<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/" xmlns:taxo="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/taxonomy/" xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
  <channel>
    <title>KU Scholarworks Collection: Volume 26 (2002), KWPL</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/583</link>
    <description />
    <items>
      <rdf:Seq>
        <rdf:li resource="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/591" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/590" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/589" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/588" />
      </rdf:Seq>
    </items>
  </channel>
  <textInput>
    <title>The Collection's search engine</title>
    <description>Search the Channel</description>
    <name>search</name>
    <link>http://kuscholarworks.ku.edu/dspace/simple-search</link>
  </textInput>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/591">
    <title>DO MASS NOUNS CONSTITUTE A SEMANTICALLY UNIFORM CLASS?</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/591</link>
    <description>Title: DO MASS NOUNS CONSTITUTE A SEMANTICALLY UNIFORM CLASS?&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Nicolas, David&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Research on mass nouns has focused on concrete terms. So, are there semantic properties shared by all mass terms? We first consider concrete nouns like milk and furniture. Contra Cheng (1973), we show that they can be held to refer distributively (i.e. to apply to any part of what they apply to) only if this property is understood with a new part-relation, that of N -part. In addition, they refer cumulatively: when they apply to each of two things, they also apply to the two things considered together. We then turn to abstract mass terms like beauty and love. We find, surprisingly, that they too refer distributively and cumulatively.</description>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/590">
    <title>ACOUSTIC AND PERCEPTUAL EVIDENCE OF COMPLETE NEUTRALIZATION OF WORD-FINAL TONAL SPECIFICATION IN JAPANESE</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/590</link>
    <description>Title: ACOUSTIC AND PERCEPTUAL EVIDENCE OF COMPLETE NEUTRALIZATION OF WORD-FINAL TONAL SPECIFICATION IN JAPANESE&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Maniwa, Kazumi&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: This study investigated the extent to which the Japanese lexical pitch-accent distinction is neutralized in word-final position. Native speakers of Tokyo Japanese produced minimal word pairs differing in final accent status. Words were produced both in isolation and in a sentential context, where neutralization would not be expected due to following tonal specification. Examination of pitch patterns on relevant moras revealed a clear distinction between accent-opposed pairs produced in context but no such difference between items produced in isolation. Both the words produced in isolation and the words excised from sentential contexts were then presented to Japanese listeners in a lexical identification task. Participants could clearly distinguish items extracted from sentences but identified words uttered in isolation at chance level. These results suggest that phonological neutralization of final pitch accent is complete, showing no effects of underlying specification in either production or perception.</description>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/589">
    <title>EFFECTS OF CONTEXT FO RANGE IN PERCEPTION AND PRODUCTION OF A LEXICAL, TONAL DISTINCTION</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/589</link>
    <description>Title: EFFECTS OF CONTEXT FO RANGE IN PERCEPTION AND PRODUCTION OF A LEXICAL, TONAL DISTINCTION&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Wade, Travis&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Fundamental frequency range is generally considered a variable, non-linguistic element of speech intonation. This study examined whether absolute FO is predictable based on previous intonational context and is perceptually significant. Tokyo Japanese speakers produced sentences pairs differing lexically in the presence/absence of one pitch accent, as responses to speech cues. FO placement of high tones was consistent across speakers and uniformly dependent on the cue intonation. Continuous manipulation of these sentences between typical accented and nonaccent-containing versions were then presented to Japanese listeners for lexical identification. Perception was not significantly altered in compensation for artificial manipulation of preceding intonation. Results are generally consistent with the notion that pitch does not vary gradiently across speakers and situations but constitutes a predictable part of the phonetic specification of tones.</description>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/1808/588">
    <title>LIGHT VERB JUST AS A LITTLE</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/1808/588</link>
    <description>Title: LIGHT VERB JUST AS A LITTLE&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Jung, Dukkyo&lt;br/&gt;&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: In this paper I argue that the light verb ha in Korean is an overt realization of the v head. Ha/ci alternation in Korean psych verbs makes a strong case for DO/BECOME meanings of v, whose semantic contribution is undetermined and contextualized in English. For Korean, the absence of the class of English type denominal verbs is morphological evidence for this view. This study of Korean light verb constructions clarifies Harley's (1995, 1999) suggestion that recognizing the complements of v (V/P) as a predicative structure denoting events, things, or states helps to contextualize the interpretation of little v along with its determining environments. But the argument that no lexical content for v need be posited is challenged in Korean light verb ha.</description>
  </item>
</rdf:RDF>

