions/SLD/slavfile/spring-2009.pdfDescription: Author's copy; please refer to published version for citations.</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Verbal Aspect and Negation in Russian and Czech</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5475</link>
      <description>Title: Verbal Aspect and Negation in Russian and Czech&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Dickey, Stephen M.; Kresin, Susan C.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: This article compares aspectual usage in contexts of negation in Russian and Czech narratives. It examines the four possible aspectual correspondences: Russian imperfective : Czech imperfective (common), Russian perfective : Czech perfective (common), Russian imperfective : Czech perfective (frequent), and Russian perfective : Czech imperfective (infrequent). The data is argued to support the hypothesis that aspect in Czechprimarily expresses a distinction in totality, whereas aspect in Russian expresses a distinction in temporal definiteness. Aspectual usage in contexts of negated repetition is also examined. The question of grounding is considered in light of the comparative data, and it is found that previous views of grounding with regard to aspect and negation can be replaced by a more nuanced sense of grounding that accommodates variation across languages. Finally, data from other Slavic languages are adduced, which indicate that thedifferences discussed between Czech and Russian are symptomatic of the overall east-west division in Slavic aspect established by Dickey (2000).&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Description: Most recent author version</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>Хохотнул, схитрил: The Relationship between Semelfactives Formed with -NU- and S- in Russian</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5474</link>
      <description>Title: Хохотнул, схитрил: The Relationship between Semelfactives Formed with -NU- and S- in Russian&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Dickey, Stephen M.; Laura, Janda&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: We know relatively little about the relationship between verbs with the suffix -nu-, such as крикнуть ‘shout once’, and verbs with the prefix s-, such as сглупить ‘do something stupid’ and сходить ‘walk someplace and back once’. In her Cluster Model of Russian aspect Janda (2007) claims that there is a single group of such Perfectives, namely the Single Act Perfectives. In order to evaluate this claim, we have gathered a database that includes both types of Single Act Perfectives and undertaken a statistical analysis. On the basis of this analysis we show that the distribution of the -nu- and s- morphemes is very much dependent on the morphological class of the verb. In addition, we have traced the historical development of the meaning of semelfactivity for the prefix s- and our study shows that this development comports well with the development of actional meanings for prefixes in Russian in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This article presents new data concerning semelfactive Perfectives in Russian, along with an analysis of this data. The article raises questions about the historical development of aspect in Russian and about allomorphy in general.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Description: To appear in Russian Linguistics</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 04 Sep 2009 18:28:54 GMT</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>Delimitative Verbs in Russian, Czech and Slavic</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5473</link>
      <description>Title: Delimitative Verbs in Russian, Czech and Slavic&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Dickey, Stephen M.; Hutcheson, Julie&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: This article presents a comparative investigation of delimitative verbs prefixed in po- in Russian, Czech and the other Slavic languages. It is shown that po- delimitatives are relatively highly productive in a group of eastern Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Polish, Bulgarian, Macedonian), whereas these verbs are either unproductive or productive only to a limited degree in a western group of languages (Czech, Slovak, Slovene, Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian). The relative productivity of po- delimitatives in the eastern and western groups of Slavic languages is thus shown to correlate with other parameters of Slavic verbal aspect discussed by Dickey (2000). The high productivity of po- delimitatives in the eastern group is argued to be a consequence of the hypothesized meaning of the perfective aspect, temporal definiteness, in these languages. Temporal definiteness is relatively independent of verb type: atelic activities can also be temporally definite. On the other hand, the low productivity of po- delimitatives in the western group is argued to be a consequence of the retention by these languages of totality as the meaning of the perfective aspect, which largely restricts the class of perfective verbs to telic predicates (accomplishments and achievements). The productive class of po- delimitatives in the eastern group is an innovation, and is argued to have contributed to the grammaticalization of the aspect opposition in those languages.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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