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    <title>KU Scholarworks Collection: Slavic Linguistics</title>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5607">
    <title>Расцвет и падение лениции взрывных в словенском языке</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5607</link>
    <description>Title: Расцвет и падение лениции взрывных в словенском языке&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Greenberg, Marc L.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The author describes the process of lenition of voiced stops b, d, g to fricatives in Slovene and their later replacement by stops under certain conditions.</description>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5605">
    <title>Circumflex Advancement in Prekmurje and Beyond</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5605</link>
    <description>Title: Circumflex Advancement in Prekmurje and Beyond&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Greenberg, Marc L.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The article discusses the advancement of the inherited Proto-Slavic falling tone ("circumflex") in Slovene dialects with a focus on the eastern periphery of the Slovene dialect territory and the western periphery of the Croatian Kajkavian territory. It is found that restrictions on the advancement from the first syllable to the second syllable are found on both western and eastern peripheries of the Slovene territory. As a result a the author notes a hierarchy of environments in which the advancement is realized.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Description: Also available from the journal's digital repository, University of Washington: https://digital.lib.washington.edu/ojs/index.php/ssj/article/view/3884/3292</description>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5475">
    <title>Verbal Aspect and Negation in Russian and Czech</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5475</link>
    <description>Title: Verbal Aspect and Negation in Russian and Czech&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Dickey, Stephen M.; Kresin, Susan C.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: This article compares aspectual usage in contexts of negation in Russian and Czech narratives. It examines the four possible aspectual correspondences: Russian imperfective : Czech imperfective (common), Russian perfective : Czech perfective (common), Russian imperfective : Czech perfective (frequent), and Russian perfective : Czech imperfective (infrequent). The data is argued to support the hypothesis that aspect in Czechprimarily expresses a distinction in totality, whereas aspect in Russian expresses a distinction in temporal definiteness. Aspectual usage in contexts of negated repetition is also examined. The question of grounding is considered in light of the comparative data, and it is found that previous views of grounding with regard to aspect and negation can be replaced by a more nuanced sense of grounding that accommodates variation across languages. Finally, data from other Slavic languages are adduced, which indicate that thedifferences discussed between Czech and Russian are symptomatic of the overall east-west division in Slavic aspect established by Dickey (2000).&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Description: Most recent author version</description>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5474">
    <title>Хохотнул, схитрил: The Relationship between Semelfactives Formed with -NU- and S- in Russian</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/5474</link>
    <description>Title: Хохотнул, схитрил: The Relationship between Semelfactives Formed with -NU- and S- in Russian&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Dickey, Stephen M.; Laura, Janda&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: We know relatively little about the relationship between verbs with the suffix -nu-, such as крикнуть ‘shout once’, and verbs with the prefix s-, such as сглупить ‘do something stupid’ and сходить ‘walk someplace and back once’. In her Cluster Model of Russian aspect Janda (2007) claims that there is a single group of such Perfectives, namely the Single Act Perfectives. In order to evaluate this claim, we have gathered a database that includes both types of Single Act Perfectives and undertaken a statistical analysis. On the basis of this analysis we show that the distribution of the -nu- and s- morphemes is very much dependent on the morphological class of the verb. In addition, we have traced the historical development of the meaning of semelfactivity for the prefix s- and our study shows that this development comports well with the development of actional meanings for prefixes in Russian in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This article presents new data concerning semelfactive Perfectives in Russian, along with an analysis of this data. The article raises questions about the historical development of aspect in Russian and about allomorphy in general.&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Description: To appear in Russian Linguistics</description>
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